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FOCUS: More Money, Less Democracy Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=15946"><span class="small">Bill Moyers, Moyers & Company</span></a>   
Monday, 24 September 2012 11:34

Moyers writes: "All that spending by the parties, corporations, super PACs and other outside groups will push political ad spending up this year by half a billion dollars."

Portrait, Bill Moyers. (photo: Robin Holland)
Portrait, Bill Moyers. (photo: Robin Holland)


More Money, Less Democracy

By Bill Moyers, Moyers & Company

24 September 12

 

n this essay, Bill examines how the Citizens United decision has candidates campaigning for cash more than votes, and how that money - pouring into TV ads and high-paid political consultants - is creating "a racket, plain and simple."

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9HIcxqYmXtU

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Monday, 24 September 2012 10:49

Cole writes: "Comedian Bill Maher puts himself in the company

Juan Cole; public intellectual, prominent blogger, (photo: Informed Comment)
Juan Cole; public intellectual, prominent blogger, (photo: Informed Comment)


Why Bill Maher’s Blood Libel is Bigotry

By Juan Cole, Informed Comment

24 September 12

 

omedian Bill Maher puts himself in the company of "9/11 liberals" who believe that Islam as a religion is different and decidedly worse than all other religions. He said Friday that 'at least half of all Muslims believe it is all right to kill someone who insults 'the Prophet.' His bad faith is immediately apparent in the reference to 9/11, not the work of mainstream Muslims but of a political cult whose members often spent their time in strip clubs.

Now, it may be objected that Maher has made a career of attacking all religions, and promoting irreverence toward them. So Islam is just one more target for him. But that tack wouldn't entirely be true. He explicitly singles Islam out as more, much more homocidal than the other religions. He is personally unpleasant to his Muslim guests, such as Keith Ellison. His reaction to the youth of the Arab Spring gathering to try to overthrow their American-backed dictators was "the Arabs are revolting." Try substituting "Jews" to see how objectionable that is.

Maher ironically has de facto joined an Islamophobic network that is funded by the Mellon Scaife Foundation and other philanthropies tied to the American Enterprise Institute, etc. which is mainly made up of evangelical Christians, bigoted American Jews who would vote for the Likud Party if they could, and cynical Republican businessmen and politicians casting about for something with which to frighten working class Americans into voting for them.

Maher is a consistent liberal and donated $1 million to the Obama campaign, so he is in odd company in targeting Muslims this way. So what explains this animus against Muslims in particular? The only thing he has in common with the Islamophobic Right is his somewhat bloodthirsty form of militant Zionism. He strongly supported the Israeli attack on helpless little Lebanon in 2006, in which the Israelis dropped a million cluster bombs on the farms of the south of that country. He talks about how the besieged Palestinians of Gaza deserve to be "nuked." His interviews with Likudnik Israeli officials are typically fawning, unlike his combative style with other right wing guests.

In short, Maher is in part reacting as a nationalist to Muslims as a rival national group, and his palpable hatred for them is rooted not in religion but in national self-conception. It is a key tactic of militant Zionism to attempt to demonize and delegitimize Muslims; you don't have to apologize for colonizing or imposing Apartheid on Palestinians, after all, if they aren't really human beings. In addition, like many Americans, Maher sees the United States, Europe and Israel as 'the West' locked in a rivalry with an alien, Islamic civilization that is intrinsically fanatical and backward (his fellow-traveller on this issue, Pamela Geller, uses the word 'savage.') Maher is aware of the history of Christian bloodthirstiness, of course, but he often speaks of it as being in the past. He seems to see contemporary Muslims as having the same sorts of flaws (Inquisition, Crusades) as medieval Christianity.

Maher is not important, but his thesis is widely put forward, and it matters in real people's lives. There is a nation-wide campaign by religious bigots (most of them sadly evangelical Christians) to prevent American Muslims from building mosques in their communities, and one of the reasons often given is 'fear' that the Muslims are homicidal and so the mosque is a conspiracy to commit murder waiting to happen. Maher's singling out of Muslim as different willy-nilly encourages people to treat them as different, i.e., to discriminate against them.

