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Odessa Atrocity Erupts in Peaceful City, And No One Wonders Why? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=20877"><span class="small">William Boardman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Saturday, 10 May 2014 10:13

Boardman writes: "The acting president of Ukraine, Oleksandr Turchynov, told regional governors on May 1 that the Kiev interim government was 'helpless' to re-establish central government control in eastern Ukraine, where anti-Kiev forces (pro-independence and/or pro-Russian) have taken control of numerous cities in a manner imitating the way the Kiev government itself seized power in February."

Oleksandr Turchynov. (photo: Twitter)
Oleksandr Turchynov. (photo: Twitter)


Odessa Atrocity Erupts in Peaceful City, and No One Wonders Why?

By William Boardman, Reader Supported News

10 May 14

Kiev Supporters Burn Opponents Alive in Odessa, Police Do Nothing

he acting president of Ukraine, Oleksandr Turchynov, told regional governors on May 1 that the Kiev interim government was “helpless” to re-establish central government control in eastern Ukraine, where anti-Kiev forces (pro-independence and/or pro-Russian) have taken control of numerous cities in a manner imitating the way the Kiev government itself seized power in February.

"I will be frank. Today, security forces are unable to take the situation in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions quickly under control,” Turchynov said at the May Day meeting. He reported that numerous Ukrainian military and security personnel had defected to the rebels, taking their arms with them. With Kiev’s authority in doubt in much of eastern Ukraine, Turchynov said his government’s plan was to try to slow pro-Russian gains by concentrating on the defense of Kharkiv in the northeast and Odessa in the southwest.

For months, Odessa (population about one million) had remained relatively peaceful despite turmoil in other parts of the country. Odessa was more disturbed by speculation than active demonstrations. The April 16 declaration of the “Odessa People’s Republic” turned out to be a hoax, and European monitors reported that the city remained calm. On April 23 in Odessa, people from various sides, including supporters of Euromaidan (pro-Kiev) and supporters of Antimaidan (pro-Russian culturally, but not always pro-separatist), agreed that the greatest threat to Ukraine was from abroad. They reportedly worked together to establish checkpoints around Odessa to defend against pro-Russian provocateurs.

The day after acting president Turchynov spoke of being “helpless,” the Kiev government launched its largest military operation to date in eastern Ukraine, an action that is still causing casualties on both sides, as the fighting continues at a low intensity.

On the same day, May 2, Odessa suffered more civilian deaths than any place in Ukraine since some 70 people died in Kiev in February, in the course of the bloody coup that brought the present government to power.

What happened in Odessa on May 2 remains somewhat murky

According to RT (Russian Television in English) in a late report that day, the events of May 2 started quietly and ended with violence and bloodshed (this has since been widely confirmed, although precise numbers remain uncertain):

“39 anti-government activists have died in a fire at Odessa’s Trade Unions House. Some burned to death, while others suffocated or jumped out of windows, the Ukrainian Interior Ministry reported. The building was set ablaze by pro-Kiev radicals.”

Earlier on May 2, around 2 p.m., some 1,500 pro-Kiev demonstrators gathered for a peaceful assembly in support of national unity, according to Agence France-Presse, which reported that at some point, “hundreds of pro-Russian militants swinging batons and wearing helmets on Friday attacked [the] rally…. Police intervened to try to break up the violence, which left dozens wounded on both sides.”

Where AFP saw an attack, RT saw a collision:

“A pro-unity demonstration, which included nationalists and football fans, ran into a rally preaching greater autonomy for the regions. Gunfire was heard … as two rival rallies met, police having failed to draw them apart. Over 2,000 protesters pelted each other with Molotov cocktails and smoke grenades. Pavements were dismantled to get the stones for the fight, like it was done in Kiev during the Maidan protests. Local police reported that four people were killed in the stand-off, and at least one of them died due to a gun-shot wound. At least 37 received injuries in clashes….

