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What Needless, Xenophobic Panic Looks Like Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6030"><span class="small">Conor Friedersdorf, The Atlantic</span></a>   
Thursday, 21 March 2013 14:36

Friedersdorf writes: "Columns like this are seldom revisited a decade later, given that they are totally devoid of value, but it's clarifying to look back."

Conservative blogger Michelle Malkin. (photo: The Atlantic)
Conservative blogger Michelle Malkin. (photo: The Atlantic)


What Needless, Xenophobic Panic Looks Like

By Conor Friedersdorf, The Atlantic

21 March 13

 

Revisiting a particularly irresponsible column published prior to the Iraq invasion now that its wrongheadedness has been proven.

hile researching another item, I came across a Townhall column written by Michelle Malkin in 2002, a couple years before she published her book, In Defense of Internment: The Case for Racial Profiling in World War II and the War on Terror. As you read her argument, imagine how it would have felt to do so as one of the tens of thousands of Iraqi Americans living in the United States.

She began:

How many of Saddam Hussein's sleeper terrorists are waiting dormant in the United States to retaliate against us when the War on Iraq begins? The Bush administration has begun to monitor Iraqis inside our country to identify potential domestic terrorist threats posed by sympathizers of the Baghdad regime, according to The New York Times. But while the new intelligence program is tracking thousands of Iraqi citizens and Iraqi-Americans with dual citizenship who are attending our universities or working at private corporations, there is no indication of what federal authorities are doing to locate the untold numbers of illegal aliens from Iraq who have streamed across our open borders. More than 115,000 people from Iraq and other Middle Eastern countries are here illegally. Some 6,000 Middle Eastern men who have defied deportation orders remain on the loose. And an international crime ring, led by Iraqi native George Tajirian, demonstrates the scope of the alarming problem of potential terrorists pressing at our southern gate.

Columns like this are seldom revisited a decade later, given that they are totally devoid of value, but it's clarifying to look back, because there's no need to argue that her fearmongering was wrongheaded - it can be stated as a fact that no dormant sleeper cells retaliated after the war began; that dual citizens posed virtually no problem, if any; that Iraqi illegal immigrants did not menace the American people; and that their having slipped across the border made virtually no difference.

Malkin just worked herself and who knows how many of her readers up into a pointless, paranoid frenzy about an ethnic minority on the eve of a war against the hated dictator they escaped.


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How to Turn Your State Liberal Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=14516"><span class="small">David Sirota, Salon</span></a>   
Wednesday, 20 March 2013 14:12

Sirota writes: "Colorado's progressive miracle is a road map to a much brighter America. Here are 9 steps behind the transformation."

Colorado Gov. John Hickenlooper. (photo: Helen H. Richardson/Denver Post)
Colorado Gov. John Hickenlooper. (photo: Helen H. Richardson/Denver Post)



How to Turn Your State Liberal

By David Sirota, Salon

20 March 13

 

Colorado's progressive miracle is a road map to a much brighter America. Here are 9 steps behind the transformation

s Colorado goes, so goes the nation. With the culture and demographics of the Intermountain West so rapidly changing, this motto about my home state has become conventional wisdom in national electoral politics, and for good reason. After all, the square state is the capital of the so-called Rocky Mountain Empire, a region that is fast becoming the political equivalent of a test market for the whole country. And if it is true that the way Colorado goes is the way the nation as a whole goes, then America better get ready for some extremely large changes.

Part of Colorado's story of change comes from the statehouse where Democrats control both the governor's office and both chambers of the Legislature. But as much of the story comes from outside the Capitol, where organic grass-roots uprisings are obliterating old political assumptions.

For decades, this was a state whose electoral topography was reliable Republican and whose politics was dominated by an unholy coalition of cultural conservatives and oil and gas interests. In the 1980s and 1990s, it became the national conservative movement in a microcosmic petri dish, passing socially conservative constitutional amendments and a so-called Taxpayer Bill of Rights aimed at pulverizing the public sector.