It is significant that Maher tries to pin the label 'murderer' on the Muslims (or half of them?) Because one of the centerpieces of classical Western hatred of Jews was the blood libel, the allegation that they stole the babies of Christians and sacrificed them in secret rituals. It is hard to see what the difference is between that and arguing that some 3 million American Muslims are walking around like a grenade with the pin pulled out. Both blood libels configure a non-Christian group as homicidal, and locate the impulse for their alleged killing sprees in secret religious beliefs opaque to the normal Christian.

Refuting Maher would be tedious and, as others have noted, like nailing jello to the wall, since he doesn't have a cogent set of testable theses about Muslims, he just despises them. For what it is worth, It is fairly easy to show that Maher's specific assertions about Muslims, and more especially about American Muslims, are simply not true. Most reject militant groups, and nearly 80% want a two-state solution on Israel and Palestine, i.e. they accept Israel assuming Palestinian statelessness is ended.

Crowd politics is different in various parts of the world and it is certainly true that riots can be provoked in each culture by different things. It is a straw man to say Muslims "would" kill people for insulting Muhammad. How many such killings happen each year? where? And it stacks the deck against them to single out their motive from other possible impetuses to violence. Is the complaint that they are more violent than other people (not in evidence)? Or that their motives for violence are peculiar (depends on how you classify them)? In the United States, the police beating of Rodney King resulted in 3000 shops being burned down in Los Angeles. Race seems to be the thing that sets off riots in the US. Rioting over race relations is so common that major such incidents, as in Cincinnati, often do not even get national press.

The touchiness of Muslims about assaults on the Prophet Muhammad is in part rooted in centuries of Western colonialism and neo-colonialism during which their religion was routinely denounced as barbaric by the people ruling and lording it over them. That is, defending the Prophet and defending the post-colonial nation are for the most part indistinguishable, and being touchy over slights to national identity (and yes, Muslimness is a kind of national identity in today's world) is hardly confined to Muslims.

In India, dozens of Christians have sometimes been killed by rioting Hindus angry over allegations of missionary work. Killing people because you think they tried to convert members of your religion to another religion? Isn't it because such a conversion is an insult to your gods?

In Myanmar, angry Buddhists have attacked the hapless Muslim minority, sometimes alleging they were avenging an instance of the rape of a Buddhist girl (i.e. these are like lynchings in the Jim Crow South).

Or then there have been Sri Lanka Buddhist attacks on Tamil Christians. In fact, Sri Lanka Buddhists have erected a nasty police state and shown a propensity for violence against the Tamil minority, some elements of which have had revolutionary or separatist aspirations (not everybody in the group deserves to be punished for that).

And, militant Israeli Jews have set fire to Muslim mosques in Palestine and recently tried to "lynch" three Palestinians in Jerusalem. If Maher thinks only Muslims are thin-skinned, he should try publicly criticizing Israeli policy in America and see what happens to him.

Since Iraq didn't have 'weapons of mass destruction' and wasn't connected to 9/11, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that 300 million Americans brutally attacked and militarily occupied that country for 8 1/2 years, resulting in the deaths of perhaps hundreds of thousands of Iraqis, the wounding of millions, and the displacement of millions more, mainly because Iraq's leader had talked dirty about America. Now that is touchy.

Americans tut-tutting over riots in the Arab world appear to have led sheltered lives. In most of the world, crowd actions are common over all kinds of issues, beyond the ones of race, class and college sports teams that routinely provoke them here. When I was living in India there were always items in the newspaper about a bus driver accidentally running over a pedestrian, and then an angry mob forming that killed the bus driver. Neighborhood nationalism. The same sort of crowds gather when a blaspheming author drives his discourse into the sanctity of their neighborhood. It is appalling, but I'm not sure what exactly you would do about that sort of thing. It certainly isn't confined to Muslims.