“Some of the people in the group were wearing the ultra-nationalist Right Sector movement insignia. They were also armed with chains and bats and carried shields, as an Itar-Tass correspondent on the ground reported. The group tried to march through the city, chanting ‘Glory to Ukraine,’ ‘Death to enemies,’ ‘Knife the Moskals [derogatory for Russians]’….”

Most of the crowd was not involved in any violence, judging by some of the available video: People by the hundreds mill about like a crowd at a carnival, wandering around an intersection where nothing appears to be happening, while people in a large cluster to one side look down a street toward a sideshow, something billowing smoke out of sight of the camera. Even when there are explosions or when shots ring out, no one seems to react. The crowd is overwhelmingly male. A lone young woman in the middle of the street with a camera seems unconcerned. Some of the men are masked, or wearing uniforms of one sort or another; some wear helmets and quite a few carry sticks or clubs, and shields, but firearms are rarely shown. Only a few people have cameras visible. A group of ten or more pro-Kiev men hijack a fire truck, then sit on it without moving. A Molotov cocktail burns on an empty street.

A long video compilation starts in bright daylight, showing police forming a line with their backs to one group of protestors as they face a sketchy barricade of lumber, ladders, a dumpster, panels of some sort, and other large detritus. Beyond this is another crowd in the distance. Some in the near crowd throw stones over the police in front of them, but it’s unlikely any can throw far enough to reach the other crowd. These police do nothing to intervene. Later there are some 30 police huddled together behind their shields as a handful of young men pelt them with rocks. In other shots there are men (not police) with handguns and automatic weapons.

Kiev proxies perpetrated the worst carnage of the day

Later in the day, the pro-Kiev forces attack a large stone building, five stories tall, with a colonnaded front entrance that is barricaded by its defenders. The attackers dismantle and burn an encampment in front of the building, dismantling a speaker’s platform and towers for lights and sound equipment. This is Odessa’s Trade Unions House and it is under siege, surrounded by a scattered, bustling crowd of hundreds of mostly armed men. Some throw stones at the defenders. Shots are fired. Farther back are thin ranks of hundreds of onlookers, many passively taking pictures. It appears to be a scene of relentless, low-intensity but extreme vandalism.

Later, the barricade is gone and no defenders are visible in front of the building. The pro-Kiev attackers have set fire to perhaps a dozen tents in front of the building and they burn into the night. Flames twenty feet high engulf the entrance to the Trade Unions House. Intense flames rage inside the ground floor and thick, black smoke pours out of windows on several floors (it looks like a stairwell on fire). There are people inside the building, fifty reportedly trapped on the roof. In the twilight, police arrive quietly, in formation, without reaction from the crowd. The police don’t do much. Wounded or dead victims are dragged or wheeled about, or left lying on the pavement. No one fights any of the fires. There are occasional shots or small explosions to which no one visibly reacts. There is no sign that people inside the building are fighting back. The crowd gets noisy when more than half a dozen people from inside the building appear along a narrow ledge, between smoking windows. Some of the onlookers have moved one of the light and sound towers next to the building, allowing people on the ledge to climb down the pipe framing, with police surrounding the base.

In another tape, someone throws a Molotov cocktail that hits the side of the building and burns on a ledge. A heavyset man in a blue uniform shoots his pistol at the building. A man crouches on a ledge above the crowd as smoke pours from a nearby window. Later he is gone. If any of the dozens of men in uniform are police, they are doing nothing to control the crowd. A crawling, wounded man is kicked from behind. There are other wounded people, some getting medical attention (officially, more than 200 were wounded during the day).

At dusk, some people start rescuing those trapped in the building

At one window of the Trade Unions House is the Ukrainian flag. Two people hang onto the outside of a window frame of a smoking third-floor window. At another window there are flames inside. People are leaning out of other third floor windows. Someone throws a Molotov cocktail at them, but misses. The crowd remains quiet, ignoring explosions. Drumming begins in the distance and lasts a few minutes. A rescue effort using ropes, a sound/light tower, and a ladder takes almost half an hour, but frees several people from the third floor. The second floor continues to burn nearby, but another ladder allows a few more people to escape from a smoking window. A man in a white helmet climbs a ladder to a third floor window and leads more people down. Firefighters in white helmets have extinguished the blaze at the front door. There are still hundreds of people in front of the building, but they are quiet, and the tent fires have burned out. It is dark. What light there is comes mostly from flashing emergency vehicles.