Now, though, everything is shifting. In just a few years, Colorado is pioneering a Western version of pragmatic progressivism, one built on a much different political coalition than the one that made Colorado the conservative movement's grand experiment.

Here are the nine ways the state has so quickly changed, and what this Colorado Miracle portends for America.

1. The first state in the Intermountain West to embrace serious gun control

Gov. John Hickenlooper (D) is expected today to sign the Intermountain West's first set of serious gun regulations in contemporary history. Those include an expansion of background checks and limits on the size of bullet magazines.

After the Columbine and Aurora massacres, Colorado polls showed solid public support for sensible gun control, and public opinion eventually compelled Hickenlooper to reverse his earlier positions on the issue. Indeed, in just a few months, the conservative Democratic governor went from saying Colorado shouldn't discuss gun control, to noncommittally acknowledging the need for a debate, to promising to support the measures if they passed the Legislature, to reassuring fellow Colorado Democrats that supporting gun control will not harm their political prospects.

If Colorado's status as home to Columbine and Aurora and its status as a critical electoral swing state don't convince you that its gun control moves will have a national ripple effect, then declarations from the state's Republican leaders should suffice. As state Sen. Greg Brophy (R) told the Wall Street Journal: "This is ground zero on this issue ... If these bills pass - and the Democrats survive the next election cycle - we'll see gun-control groups spreading to other parts of the country, saying, "We did it in Colorado, we can do it here.'"

2. The home of Focus on the Family legalizes civil unions

With Focus on the Family headquartered in archconservative Colorado Springs, Colorado has long been one of the headquarters of the Christian right. Not surprisingly, those cultural conservative forces in the state have spent the last two decades waging a scorched earth fight against equality for gay, lesbian and transgendered Americans, ultimately passing not one but two constitutional ballot measures outlawing same-sex marriage. At the same time, the Christian right helped pass a 2006 ballot measure to outlaw recognition of same-sex domestic partnerships.

Last year, though, Democratic state lawmakers backed a civil unions bill. Simple, straightforward and long overdue as the bill was, it threw the legislative session into chaos after Republicans used their fleeting one-vote majority to prevent it from even getting an up-or-down vote. The impasse eventually forced Gov. Hickenlooper to call a special session, where the bill was rejected. However, in the process, conservatives' anti-gay politics became so extreme and off-putting that it helped lay the groundwork for Democrats to take back the House and ultimately pass the bill.

Underscoring the speed of Colorado's turnaround, the House bill on civil unions this time around initially passed on a voice vote, signaling that Republicans had all but given up defending the fringe elements of the Christian right. Next up? Quite likely a 2014 ballot measure to repeal Colorado's constitutional ban on gay marriage.

3. Rejecting Tancredo-style politics and allowing children of undocumented immigrants to pay in-state tuition rates

In recent years, when many political observers have thought about Colorado, they've thought about Republican anti-immigrant icon Tom Tancredo and the politics of demonizing minorities. Here's the great news: With 2013's passage of the ASSET Bill, Colorado is no longer Tom Tancredo country.

That's right, seven years after state Democrats held a special legislative session to try to mimic the GOP's Tancredo-infused politics, NBC-9News reports that Democrats in that same Legislature passed legislation to "allow undocumented students who have attended a Colorado high school for at least three years and graduated or obtained their G.E.D. the right to obtain in-state tuition at a Colorado college or university."

No doubt, a major factor driving the shift on immigration is the state's demographic changes - demographic (and thus, political) changes, by the way, that mimic those in the country at large.

"The state is already more than 20 percent Latino," notes ABC News. "By comparison, the Latino share of the U.S. population will reach 19.4 by 2020 and 21.2 by 2025, according to Census projections. That means it's becoming impossible for politicians to have success in Colorado at the statewide level without the support of the Latino community. And at this rate, pols may increasingly find themselves in the same position across the country."

4. An anti-fracking uprising in the middle of oil/gas country

As an oil producing state, Colorado has long been defined by the mantra "drill, baby, drill." With the state holding some of the largest natural gas reserves in the country, politicians and fossil fuel executives might have expected that Colorado politics would soon also be defined by a newer version of that same mantra: "frack, baby, frack." But thanks to a series of local uprisings, that hasn't yet happened.

