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Fascist Beast Back in the Streets of Paris |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=5494"><span class="small">Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News</span></a>
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Thursday, 30 January 2014 09:09 |
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Weissman writes: "Yes, many Israelis make use of the Holocaust, just as many in America traded on the undeniable horror of 9/11. That's Shoah business, as Israel's silver-tongued Abba Eban once called it."
The protest against Hollande turned anti-semitic. (photo: AFP)

Fascist Beast Back in the Streets of Paris
By Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News
30 January 14
 ew, go away," the marchers in Paris shouted last Sunday. "France is not for you." Mostly white men under 30, they made their feelings clear. "Juif! Juif! Juif! Juif!" they shouted with menace, "Jew! Jew! Jew! Jew!" They also shouted against LICRA, the International League against racism and anti-Semitism, which is not quite an equivalent of our ACLU. A few marchers waved French flags, the blue, white, and red. A man with a shaved head and leather jacket gave what appeared to be an old-fashioned Nazi salute.
"Juif. Hors de France!" "Jew. Out of France!" they shouted. "Faurisson was right. Gas chambers are a fraud."
Watch the action on YouTube. Let it be a wake-up call for us all, and a reality check for those who view the Holocaust and its gas chambers as little more than a Zionist marketing ploy. Yes, many Israelis make use of the Holocaust, just as many in America traded on the undeniable horror of 9/11. That's Shoah business, as Israel's silver-tongued Abba Eban once called it. Netanyahu continues to use the Holocaust against the Palestinians and in his nightmare talk of "an existential threat" from Iran.
This is part of the story, and no one should deny it. But wake up and smell the gas. Zionists did not make Jews Hitler's chosen people. Hitler did. He made us his chief scapegoat and whipping boy, and not for anything we did, an inconvenient truth that will provoke closet anti-Semites and perturb those Jews who - like members of other persecuted minorities - buy into the hateful ideologies of their persecutors. Jews were not guilty for the crimes of the Third Reich, whether against other nations, other people, or European Jewry. Hitler was guilty, along with his supporters, taking so much of his insane inspiration from the darkest depths of Christian Europe's long-standing hatred of its generally miniscule Jewish minority.
As Sunday's march shows, his die-hard followers still sing the same song, and - like their Führer - they will not stop with Jews. They are already targeting Gypsies, gays, immigrants, and above all Muslims who live here, many from former French colonies in North Africa and south of the Sahara. Sadly, an uncertain number of French Muslims have bought into the Jew-bashing. I hope they do not discover their mistake the hard way. Inshallah.
Advanced billing for the "Jour de Colère" - "Day of Rage" - never mentioned the neo-Nazis, who were only one of the participating groups. Organizers estimated the overall numbers at 120,000, while police put it at 17,000, and they came together to declare the beginning of a retro-revolutionary "French Spring."
Sponsors included a who's zoo of the far-right fringe, from Catholic traditionalists and royalists to modern-day poujadists and neo-fascist defenders of their European, French and regional identities. Their slogans and placards told where they came from and where they would take France if they ever took power. Defend "family values." Stop immigration. Keep France for the French. Oppose abortion. Condemn in vitro fertilization. Overturn the recent legalization of "marriage for all." Reject changes to traditional education. "No to the destruction of civilization." "France, nation, revolution!"
Participants also called for the hapless French president François Hollande to step down from office, and protested loudly against his high taxes and go-nowhere economic policies. I share their pain, but prefer Paul Krugman's Keynesian critique, and I blame Hollande and other European deficit hawks and austerity mongers for opening the door to the growing revival of the far right.
As far as I can tell, few if any of the other angry participants have disavowed and condemned the Neo-Nazi shock troops with whom they marched. Why offend them? They could in time prove useful.
The loudest silence comes from Marine Le Pen and her rebranded National Front, who did not sponsor the march but pitch much of their appeal to those who were there. These 'patriots" and "people of the Right" are her base, whom she cannot afford to offend even as she tries tirelessly to move beyond the thuggery of her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, the godfather of French "fachos."
Correction: "Denying the Holocaust: What Would Hitler Do?"