In the aftermath, inside the Trade Unions House, a 14-minute video circulates with what appear to be police officers walking through a series of offices that have been trashed, but are not burned. The “officers” occasionally rummage through papers, but ignore the occasional, apparently lifeless body. Outside, in the dark, people are milling about, occasionally calling out, sometimes laughing, mostly quiet until a group starts to chant in the distance.

This fragmentary and non-linear impression of events in Odessa is based predominantly on several hours of video for which there is no reliable verification (or discrediting). The cumulative effect of seeing many of the same moments from different angles lends credence to the reality of what is shown. Little if any of it could have been staged without great effort that surely someone would have noticed. It’s hard to find a credible and detailed account of that day’s events anywhere, never mind in mainstream media (the best I have seen so far are several by RT, and by the BBC on May 6).

Given what looks like mob murder, how would Western media play it?

At this point, a reasonable interpretation of fragmentary evidence suggests that there were distinct but related events in Odessa on May 2.

The first event began with the afternoon march of some 1,500 pro-Ukainian unity supporters, including hard-core fans of two Ukrainian soccer teams (Odessa vs. Kharkiv) as well as veterans of the Maidan Self Defense Force and members of Right Sector, the right wing political party that supplied much of the muscle in the Maidan’s resistance to the then-government. They then clashed with about 500 pro-Russian separatists, in a street fight with little close combat, although as many as four people died and others were injured. According to one report, that clash lasted about 15 minutes before the outnumbered pro-Russians retreated to the square in front of the Trade Unions House, where they had been camping out since February in a peaceful protest against the Kiev-coup government. (Odessa has a Russian ethnic minority of about 30%, or 300,000 people.)

The second event, the attack on the Trade Unions House (a mile or more away from the first clash), began some time later (likely flowing out of the first event, whether by design or opportunity). It formed for reasons that remain unclear – except for the ethnic/political hostility represented by the participants. The soccer/Maidan/Right Sector forces outnumbered the pro-Russians by 3 to 1, and appear to have been better armed as well. They had little difficulty driving the pro-Russians out of their encampment, then tearing it apart and setting it on fire. The pro-Kiev forces seem to have had little resistance from the pro-Russians, first forcing them back inside the Trade Unions Hall, then setting it on fire at multiple points, demonstrating what appears, at best, a willful disregard for life and safety.

For the most part Western media seem to have underplayed or ignored the reality of Odessa (or distorted it) for the sake of a propagandistic linkage to the Kiev government’s military offensive against Slovyansk, half a country away. As The New York Times headlined it on May 3 (inside story on page 7): “Ukrainian Troops Strike Rebel-Held City as Fighting Spreads to Black Sea Port” – an incoherent headline on its face that gets only less coherent in the context of reality. The story below that headline includes exactly two self-contradictory paragraphs about Odessa, one of which appears to be fiction:

“The deaths [on May 2] expand the increasingly violent struggle for control over Ukraine’s Black Sea port, which had been quiet until last week, when seven people were wounded in a roadside bombing.”

That’s the entire report of an attack for which there is no date, no location, no identification of the perpetrators, no identification of any of the victims, and no reaction from any official. A google search produced no other reference anywhere to this alleged roadside bombing. And the Times itself omits mention of the bombing in its longer, next-day story (inside on page 14) which goes back to reporting that Odessa “had been mostly calm” before May 2. (Another report referred to May 2 as Odessa’s “blackest day since 1941, when Nazi-allied Romanian occupying troops killed thousands of Jews.”)