From ultra-conservative Colorado Springs to Republican-leaning Longmont to the middle-of-the-road Fort Collins to super-liberal Boulder, local uprisings have been putting up potential roadblocks to unbridled fracking.

With a raft of studies raising serious environmental and public health questions about the natural gas exploration process, these uprisings have occurred despite the best efforts of Gov. Hickenlooper to suppress them - and they have been genuinely transpartisan. Indeed, as the Longmont Times-Call put it in reporting on that city's overwhelming vote to regulate fracking, the "ballot issue that succeeded in banning hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, from the city caught hold in both Republican- and Democratic-leaning precincts."

What explains the spontaneous pushback against fracking? Obviously, the raft of studies raising serious environmental and public health questions about fracking has raised legitimate fears among Coloradans rightly afraid for their families' well-being. But there's also the little-discussed shift in the state's economy. As I reported back in 2008 for the New York Times Magazine:

According to Headwaters Economics, a Montana-based research group, the energy sector currently employs only 1.3 percent of the region’s work force. And mining generated just 2.9 percent of all personal income in the five natural-gas-producing Western states in 2006. By contrast, retirement benefits, service jobs and professional industries generated about 55 percent of the region’s income. Many of these sectors have an interest in reducing energy development. After all, retirees, professionals and tourism businesses often come to the region for the open spaces.

Yes, for all the talk of how huge and important the fossil fuel industry is to Colorado and the Intermountain West, that industry is actually relatively small compared to the rest of the region's economy. With that industry's diminishing size and importance naturally comes a change in political priorities for voters, many of whom are moving to a state like Colorado to escape - rather than live amid - a fracking-dominated industrial zone.

5. A historic victory for drug policy reform

Where other states like California failed at the ballot box to limit the destructive drug war, Colorado succeeded in 2012. Breaking away from the old arguments about marijuana, drug reformers here pioneered an innovative campaign that predicated the cannabis legalization campaign on a simple question: Why should a state known for a toxic substance (alcohol) not allow its citizens to consume a less toxic substance (pot)? So central to the campaign was this message, in fact, that drug reformers actually named their ballot measure "The Regulate Marijuana Like Alcohol Act of 2012."

The result of that laser-focused message was a huge vote in favor of legalizing marijuana. So overwhelming was that vote, in fact, that foreign nations are now explicitly citing Colorado as a primary reason the world should reevaluate the larger drug war and begin to reform punitive narcotics laws.

6. A major reevaluation of the death penalty and failed "tough on crime" policies

The Wild West is not traditionally known for its tolerance and moderation when it comes to crime and punishment. But in Colorado, that "hang "em high" attitude may finally be on its way out.

Last year, Republicans and Democrats in the Legislature joined together to spearhead a bill to begin the process of reforming the state's draconian drug sentences. Additionally, after a hard-fought campaign by criminal justice advocates, the Denver Post reported that the Legislature overcame opposition by "tough on crime" zealots to pass a bipartisan bill "to dramatically curb prosecutors' ability to charge juveniles as adults through the state's longstanding "direct file' system."

The point of the latter bill was simple: In order to honor the distinction between the juvenile and adult criminal justice systems, legislators from both parties recognized that there must be judicial oversight of headline-seeking prosecutors when those prosecutors seek to charge juveniles as adults. The legislation's passage was a welcome sign that the conservative demagoguery around crime and punishment may be giving way to far more pragmatic - and humane - policies.

7. Expanding funding for public education and healthcare

Colorado's Taxpayer Bill of Rights once made the state conservatives' gleaming small government trophy. But while TABOR still seriously harms the state's ability to adequately fund major priorities, the last year has seen two initiatives to dramatically expand public support for education and healthcare.

The first initiative, reports the Denver Post, is a bill to "add additional revenue for items like full-day kindergarten for all and preschool for at-risk kids." The second bill would vastly expand Medicaid coverage to cover an additional 160,000 Coloradans.