In my last column, I mentioned that Hitler wrote as early as 1922 that his "first and foremost task will be the annihilation of the Jews." He never wrote that, but said it in an interview with the German journalist Josef Hell. The German-born historian Gerald Fleming saved this all-important scrap of history in his book "Hitler and the Final Solution."
"What do you want to do to the Jews once you have full discretionary power?" Hell asked.
Stunned by Hitler's response, Hell noted it at length.
His eyes no longer saw me but instead bore past me and off into empty space; his explanations grew increasingly voluble until he fell into a kind of paroxysm that ended with his shouting, as if to the a whole public gathering: "Once I really am in power, my first and foremost task will be the annihilation of the Jews. As soon as I have the power to do so, I will have gallows built in rows - at the Marienplatz in Munich, for example - as many as traffic allows. Then the Jews will be hanged indiscriminately, and they will remain hanging until they stink; they will hang there as long as the principles of hygiene permit. As soon as they have been untied, the next batch will be strung up, and so on down the line, until the last Jew in Munich has been exterminated. Other cities will follow suit, precisely in this fashion, until all Germany has been completely cleansed of Jews.
Hitler said this in 1922. According to the highly-respected Fleming, the record can be found at Josef Hell, "Aufzeichnung," 1922, ZS 640, p. 5, Institut fur Zeitgeschichte.
A veteran of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and the New Left monthly Ramparts, Steve Weissman lived for many years in London, working as a magazine writer and television producer. He now lives and works in France, where he is researching a new book, "Big Money and the Corporate State: How Global Banks, Corporations, and Speculators Rule and How to Nonviolently Break Their Hold."
Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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No Tears for the Real Robert Gates |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=28801"><span class="small">Ray McGovern, Consortium News</span></a>
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Thursday, 30 January 2014 09:06 |
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McGovern writes: "In Official Washington, the gap between image and reality can be wide, but there is a virtual canyon separating the mainstream's awestruck regard for Robert Gates as a 'wise man' and his record as a deceitful opportunist known to his former colleagues."
Former U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates. (photo: EPA)

No Tears for the Real Robert Gates
By Ray McGovern, Consortium News
30 January 14
Tn the early 1970s, I was chief of the CIA's Soviet Foreign Policy Branch in which Robert M. Gates worked as a young CIA analyst. While it may be true that I was too inexperienced at the time to handle all the management challenges of such a high-powered office, one of the things I did get right was my assessment of Gates in his Efficiency Report.
I wrote that if his overweening ambition were not reined in, young Bobby was sure to become an even more dangerous problem. Who could have known, then, how huge a problem? As it turned out, I was not nearly as skilled as Gates at schmoozing senior managers who thus paid no heed to my warning. Gates was a master at ingratiating himself to his superiors.
The supreme irony came a short decade later when we - ALL of us, managers, analysts, senior and junior alike - ended up working under Gates. Ronald Reagan's CIA Director William Casey had found in Gates just the person to do his bidding, someone who earned the title "windsock Bobby" because he was clever enough to position himself in whatever direction the powerful winds were blowing.
To justify the expensive military buildup of the 1980s and the proxy wars that Reagan wanted fought required judging the Soviet Union to be ascendant and marching toward world domination. In that cause, Gates was just the man to shatter the CIA's commitment to providing presidents with objective analysis. He replaced that proud legacy with whatever "information" would serve the White House's political needs.
As Casey's choice to head the CIA analytical division and then serve as deputy CIA director, Gates showed himself to be super-successful at weeding out competent analysts, especially those - like Melvin A. Goodman - who knew the Soviet Union cold and recognized its new President Mikhail Gorbachev for the reformer he was.
Those analysts who refused to toe Gates's line - which required judging Gorbachev to be a phony and ignoring signs of the coming Soviet collapse - lost their jobs to more malleable managers who saw things the Gates way. Goodman was one senior analyst who quit in disgust.