Dishonest media bang the drums for war in Ukraine

Although Reuters is sometimes considered among the more reliable news organizations, it’s on board with the propaganda designed to persuade its readers of the “inevitability” of war – and, more subtly, of the righteousness of “our” side. A Reuters story on May 6, under a deceptive headline, “Both sides bury dead as Ukraine slides towards war,” begins with a lede that offers the basis for a case study in manipulation of a sort common to American mainstream media from MSNBC to Fox:

“KRAMATORSK/ODESSA, Ukraine (Reuters) - Both sides have been burying their dead as Ukraine slides further towards war, with supporters of Russia and of a united Ukraine accusing each other of tearing the country apart.”

“Both sides” is an inherently misleading phrase, since it is rare in any conflict that there are only two sides, especially in the conflict’s early stages.

“Both sides” is meaningless – worse than meaningless, it conceals meaning when applied to Ukraine, where there are, at a minimum, nine identifiable “sides” or factions, often overlapping:

  1. Ukrainians who want a non-aligned, free, independent Ukraine;

  2. Ukrainians who want a western-aligned but independent Ukraine;

  3. Ukrainians who want an anti-Russian Ukraine in NATO;

  4. Americans (and some of their allies) who have been working for decades to use Ukraine to threaten Russia;

  5. Ukrainians who want a Russian-dominated Ukraine (for example, the elected government that was overthrown in February);

  6. Ukrainians who want a federal Ukraine (similar to U.S.) in which dominant ethnic groups have significant independence;

  7. Ukrainians who want one or more independent states established within what is now Ukraine (i.e., Republic of Donetsk);

  8. Ukrainians who want to be part of Russia (i.e., Crimea);

  9. Russians who want one or more of these options, but mostly want the U.S./west to end their decades of threatening and leave Ukraine as much in Russia’s sphere of influence as Mexico is in America’s.

“Both sides” means what to Reuters? Which two of nine or more “sides” does Reuters want you to think about? Apparently Reuters wants you to think this is a conflict between Kiev and Moscow, as if Washington had played no role. That makes no sense unless one assumes some sort of political purity in Kiev, despite the regime’s illegitimacy and subsequent actions; the Kiev/Moscow reductionism also requires one to assume some sort of pure political malevolency in Moscow, despite its failure to intervene militarily yet and its legitimate interests in what happens on its border and what happens to ethnic Russians beyond its borders. A closer equivalence is between Washington and Moscow, each of which would like to achieve its own geopolitical goals (boding little good for Ukraine either way) without leaving more fingerprints at the crime scene that can be helped. Only a fool would assume that the American CIA chief visited Kiev to tell the government that the U.S. was not getting more involved in the struggle. Only a fool would believe that Kiev’s subsequent offensive against protesters (whose actions have been little different from those in the Maidan last winter) was all Kiev’s idea. Compared to the elected government’s restraint in the face of the Maidan protests, the current Kiev regime is proceeding with lethal rapidity and no apparent comparable effort to negotiate through the crisis.

“Both sides” is an obvious fiction even within the Reuters story, since those who are “burying their dead” are perhaps on opposites sides (of nine or more) politically, but they are not even close to being on opposite sides of the same confrontation. One side, in Kramatorsk, in northeast Ukraine, is more than 400 miles away from the “other” side in Odessa, in southwest Ukraine. These people are, most likely, total strangers – not two sides of a neat prevarication.

“Burying their dead” is emotive language, apparently employed here to stir passion, since the burials themselves have no inherent news value (and Reuters doesn’t even try to fake that part).

“Ukraine slides further toward war” misrepresents just about every aspect of what is happening. The underlying assumption – that Ukraine is sliding toward war – cannot be proven until it happens, which gives it an aspect of self-fulfilling prophecy. Focusing only on Ukraine falsifies a situation that includes Russia, the United States, Europe, Israel, border states, and an uncertain number of other actors. “Slides” is a slippery word that suggests no one is in control, when surely one or more sides in Ukraine are strategically ready (if not eager) to accept war. And why just “war” – why not “civil war?” Low-grade civil war may describe just what is happening now in Ukraine, where Ukrainians killing Ukrainians has continued its escalatory creep. Is Reuters secretly dreaming of a wider “war?”