Highlighting how much the politics of spending have changed in the state, the Post headline about the latter initiative says it all: "No public opposition to Medicaid expansion bill despite years of wrangling over Obamacare."

8. A huge vote against corporate money in politics

It is rare for a ballot measure to pass anywhere in America with more than 70 percent of the vote. But that is what happened in Colorado in 2013 when a whopping 74 percent of voters endorsed a ballot measure instructing the state's congressional delegation and Legislature to support a U.S. constitutional amendment to overturn the infamous Citizens United decision and regulate campaign spending. Amazingly, the measure passed by such a wide margin with relatively little financial support, and as Westword notes, "what is more striking than the raw numbers is its broad support statewide - it appears to have passed by wide margins in every Colorado county."

9. A decimated and demoralized Republican Party

If all of the Colorado Miracle's progressive change was happening and it appeared to seriously imperil the power of progressive organizations and the Democratic Party, the story might be a bit different. It might be the tale of liberals merely trying to seize a fleeting moment. But one of the most encouraging parts of the Colorado Miracle is the fact that as it has unfolded, the Republican Party's political prospects have been decimated.

Today, Democrats control the Legislature, the governor's office, two U.S. Senate seats and three of the state's seven congressional districts (with one more possibly on the way as Democrats mount a strong fight against embattled Republican Rep. Mike Coffman). As important, the Colorado GOP is in utter disarray to the point where it doesn't appear to have a serious candidate for any of the state's major offices.

But don't believe my political analysis; believe Dean Singleton, the Denver Post publisher and longtime Republican power broker in Colorado. Here's an excerpt of what he had to say in a recent radio appearance:

I think (the GOP) is dead in Colorado ... It really doesn’t matter whom the Republicans put up. Republicans, in my view, won’t win another presidency in our lifetime ... Republicans have (three) elected state-wide office holders, the Treasurer and the Attorney General (and Secretary of State). The Attorney General is not running for re-election, so that will go Democratic ... The party has shifted so far right that that’s the kind candidates they pick. And they pick candidates that aren’t in the mainstream ... I think Colorado is probably a Democratic state from now on. It is a Democratic state today, and I don’t think it’s going back.

In light of those words, Americans should be looking at what's happening here to know what could soon be happening all over the country. If "as Colorado goes, so goes the nation," then this square state is a glimpse into America's potentially much brighter political future.

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Noam Chomsky: The Amazing Rise and Fall of Presumption of Innocence Print
Tuesday, 19 March 2013 14:30

"Then there are the conspiracy buffs. They distance the problem from the main stream audience even further ... And then there is Noam Chomsky. He looks at the situation from the orbit, comfortably snug in his multidisciplinary mental space station, focusing on the connections between events - rather than the events themselves."

Author, historian and political commentator Noam Chomsky. (photo: Ben Rusk/flickr)
Author, historian and political commentator Noam Chomsky. (photo: Ben Rusk/flickr)


Noam Chomsky: The Amazing Rise and Fall of Presumption of Innocence

By Jan Wellmann, JanWellmann.com

19 March 13

 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o63EjNGGe3A

 

he most bizarre part of Section 1021(b)(2) of the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) is that almost no one has heard about it.

And whoever has heard about it, doesn't want to talk about it.

It's almost as if someone took Dr. Goebbels' "The bigger the lie, the more it will be believed" - dictum and mutated it into a 21st century super weapon:

"Tell the truth, but make it so shocking that no one wants to hear about it."

No one wants to hear about the military having the power to detain you on American soil, without due process, indefinitely, at the discretion of the President. It sounds too Stalin. It reeks of conspiracy theory. Besides, it's clearly unconstitutional. So let's go get some lunch.

That's why on December 4, 2012, the new NDAA passed the Senate with a 98-0 vote. Almost everyone was out to lunch.

Except seven individuals who decided to sue Obama instead. But other than that, the resulting rumpus was minor.

Since February 13th, "The Seven" are on their way to the Supreme Court. But no one wants to hear about it. A few individuals against the United States government sounds too Matthew McConaughey, unless you're a natural-born activist.