Yet, those CIA bureaucrats, who were more interested in personal promotion than promoting the truth, thrived under the Casey-Gates regime. The likes of John McLaughlin and Douglas MacEachin, whom Gates put in charge of Soviet analysis, wormed their way to the top of the agency. However, since the CIA had blinded itself to signs of the change that Gorbachev represented, the agency missed the fall of the U.S.S.R. in 1991.
Despite that stunning embarrassment, Gates's acolytes suffered no career damage. After all, they were simply regurgitating the "wisdom" of Gates, who - after he moved over to President George H.W. Bush's National Security Council staff - had kept insisting to the very end that the Soviet Communist Party would NEVER lose power.
So, it should have come as no surprise two decades later that many of those same CIA bureaucrats who had been promoted under Gates would be part of the malleable managerial ménage that did President George W. Bush's bidding in conjuring up fraudulent intelligence to "justify" the disastrous war on Iraq in 2003.
Then, Gates, who says in his new memoir Duty that he supported the invasion of Iraq, was brought back into government in 2006 as Defense Secretary to oversee the war's escalation, the much-touted "surge," which led to the deaths of another 1,000 U.S. soldiers and countless more Iraqis but failed to achieve the political and economic reconciliation that Bush had set as its top goal.
I wrote about Gates back then - as well as when he was reappointed as Defense Secretary by President Barack Obama in 2009 - so I decided that there were more useful things for me to do than, once again, expose Gates. More useful things like exposing other mendacious miscreants, like Director of National Intelligence James Clapper and National Security Agency Director Keith Alexander.
The mainstream U.S. news media was again falling short (surprise, surprise) in exposing these current operators, and Gates, after all, left the Official Washington scene in 2011. I also didn't want to risk nausea by reading Gates's latest Apologia pro Vita Sua.
I thought that anyone following the copious reporting on Consortiumnews.com regarding Gates would greet with appropriate skepticism his latest self-serving set of excuses. [See, for instance, "Robert Gates Double-Crosses Obama."] Plus, the un-malleable Mel Goodman, the only CIA division chief to quit rather than bend to Gates's dishonesty, had just given us an excellent piece titled "Bob Gates's Mean, Misguided Memoir."
Veterans Deserve the Truth
So, my personal thinking was to give Gates a pass this time around. But then I began reflecting on my experiences over the past three months spending time with U.S. military veterans, including in Gates's new home state of Washington and in North Carolina and Florida, on speaking tours hosted largely by my fellow Veterans For Peace. Most of my hosts are survivors of the Vietnam War, the Gulf War of 1991, Iraq, and Afghanistan. Most of them still grapple with serious wounds of one kind or another.
Then, when I got home this past weekend from my latest speaking tour, I read Dan Zak's sympathetic-to-Gates feature story in the Washington Post, describing how Gates wells up with tears when he thinks of the 11,000 troops (Gates's own count) killed or wounded in Iraq and Afghanistan on his watch as Defense Secretary.
That got me to thinking about my hosts and their families and all such survivors of unnecessary warfare. They surely deserve the truth about Gates's self-serving role in prolonging the agony, the killing, and the maiming in both Iraq and Afghanistan - the unconscionable waste of life, the trauma and the missing limbs for which Gates bears huge responsibility.
And it occurred to me that Gates's rapidly written memoir represents a holding action. His hurry to publish, even while the administration that he most recently served is still in office, betokens an unseemly rush to get his turgid version of events on the record, creating a decent interval before Afghanistan implodes, as Iraq is now doing (with 70 killed on Sunday alone).
Eventually the inescapable truth will out - at least for those who can "handle the truth." Namely, that what happened during the celebrated "surges" in Iraq and Afghanistan amounted to little more than a sacrifice of thousands of U.S. troops on the altar of the unbridled ambition that I observed in the first Efficiency Report that I wrote on Gates.
The many pages of his memoir devoted to how much he loved those troops - and how he has asked to be buried among them at Arlington National Cemetery - amounted to an attempt to anticipate and deflect accusations that he, in actuality, betrayed those young men and women by sending more of them to die just to buy time for President Bush and other politicians to slip out of Washington before the ultimate defeats in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Americans also deserve to know how presidents from Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush through George W. Bush and Barack Obama cynically used Gates's skills and ambitions to give them political cover for their own dirty work, from the waste of countless billions in taxpayer dollars on excessive military spending to the justification and prosecution of misguided and feckless wars.