According to Reuters, “both sides” means “supporters of Russia and of a united Ukraine,” as if there weren’t another seven of more articulable political positions. So it’s nonsense on its face. But what does “supporters of Russia” even mean? What does a “supporter of Russia” want? Annexation? Independence? Autonomy within Ukraine? Friendly international relations? Puppies? And supporters of a “united Ukraine?” What do they want? NATO membership? European Union membership? Non-aligned independence? A federal system? What? What we know about the usurping government in Kiev is that its very first act was to remove Russian from its official language status, which infuriated Russian speakers, no surprise. Kiev has since reinstated Russian’s official language status, but it’s nowhere near reinstating even minimal trust from people who might be labeled “supporters of Russia.”

Ukrainians “accusing each other of tearing the country apart” stand a good chance of being correct, no matter who they are. For a country to be torn apart it must first be a coherent whole, a state of being that Ukraine has never achieved for any significant period of time. So any accusation of tearing the country apart is more like a euphemism for “you’re not doing what I want.” In a situation with nine or more sides, that’s going to happen a lot.

The reality in Ukraine is that no one likes the reality in Ukraine

Almost everyone who talks about Ukraine talks about the need for peaceful solutions, though it’s not at all clear how many of those people mean anything more than “accept my point of view.” From the available evidence, it seems safe to assume that Ukraine is not filled with peacemakers, although there seems to be a majority of Ukrainians ready to live peacefully if they’re just left alone [a speculation perhaps too rosy to be real]. A few in the current government seem, on occasion, to have peaceful instincts but insufficient moral authority to persuade many of their peers to temper their rhetoric and work patiently for a broadly-supported settlement, assuming one could be devised. Such a settlement, difficult enough under internal Ukrainian conditions, is impossible under international conditions. It’s not just that Washington and Moscow are facing off, which would be bad enough. It’s that Washington has slowly but relentlessly pushed Moscow into a corner where it has little choice but to resist or resign itself to hostile Western advances more or less forever.

Ukraine is not surrounded by peacemakers, and even those European governments inclined to find a compromise are themselves compromised by an uncompromising United States, which lacks even the simple human decency to condemn burning innocent people alive. “The events in Odessa dramatically underscore the need for an immediate de-escalation of tensions in Ukraine,” White House spokesman Jay Carney said with a near-pathological lack of empathy. “The violence and efforts to destabilize the country must end.” It’s unlikely he was referring to the decades-long effort by the United States, its allies, and its proxies to achieve such destabilization for their own benefit. It’s even less likely that the Obama administration will acknowledge its unique position to de-escalate tensions by easing up its own efforts to de-stabilize and control Ukraine by proxy. At this point, only a significant shift of American policy can offer any hope for Ukraine. That’s bad news for Ukraine.

In reaction to the massacre in Odessa, where he death toll stands at 46 with another 48 still missing, the Kiev government sacked the top leadership of the Odessa police department. Acting interior minister Arsen Avakov said on Facebook that he fired the police officials “for failing to prevent a pro-Russian mob from attacking a pro-Ukrainian rally, a confrontation that touched off the violence on Friday,” according to the Times on May 6, without alluding to the police role in relation to the mob action that burned people alive.

Earlier in its inside shirttail (page 11) the Times referred to the burial of “one of the pro-Russian leaders, Vyachislav Markin.” With an almost Orwellian approach to re-writing history to fit the current propaganda, the Times wrote with cold distortion that: “Mr. Markin perished in the fire that burned a trade union building where pro-Russian activists had holed up after losing a street battle with pro-Ukrainian activists on Friday.”