Chris Hedges, the leading plaintiff in the case against Obama and former New York Times war correspondent, writes about "NDAA and the Death of the Democratic State." But no one wants to really read about it.

Most aspiring journalists and independent minds who become curious about NDAA find that there is a deafening silence around the topic. When they try to raise questions, the silence deafens them further.

Then there are the conspiracy buffs. They distance the problem from the main stream audience even further. No one wants to be associated with folks who think that the President could be a reptile.

And then there is Noam Chomsky. He looks at the situation from the orbit, comfortably snug in his multidisciplinary mental space station, focusing on the connections between events – rather than the events themselves.

It's a long journey from the concept of "freeman" to "NDAA." And there is probably only one man who can explain it.

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David Brooks vs. the House Progressives Print
Tuesday, 19 March 2013 14:26

Yglesias writes: "The biggest problem the liberal faction of the Democratic Party generally has is getting heard at all, so I'm really glad that David Brooks dedicated a column to explaining his problems with the Congressional Progressive Caucus budget ... I think Brooks' complaints make the case for the CPC budget more strongly than any of the praise I've read."

New York Times Columnist David Brooks. (photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images)
New York Times Columnist David Brooks. (photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images)


David Brooks vs. the House Progressives

By Matthew Yglesias, Slate Magazine

19 March 13

 

he biggest problem the liberal faction of the Democratic Party generally has is getting heard at all, so I'm really glad that David Brooks dedicated a column to explaining his problems with the Congressional Progressive Caucus budget that was released last Thursday. In a way, I think Brooks' complaints make the case for the CPC budget more strongly than any of the praise I've read.

For starters, even though newspaper columnists are sharply space-constrained, Brooks dedicates relatively little space to criticizing the content of the CPC budget. Instead you get a lot of rhetoric about the CPC budget being written "by people hermetically sealed in the house of government" who "have had little contact with private-sector job creators"* who "believe that government is the horse, the source of growth, job creation and prosperity."

In policy terms, the critique is fairly limited. The CPC wants a top marginal income tax rate of 49 percent, which, combined with state income taxes, would push marginal tax rates nearly as high as they were in the Eisenhower years. Over to Brooks:

Higher taxes will produce long-term changes in social norms, behavior and growth. Edward Prescott, a winner of the Nobel Memorial Prize in economics, found that, in the 1950s when their taxes were low, Europeans worked more hours per capita than Americans. Then their taxes went up, reducing the incentives to work and increasing the incentives to relax. Over the next decades, Europe saw a nearly 30 percent decline in work hours.

My view is that this particular Prescott line of research overstates the impact of tax rates on labor supply decisions. Most European countries have regulatory policies that are explicitly designed to reduce the number of hours that people work. France famously requires six weeks of paid vacation time per year. Most German jurisdictions place limits on retailers' ability to be open on Sundays. You may like more generous vacation and family leave mandates, or you may hate them, but obviously the impact of these laws is going to be that people work less. The more generous European welfare state also creates undeniable disemployment effects on the spending side. European higher education is much cheaper for the student than American higher education, for example, and this encourages students to spend more time studying and partying and less time working for money. So I'd view Prescott as pointing to something like an upper bound on the possible tax impact on labor supply. Brooks also neglects to mention that the CPC budget, via the Making Work Pay tax credit, would tend to increase work incentives for low-wage workers, while Ryan-style tax reform would increase the tax burden on many middle-class families.

Long story short, I would say the CPC budget has the following main advantages over the Ryan budget:

  • More food and medical care for poor children.

  • Less air pollution and a meaningful chance to avert the worst consequences of climate change.

  • Lower taxes on middle-class and working-poor families.

  • Medicare reform focused on reducing the unit price of health care services rather than increasing it.

  • More funding for transportation infrastructure and basic research.

Brooks says the Ryan budget has the following main advantages over the CPC budget:

  • High-income individuals will be less inclined to take vacations or retire and more inclined to work long hours.

In a world where trade-offs are, to an extent, unavoidable, I don't see that as an enormously difficult choice.