In fact, the crowd that attacked the US embassy in Cairo was just 2000 or so people, tiny by Egyptian standards. A demonstration that only attracted 2000 people would usually be considered a dismal failure in Cairo. Likewise, for all its horror and destructiveness, the crowd that assaulted the US consulate in Benghazi was very small, a few hundred people. Many of them have now been chased out of town by outraged Libyans disturbed at this affront to their city's reputation as a cradle of a revolution made for the sake of human rights. A careful comparison in percentage terms of the size of the crowds that protested Mubarak's rule in Cairo (hundreds of thousands) with the size of those who protested the so-called film attacking the Prophet Muhammad, shows that the latter is hardly worth mentioning.

Maher is using his position as a comedic gadfly to promote hatred of one-sixth of humankind, and that is wrong, any way you look at it.


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The GOP Is Officially a Third Party Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=7118"><span class="small">Carl Gibson, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Monday, 24 September 2012 08:53

Excerpt: "We are witnessing a full-on implosion of the Republican Party. GOP used to stand for 'Grand Old Party,' but it now stands for 'Greedy Old Plutocrats.' "

U.S. Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney listens to questions from the press.  (photo: Jim Young/Reuters)
U.S. Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney listens to questions from the press. (photo: Jim Young/Reuters)


The GOP Is Officially a Third Party

By Carl Gibson, Reader Supported News

24 September 12

 

f one political party's standard-bearer for president wrote off half of the electorate as people who would never vote for him, and his message appealed to and was catered specifically toward only 1% of the voting public, why should anyone take that party or that candidate seriously enough for them to have a shot at winning?

It's understandable that Mitt Romney wrote off half of the electorate, because he and his friends in the American corporatocracy simply speak entirely different languages. The nation's median income, which is already a statistic skewed far higher than normal by outliers at the top, is only $50,000. But according to Romney, a household making a quarter of a million dollars a year, which only 2% of households make, is "middle class." And $360,000 for speaking fees, which is greater than 6 median income families make per year combined is apparently not a lot of money. His assertion that the 47% of Americans who pay no income tax are government moochers applies to a wide swath of Americans, including working families with children making anywhere from $30,000 up to above $50,000. These families pay negative federal income tax rates thanks to programs like the Child Tax Credit and the Earned Income Tax Credit. Besides, Romney himself benefited from a $10 million bailout at Bain Capital. For a family of 3 on welfare to receive as much help from Uncle Sam as Mitt Romney, they'd have to be on welfare for 328 years.

For those still convinced that the GOP should still be a major party, Romney's gaffes notwithstanding, take a look at how the Republicans in the House of Representatives have voted over the last few years, particularly for the budgets they've proposed and endorsed. While they have no problem voting down tax cuts for middle class households (those making less than $250,000 a year), Republicans have steadfastly endorsed cutting taxes for the top 1% to even lower levels in their official budget proposal. That same budget makes the bulk of its cuts from social programs that are primarily there to benefit the middle class and the poor. The House Republican budget even makes part of its $4 trillion in cuts by ending federal funding for school lunch programs, meaning 280,000 poor kids would have less to eat, all so millionaires can have even bigger tax cuts.

Not to be outdone, Senate Republicans unanimously voted down a bill that would stop taxpayer subsidies for corporations that fired American workers and shipped their jobs overseas. They voted down assistance for homeless female veterans, and even just recently voted down a bill that would have provided jobs to unemployed veterans. The American Jobs Act, which would have created around 2 million new jobs for teachers, first responders and construction workers across the US, was unanimously rejected by Senate Republicans around this time last year. The reason? To pay for all of those new jobs, taxes on millionaires would have gone up by a few percentage points. Anyone who legitimately believes the Republican Party is there to serve anyone but 1% of the public is simply delusional.