That's why I feel I must break my promise to myself that I would not devote one additional minute to exposing this Teflon-coated charlatan, Robert Gates. Why? Because nowhere has the Fawning Corporate Media been quite so fawning as in their misbegotten adulation of "wise man" Gates.
Five years ago, for example, the late "dean of the Washington press corps," Washington Post columnist David Broder, hailed Gates as "incapable of dissembling." It is too late to disabuse Broder of his fantasy on Gates. But it may not be too late to inform those still interested in the real Bobby Gates that it would be much closer to the truth to say that Gates was "incapable of not dissembling."
Toward that end, I have dug out just three articles that I have authored in recent years in an attempt to put Robert M. Gates in some honest context. They are: "Gates and the Urge to Surge"; "Afghan Lessons from the Iraq War"; and "How to Read Gates's Shift on the Wars."

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Obama's Call to End Tragedies Angers Pro-Tragedy Wing in Congress |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9160"><span class="small">Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker</span></a>
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Wednesday, 29 January 2014 15:13 |
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Borowitz writes: "After Mr. Obama made his controversial stopping-tragedies remark, prominent pro-tragedy members of Congress looked on in stony silence, refusing to applaud."
President Barack Obama. (photo: unknown)

Obama's Call to End Tragedies Angers Pro-Tragedy Wing in Congress
By Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker
29 January 14
resident Obama's call during his State of the Union address to "stop more tragedies from visiting innocent Americans" received a frosty response from the pro-tragedy wing in Congress last night.
After Mr. Obama made his controversial stopping-tragedies remark, prominent pro-tragedy members of Congress looked on in stony silence, refusing to applaud.
"I thought it was offensive and inappropriate," said Sen. David Vitter (R-Louisiana). "If the President wants coöperation from Congress, he should refrain from his divisive and inflammatory anti-tragedy rhetoric."
The pro-tragedy lobby is among the most powerful in Washington, spending millions annually to defeat politicians who oppose tragedies.
Another congressman with a strong pro-tragedy voting record, Rep. Joe Wilson (R-South Carolina), also blasted the President's remark, accusing Mr. Obama of conducting a "war on tragedy."
"If the President really thinks he is going to prevent more tragedies, he should be prepared for a fight," Rep. Wilson said. "The American people's right to tragedies is protected by the United States Constitution."

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The State of Our Union Is Long |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>
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Wednesday, 29 January 2014 09:17 |
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Pierce writes: "[President Obama] was firm on one thing. He is not going to be a lame duck as long as he can still walk."
Vice President Joe Biden and Speaker John Boehner during the State of the Union. (photo: Doug Mills/New York Times)

The State of Our Union Is Long
By Charles Pierce, Esquire
29 January 14
ere are two takeaways from the most Clintonian speech Barack Obama ever gave.
1) When all the cheering for Cory Remsburg, the grievously wounded Army Ranger, died down didn't you stop for a moment and think, "Damn, 10 deployments." What the hell have we been doing there?
2) The whole chamber couldn't rise as one and cheer the notion that people shouldn't have to raise their families in poverty? That got him about half the hall, from the way it looked on TV. I know that a good portion of his political opposition believes that poor people are marked by god and their own insufficiencies of character to be poor, but at least couldn't they all have pretended that at least the notion of poverty was something we universally deplore?
Once again, he was the only obvious president in the room, much good may that do him. He did not rile up the base. He was not combative. He did not dwell on issues that his base wanted to hear. (If you had "Keystone XL," or "NSA," or "TPP" in your State of the Union drinking game, you probably wound up as the designated driver.) But he was firm on one thing. He is not going to be a lame duck as long as he can still walk. There were a lot of sentences that began with some variation of, "If Congress won't act..." And he can still throw a sneaky right hand over the top.