Two days after the May 2 violence during which police arrested more than 100 people, several hundred pro-Russian supporters gathered at a police jail, forcing open its gate. Significantly outnumbered, police offered no resistance and released about 70 prisoners.

To replace the deposed Odessa police officers, Minister Avakov has sent an elite police unit from Kiev to keep order in Odessa. The new police unit, called Kiev-1 Battalion, comprises mostly veterans of the Maidan occupation that drove out the elected government in February. The nature and arrival of this special police unit, among an estimated 4,000 pro-Kiev troops sent to the city, has raised suspicions in Odessa, where Bloomberg (among others) reports widespread uncertainty:

Conspiracy theories are rife on both sides [sic]. Pro-Russian groups say the gunmen who started it all by opening fire on a peaceful demonstration by pro-Ukrainian soccer fans were paid by officials in Kiev to justify military action and subdue the rebels by force. Nationalists say Russia planned the attack to spread insurrection and weaken the central government. Both sides accuse the police of inaction and Ukrainian prosecutors have started an investigation.

“Ukraine’s government blamed the events on Russia’s Federal Security Service, the main successor to the Soviet-era KGB, and said the fire broke out after pro-Russians threw Molotov cocktails from inside. They were seeking to escape fighting that broke out after a march for Ukrainian unity was attacked.

“The speaker of Russia’s lower house of parliament, Sergei Naryshkin, said Ukrainian radicals including the nationalist Pravy Sektor [Right Sector] group are pursuing ‘genocide’.”

Things may get a lot worse in Ukraine before they start getting worse

Among the recent indicators of how things are going, other than sporadic fighting and the U.S. State Department warning not to travel in Ukraine, are these:

  • Since mid-April, Kiev has been reducing the supply of fresh water to Crimea. Reportedly Kiev plans to cut off Crimea’s fresh water supply completely and has already begun building a dam for that purpose.

  • Russia says it’s pulling troops back from positions within 50 miles of the Ukrainian border, and the United States says no, they’re not, without producing any of the satellite evidence that everyone knows would settle the factual issue.

  • With a narrow strait from the Black Sea separating Crimea from mainland Russia, Crimea would be at continuing disadvantage with Ukraine as its only overland border state – except that now a Chinese state construction company has agreed to build a bridge between Crimea and Russia.

So why doesn’t the United States build more bridges, maybe even start at home?

William M. Boardman has over 40 years experience in theatre, radio, TV, print journalism, and non-fiction, including 20 years in the Vermont judiciary. He has received honors from Writers Guild of America, Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Vermont Life magazine, and an Emmy Award nomination from the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Fossil Fuels Divestment: Win Some, Lose Some, Keep Fighting Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29097"><span class="small">Michael Winship, Moyers & Company</span></a>   
Saturday, 10 May 2014 10:08

Winship writes: "The divestment movement - a rising tide pushing institutions and other investors to pull their money out of fossil fuel companies - has a certain ebb and flow much in evidence this week."

A pair of nesting bald eagles near an oil pump in Colorado. (photo: Karl Gehring/The Denver Post)
A pair of nesting bald eagles near an oil pump in Colorado. (photo: Karl Gehring/The Denver Post)


Fossil Fuels Divestment: Win Some, Lose Some, Keep Fighting

By Michael Winship, Moyers & Company

10 May 14

 

he divestment movement — a rising tide pushing institutions and other investors to pull their money out of fossil fuel companies — has a certain ebb and flow much in evidence this week.

At Stanford University in California, the board of trustees announced that it would not make “direct investments in coal mining companies” and that it would divest itself of any current holdings in such companies. Further, it will recommend to its external investment managers that they do the same.

The announcement comes after a review of the social and environmental impact of investing in the fossil fuel industry by the school’s Advisory Panel on Investment Responsibility and Licensing, a committee of faculty, students and alumni.