Mitt Romney is now tanking in the polls, Republicans' chances of taking back the Senate despite 33 seats up for grabs have fallen to 21%, and even John Boehner admits there's a 1-in-3 chance he won't be Speaker next year. We are witnessing a full-on implosion of the Republican Party. GOP used to stand for "Grand Old Party," but it now stands for "Greedy Old Plutocrats." The Republican Party is now no longer a major party, and there is no better indicator than their nominee for the presidency openly mocking poor people at a $50,000 per-plate fundraiser.

Since the GOP is an irrelevant third party now, and still being invited to the presidential debates, how about we let other third party candidates debate? Jill Stein, from the Green Party, has a 2% approval rating in the polls despite a fraction of the fundraising capacity, and is on the ballot in 38 states. Libertarian Gary Johnson is winning voters over as a presidential candidate who acknowledges the corporate corruption of the two major parties and the electoral process as a whole. All third parties deserve to be heard by the American voting public on the debate stage.


Carl Gibson, 24, of Lexington, Kentucky, is a spokesman and organizer for US Uncut, a nonviolent, creative direct-action movement to stop budget cuts by getting corporations to pay their fair share of taxes. He graduated from Morehead State University in 2009 with a B.A. in Journalism before starting the first US Uncut group in Jackson, Mississippi, in February of 2011. Since then, over 20,000 US Uncut activists have carried out more than 300 actions in over 100 cities nationwide. You may contact Carl at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it .

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Free Speech in the Age of YouTube Print
Sunday, 23 September 2012 15:38

Sengupta writes: "Internet companies are a different breed. Because they traffic in speech - rather than, say, corn syrup or warplanes - they make decisions every day about what kind of expression is allowed where."

'The storm over an incendiary anti-Islamic video posted on YouTube has stirred fresh debate'. (illustration: Nick Arciaga)
'The storm over an incendiary anti-Islamic video posted on YouTube has stirred fresh debate'. (illustration: Nick Arciaga)



Free Speech in the Age of YouTube

By Somini Sengupta, The New York Times

23 September 12

 

ompanies are usually accountable to no one but their shareholders.

Internet companies are a different breed. Because they traffic in speech - rather than, say, corn syrup or warplanes - they make decisions every day about what kind of expression is allowed where. And occasionally they come under pressure to explain how they decide, on whose laws and values they rely, and how they distinguish between toxic speech that must be taken down and that which can remain.

The storm over an incendiary anti-Islamic video posted on YouTube has stirred fresh debate on these issues. Google, which owns YouTube, restricted access to the video in Egypt and Libya, after the killing of a United States ambassador and three other Americans. Then, it pulled the plug on the video in five other countries, where the content violated local laws.

Some countries blocked YouTube altogether, though that didn't stop the bloodshed: in Pakistan, where elections are to be scheduled soon, riots on Friday left a death toll of 19.

The company pointed to its internal edicts to explain why it rebuffed calls to take down the video altogether. It did not meet its definition of hate speech, YouTube said, and so it allowed the video to stay up on the Web. It didn't say very much more.

That explanation revealed not only the challenges that confront companies like Google but also how opaque they can be in explaining their verdicts on what can be said on their platforms. Google, Facebook and Twitter receive hundreds of thousands of complaints about content every week.

"We are just awakening to the need for some scrutiny or oversight or public attention to the decisions of the most powerful private speech controllers," said Tim Wu, a Columbia University law professor who briefly advised the Obama administration on consumer protection regulations online.

Google was right, Mr. Wu believes, to selectively restrict access to the crude anti-Islam video in light of the extraordinary violence that broke out. But he said the public deserved to know more about how private firms made those decisions in the first place, every day, all over the world. After all, he added, they are setting case law, just as courts do in sovereign countries.

Mr. Wu offered some unsolicited advice: Why not set up an oversight board of regional experts or serious YouTube users from around the world to make the especially tough decisions?

Google has not responded to his proposal, which he outlined in a blog post for The New Republic.