Now, I do not expect to convince my Republican friends on the merits of this law. But I know that the American people are not interested in refighting old battles. So again, if you have specific plans to cut costs, cover more people, increase choice, tell America what you'd do differently. Let's see if the numbers add up. But let's not have another 40- something votes to repeal a law that's already helping millions of Americans like Amanda.
This promise to use the powers of his office is what likely is going to raise all those hackles that were going to be raised in any case unless he got up there and abdicated in favor of Mitt Romney but, really, he couched these assertions in the mildest fashion, making of himself just a guy who was just trying to do the job to which he had been elected. He would like to have done it a different way but, darned it the regular way just didn't work, and now it's time to take out the tire iron and give the old machine a good bash. There wasn't a scintilla of anger in his voice all night. There was just a rueful tone to it, as though he had finally gotten the joke that history had played on him with the election in 2010 of the opera boufee that is our current House of Representatives.
The speech was Clintonian in three basic ways. First, and most obviously, it was long, almost 7000 words, and he delivered it very, very carefully. (John Boehner's face seemed to darken as the evening went along, like the side of a mountain that faces the sunset.) Secondly, it made a conscious, and largely successful, effort to argue policy positions from anecdote. The opening passage was a list of his administration's accomplishments folded into what appeared to be parable form:
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, members of Congress, my fellow Americans, today in America, a teacher spent extra time with a student who needed it and did her part to lift America's graduation rate to its highest levels in more than three decades. An entrepreneur flipped on the lights in her tech startup and did her part to add to the more than 8 million new jobs our businesses have created over the past four years. (Applause.)An entrepreneur flipped on the lights in her tech startup and did her part to add to the more than 8 million new jobs our businesses have created over the past four years. An autoworker fine-tuned some of the best, most fuel-efficient cars in the world and did his part to help America wean itself off foreign oil. A farmer prepared for the spring after the strongest five-year stretch of farm exports in our history.A rural doctor gave a young child the first prescription to treat asthma that his mother could afford. (Applause.) A man took the bus home from the graveyard shift, bone-tired but dreaming big dreams for his son. And in tight-knit communities all across America, fathers and mothers will tuck in their kids, put an arm around their spouse, remember fallen comrades and give thanks for being home from a war that after twelve long years is finally coming to an end.
And all of them still live in a place called Hope.
And finally, and most important, the speech was undeniably partisan while remaining conciliatory. This is a wire-walk of which Bill Clinton was the master, and this president has learned to stay up there pretty deftly himself. For every dark caution about what he'd do if they didn't, he pitched to Congress the idea that they all ought to get together and do something because the country was getting pretty pissed at all of them. He even pitched Boehner, whose balls are buried in a Mason jar somewhere in a spot only Eric Cantor knows, and who, I suspect, would like to leave a legacy behind as Speaker that consists of something more than keeping the likes of Louie Gohmert -- and Twitter's new star bullgoose Texas loony, Randy Weber -- in four-point restraints, a lovely little lifeline while doing so.
The point is, there are millions of Americans outside Washington who are tired of stale political arguments and are moving this country forward. They believe, and I believe, that here in America, our success should depend not on accident of birth but the strength of our work ethic and the scope of our dreams. That's what drew our forebears here. It's how the daughter of a factory worker is CEO of America's largest automaker. How the son of a barkeeper is speaker of the House. How the son of a single mom can be president of the greatest nation on Earth.
He was extraordinarily strong in spots, particularly on voting rights, where he plainly had a lot to say, and said it all, and on the process of getting the country off what he rather daringly described as the "permanent war footing" it had been on since 2001. Some of the economic ideas, particularly the expansion and strengthening of the Earned Income Tax Credit, were sound and worthy of immediate action, which they won't get. I'm still a little vague on the MyRA thing, which smacked a little bit of the gimmick, and which, in any case, is just another stop-gap by which the country can forget that, once, everybody had a guaranteed pension, before the unions broke down and the sharpers on Wall Street looted what was left.
But, if this speech burned no barns, it didn't sound anything like a last chance, either. The president seemed to have a pen and one hand, and that well-worn olive branch still in the other. He is what he always has been, the coolest head in the room. You can never say he isn't that.

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