Stanford President John Hennessy said that the university “has a responsibility as a global citizen to promote sustainability for our planet, and we work intensively to do so through our research, our educational programs and our campus operations. The university’s review has concluded that coal is one of the most carbon-intensive methods of energy generation and that other sources can be readily substituted for it. Moving away from coal in the investment context is a small, but constructive, step while work continues, at Stanford and elsewhere, to develop broadly viable sustainable energy solutions for the future."

Bill McKibben, writer, founder of the grassroots climate campaign 350.org and recent Moyers & Company guest, saluted the school’s decision: “Stanford, on the edge of Silicon Valley, is at the forefront of the 21st century economy; it’s very fitting, then, that they’ve chosen to cut their ties to the 18th century technology of digging up black rocks and burning them. Since it’s a global institution it knows the havoc that climate change creates around our planet; other forward-looking and internationally-minded institutions will follow I’m sure.”

Meanwhile, on the other side of the country, in Charlotte, North Carolina, shareholders at Bank of America’s annual general meeting considered a resolution urging the bank to examine the risks that industries in its financial portfolio pose to the environment. According to the activist Rainforest Action Network (RAN), “Bank of America is a top financier of greenhouse gas emissions-intensive industries such as coal mining, oil and gas production and fossil fuel-based electric power.”

Ben Collins, RAN’s research and policy campaigner, noted that coal is the leading contributor to greenhouse gas emissions and “a big problem for Bank of America, as it continues to finance billions of dollars each year to the dirtiest companies in the business. Shareholders proposed a resolution that the bank come clean on its accounting — and report the climate consequences of its financing decisions in the light of day.”

Especially disturbing is the bank’s involvement with mountaintop removal mining (MTR) — RAN reports that in 2013, Bank of America financed the destructive extraction method to the tune of $393 million, or 8.9 percent of the MTR market share — and its exposure to coal-fired power producers, including North Carolina’s Duke Energy, with which it has had many financial transactions.

Kemp Burdette, the Cape Fear Riverkeeper, said “Bank of America must take some responsibility for contaminating North Carolina’s waterways by financing irresponsible power companies like Duke Energy, who owns the most high hazard coal ash waste dumps in the country. Bank of America engaged in extremely risky business by pursuing deals with companies like Duke, who illegally dumped 85 million gallons of toxic coal ash in North Carolina waterways in 2014.”

Bank of America countered the environmentalists’ arguments, stating “Our company is an industry leader in supporting low-carbon solutions through our lending and financing programs, and in publicly disclosing the greenhouse gas emissions related to our operations and our business activities.” RAN and others acknowledged that Bank of America “currently reports an estimate of its overall exposure to carbon emissions from its financing relationships with electric utilities,” but that it “does not address emissions from the bank’s clients in other industries.”

None of four shareholder proposals introduced at the meeting were approved. Nevertheless, RAN’s Ben Collins said, “We were inside and delighted that our resolution was highlighted… The bank realizes that they have a problem, and the big picture is that it’s a problem requiring bold action by many.”

Bank of America’s proxy statement, including the fossil fuels resolution is available to the public, as is audio of the annual meeting. Ben Collins’ presentation to the stockholders begins at approximately 37 minutes into the recording.

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Dear Americans, Your Hashtags Won't #BringBackOurGirls. You Might Actually Be Making Things Worse. Print
Saturday, 10 May 2014 10:05

Balogun writes: "When you pressure Western powers, particularly the American government to get involved in African affairs and when you champion military intervention, you become part of a much larger problem. You become a complicit participant in a military expansionist agenda on the continent of Africa. This is not good."

Nigerian First Lady Patience Jonathan. (photo: The Will)
Nigerian First Lady Patience Jonathan. (photo: The Will)


Dear Americans, Your Hashtags Won't #BringBackOurGirls. You Might Actually Be Making Things Worse.

By Jumoke Balogun, Compare Afrique

10 May 14

 

imple question. Are you Nigerian? Do you have constitutional rights accorded to Nigerians to participate in their democratic process? If not, I have news you. You can’t do anything about the girls missing in Nigeria. You can’t. Your insistence on urging American power, specifically American military power, to address this issue will ultimately hurt the people of Nigeria.