Certainly, the scale and nature of YouTube makes this a daunting task. Any analysis requires combing through over a billion videos and overlaying that against the laws and mores of different countries. It's unclear whether expert panels would allow for unpopular minority opinion anyway. The company said in a statement on Friday that, like newspapers, it, too, made "nuanced" judgments about content: "It's why user-generated content sites typically have clear community guidelines and remove videos or posts that break them."

Privately, companies have been wrestling with these issues for some time.

The Global Network Initiative, a conclave of executives, academics and advocates, has issued voluntary guidelines on how to respond to government requests to filter content.

And the Anti-Defamation League has convened executives, government officials and advocates to discuss how to define hate speech and what to do about it.

Hate speech is a pliable notion, and there will be arguments about whether it covers speech that is likely to lead to violence (think Rwanda) or demeans a group (think Holocaust denial), just as there will be calls for absolute free expression.

Behind closed doors, Internet companies routinely make tough decisions on content.

Apple and Google earlier this year yanked a mobile application produced by Hezbollah. In 2010, YouTube removed links to speeches by an American-born cleric, Anwar al-Awlaki, in which he advocated terrorist violence; at the time, the company said it proscribed posts that could incite "violent acts."

On rare occasions, Google has taken steps to educate users about offensive content. For instance, the top results that come up when you search for the word "Jew" include a link to a virulently anti-Jewish site, followed by a promoted link from Google, boxed in pink. It links to a page that lays out Google's rationale: the company says it does not censor search results, despite complaints.

Susan Benesch, who studies hate speech that incites violence, said it would be wise to have many more explanations like this, not least to promote debate. "They certainly don't have to," said Ms. Benesch, director of the Dangerous Speech Project at the World Policy Institute. "But we can encourage them to because of the enormous power they have."

The companies point out that they obey the laws of every country in which they do business. And their employees and algorithms vet content that may violate their user guidelines, which are public.

YouTube prohibits hate speech, which it defines as that which "attacks or demeans a group" based on its race, religion and so on; Facebook's hate speech ban likewise covers "content that attacks people" on the basis of identity. Google and Facebook prohibit hate speech; Twitter does not explicitly ban it. And anyway, legal scholars say, it is exceedingly difficult to devise a universal definition of hate speech.

Shibley Telhami, a political scientist at the University of Maryland, said he hoped the violence over the video would encourage a nuanced conversation about how to safeguard free expression with other values, like public safety. "It's really about at what point does speech becomes action; that's a boundary that becomes difficult to draw, and it's a slippery slope," Mr. Telhami said.

He cautioned that some countries, like Russia, which threatened to block YouTube altogether, would be thrilled to have any excuse to squelch speech. "Does Russia really care about this film?" Mr. Telhami asked.

International law does not protect speech that is designed to cause violence. Several people have been convicted in international courts for incitement to genocide in Rwanda.

One of the challenges of the digital age, as the YouTube case shows, is that speech articulated in one part of the world can spark mayhem in another. Can the companies that run those speech platforms predict what words and images might set off carnage elsewhere? Whoever builds that algorithm may end up saving lives.

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Freedom and Restraint Print
Sunday, 23 September 2012 15:25

Witt writes: "...there's a surprising legacy that few Americans know anything about, one that historians have overlooked, even though it shows just how thoroughly American ideas of freedom reshaped the globe."/p>

The first reading of the Emancipation Proclamation of President Lincoln. (illustration: Francis Bicknell Carpenter)
The first reading of the Emancipation Proclamation of President Lincoln. (illustration: Francis Bicknell Carpenter)



Freedom and Restraint

By John Fabian Witt, The New York Times

23 September 12

 

n Sept. 22, 1862 - 150 years ago today - Abraham Lincoln announced the Emancipation Proclamation, promising to free the slaves in any state still in rebellion on Jan. 1, 1863. Americans have celebrated Lincoln's proclamation, and argued about its meaning, ever since. But there's a surprising legacy that few Americans know anything about, one that historians have overlooked, even though it shows just how thoroughly American ideas of freedom reshaped the globe. Emancipation touched off a crisis for the principle of humanitarian limits in wartime and transformed the international laws of war. In the crucible of emancipation, Lincoln created the rules that now govern soldiers around the world.