  • It is true that most CPC members, like most members of Congress, have a professional background as politicians and attorneys, though both Jared Polis and Alan Grayson, at a minimum, have been entrepreneurs.
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'GOP Autopsy' Is Dead on Arrival Print
Tuesday, 19 March 2013 14:19

Henry Decker writes: "The Republican National Committee released its long-awaited post-2012 'autopsy' Monday, in the form of a 99-page report titled the 'Growth and Opportunity Project.' Although the report pushes for some drastic changes in the way that the Republican Party conducts itself during elections, it ultimately fails to confront the primary problem: Its policies just aren't popular with voters."

GOP Chairman Reince Priebus. (photo: AP)
GOP Chairman Reince Priebus. (photo: AP)


'GOP Autopsy' Is Dead on Arrival

By Henry Decker, The National Memo

19 March 13

 

he Republican National Committee released its long-awaited post-2012 "autopsy" Monday, in the form of a 99-page report titled the "Growth and Opportunity Project." Although the report pushes for some drastic changes in the way that the Republican Party conducts itself during elections, it ultimately fails to confront the primary problem: Its policies just aren't popular with voters.

With the exception of a qualified push for immigration reform, the Growth and Opportunity Project centers around the idea that the Republican Party's platform is sound, while the messaging is at fault. That comes as no surprise — it was RNC chairman Reince Priebus, after all, who recently declared "I don't think our platform is the issue" — but this plan is startlingly divorced from the Republicans' present reality. On nearly every issue facing Congress — from raising the minimum wage, to cutting federal programs, to strengthening gun safety laws, to fighting against climate change — most voters side with Democrats over Republicans.

Further complicating the RNC's mission is the fact that the GOP has shown absolutely no signs of being ready to change the conduct that led to the party's overwhelming losses in November.

For example, the Priebus plan notes that "if we are going to grow as a party, our policies and actions must take into account that the middle class has struggled mightily and that far too many of our citizens live in poverty," adding "The perception that the GOP does not care about people is doing great harm to the party and its candidates on the federal level, especially in presidential years. It is a major deficiency that must be addressed."

Improving outreach to the poor seems like a great idea in theory. In practice, House Republicans are preparing to vote this week on Paul Ryan's extremist "vision document," which explicitly promises to slash funding for programs that help the needy in order to finance a massive tax break for the wealthy.

The report's suggestion that Republicans "learn once again how to appeal to more people, including those who share some but not all of our conservative principles" seems like a no-brainer. But in reality, those people are called RINOs, and are almost automatically disqualified from national races. Priebus' report can't change that reality. Even while the autopsy suggests that "The Republican Party needs to stop talking to itself," most of the GOP's brightest stars spent the weekend at the insular Conservative Political Action Conference — to which popular governors Chris Christie of New Jersey and Bob McDonnell of Virginia were not invited, for the unforgivable crime of compromising with some of their states' many Democrats.

In theory, the report's suggestion that "if we want ethnic minority voters to support Republicans, we have to engage them, and show our sincerity," makes perfect sense. In practice, the GOP seems to be going out of its way to antagonize minority voters; even as the autopsy suggests showing sincerity, the party continues to push for voter-suppression laws that nakedly attempt to keep minorities away from the polls. While the autopsy suggests that the GOP "must be inclusive and welcoming" to Hispanic-Americans, Senate Republicans are simultaneously gearing up for a racially-charged filibuster of Thomas Perez, the only Hispanic nominee for President Obama's cabinet.

The report pushes the party to "establish a presence in African-American communities and at black organizations such as the NAACP," but it seems to forget that Mitt Romney tried that in July. He ended up getting booed repeatedly for promising to repeal health care reform, and patronizingly claiming to be the best candidate for the black community.

"It all goes back to what our moms used to tell us: It's not just what we say; it's how we say it," Priebus said of his report Monday morning. He is forgetting a more important factor: what they do. The Republicans' problem isn't that voters aren't getting the message about the party's policies; it's that too many voters read the GOP loud and clear.

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