Ever since 1775, when the royal governor of Virginia offered freedom to slaves who would turn against their revolutionary masters, American soldiers and statesmen held that freeing an enemy's slaves was anathema to civilized warfare. George Washington and the Continental Congress complained bitterly when British forces carried away slaves when they left New York in 1783.

In the War of 1812, British raids along the Chesapeake Bay encouraged thousands of slaves to escape to freedom. For more than a decade after the war ended, the American government pursued compensation from the British, contending that the laws of war protected slave owners from enemy depredations.

The irony of a humanitarian law that protected slave owners rather than slaves was not lost on European critics. But Americans argued that to seize an enemy's slaves was to make war on civilian economic resources.

White Southerners further argued that arming an enemy's slaves invited terrible atrocities by freed people against their former masters. Nineteenth-century Americans knew that the servile rebellions of antiquity had involved horrific violence: the Haitian revolution in the 1790s led to the slaughter of white slaveholders, while several abortive slave revolts in the American South showed that the pent-up violence of slavery could explode in bursts of nightmarish terror.

It was no surprise, then, that Southern whites reacted to Lincoln's proclamation with fury. Jefferson Davis, the president of the Confederacy, condemned it as barbaric and inhumane, and he swore never to recognize black Union soldiers as entitled to the treatment afforded to prisoners of war. Instead he promised to punish them and their white officers as criminals, subject to enslavement or execution. The Union pledged to retaliate in turn. It soon seemed that efforts to limit the war might collapse altogether.

The South's threats forced the Union to restate its position on the laws of war. In December 1862, three weeks before the final emancipation order was to go into effect, and just as criticism of emancipation was reaching its height, Lincoln's general in chief, Henry W. Halleck, commissioned a pamphlet-length statement of the Union's view of the laws of war.

Drafted by the Columbia professor Francis Lieber and approved by Lincoln himself, the code set out a host of humane rules: it prohibited torture, protected prisoners of war and outlawed assassinations. It distinguished between soldiers and civilians and it disclaimed cruelty, revenge attacks and senseless suffering.

Most of all, the code defended the freeing of enemy slaves and the arming of black soldiers as a humanitarian imperative, not as an invitation to atrocity. The code announced that free armies were like roving institutions of freedom, abolishing slavery wherever they went. And it defended black soldiers by insisting that the laws of war made "no distinction of color" - indeed, mistreatment of black soldiers would warrant righteous retaliation by the Union.

The pocket-size pamphlet quickly became the blueprint for a new generation of treaties, up to the Geneva Conventions of 1949. Strong nations like Prussia and France had long suspected that law-of-war initiatives were little more than maneuvering by weaker countries and closet pacifists hoping to make war more difficult. Lincoln's code broke that diplomatic logjam: It contained no hidden European agenda, and no one could accuse the Lincoln administration of trying to hold back strong armies.

To the contrary, the code had been devised just as Lincoln abandoned what he called the "rose-water" tactics of the war's first year in favor of the much more aggressive strategy signaled by emancipation.

And it set in motion the great paradox of the modern laws of war. These laws arose out of the greatest moral triumph of modern political history - emancipation - and they aimed to place outer limits on war's destruction. In a sense, they succeeded: the feared terrors of a mass slave insurrection never came to pass.

But by authorizing freedom, the new code also licensed a powerful and dangerous war strategy. It was a tool of the Union war effort, like the Springfield rifle and the Minié ball. That is why the Lincoln administration issued it, and that is why the most powerful states in the European world signed on to versions of it in the decades that followed.

The rules of armed conflict today arise directly out of Lincoln's example. They restrain brutality. But by placing a stamp of approval on "acceptable" ways to make war, they legitimate terrible violence. The law does not relieve war of all its terrors; it does not even purport to. But it stands as a living reminder, a century and a half later, of how thoroughly the United States' most significant moment still shapes our moral universe.

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