It heartens me that you’ve taken up the mantle of spreading “awareness” about the 200+ girls who were abducted from their school in Chibok; it heartens me that you’ve heard the cries of mothers and fathers who go yet another day without their child. It’s nice that you care.

Here’s the thing though, when you pressure Western powers, particularly the American government to get involved in African affairs and when you champion military intervention, you become part of a much larger problem. You become a complicit participant in a military expansionist agenda on the continent of Africa. This is not good.

You might not know this, but the United States military loves your hashtags because it gives them legitimacy to encroach and grow their military presence in Africa. AFRICOM (United States Africa Command), the military body that is responsible for overseeing US military operations across Africa, gained much from #KONY2012 and will now gain even more from #BringBackOurGirls.

Last year, before President Obama visited several countries in Africa, I wrote about how the U.S. military is expanding its role in Africa. In 2013 alone, AFRICOM carried out a total of 546 “military activities,” which is an average of one and half military missions a day. While we don’t know much about the purpose of these activities, keep in mind that AFRICOM’s mission is to “advance U.S. national security interests.”

And advancing they are. According to one report, in 2013, American troops entered and advanced American interests in Niger, Uganda, Ghana, Malawi, Burundi, Mauritania, South Africa, Chad, Togo, Cameroon, São Tomé and Príncipe, Sierra Leone, Guinea, Lesotho, Ethiopia, Tanzania, and South Sudan.

The U.S. military conducted 128 separate “military activities” in 28 African countries between June and December of 2013. These are in conjunction to U.S. led drone operations which are occurring in Northern Nigeria and Somalia. There are also counter-terrorism outposts in Djibouti and Niger and covert bases in Ethiopia and the Seychelles which are serving as launching pads for the U.S. military to carry out surveillance and armed drone strikes.

Although most of these activities are covert, we do know that the U.S. military has had a destabilizing effect in a few countries. For example, a New York Times article confirmed that the man who overthrew the elected Malian government in 2012 was trained and mentored by the United States between 2004 and 2010. Further, a U.S. trained battalion in the Democratic Republic of Congo was denounced by the United Nations for committing mass rapes.

Now the United States is gaining more ground in Africa by sending military advisors and more drones, sorry, I mean security personnel and assets to Nigeria to assist the Nigerian military, who by the way, have a history of committing mass atrocities against the Nigerian people.

Knowing this, you can understand my apprehension for President Obama’s decision. As the Nigerian-American writer Teju Cole said yesterday, the involvement of the U.S. government and military will only lead to more militarism, less oversight, and less democracy.

Also, the last time military advisors were sent to Africa, they didn’t do much good. Remember #KONY2012? When President Obama sent 100 combat-equipped troops to capture or kill Lord’s Resistance Army leader Joseph Kony in Central Africa? Well, they haven’t found him and although they momentarily stopped looking, President Obama sent more troops in March 2014 who now roam Uganda, Central African Republic, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Consequently, your calls for the United States to get involved in this crisis undermines the democratic process in Nigeria and co-opts the growing movement against the inept and kleptocratic Jonathan administration. It was Nigerians who took their good for nothing President to task and challenged him to address the plight of the missing girls. It is in their hands to seek justice for these girls and to ensure that the Nigerian government is held accountable. Your emphasis on U.S. action does more harm to the people you are supposedly trying to help and it only expands and sustain U.S. military might.

If you must do something, learn more about the amazing activists and journalists like this one, this one, and this one just to name a few, who have risked arrests and their lives as they challenge the Nigerian government to do better for its people within the democratic process. If you must tweet, tweet to support and embolden them, don’t direct your calls to action to the United States government who seeks to only embolden American militarism. Don’t join the American government and military in co-opting this movement started and sustained by Nigerians.

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Washington's Pivot to Ignorance Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=25018"><span class="small">Ann Jones, TomDispatch</span></a>   
Friday, 09 May 2014 14:53

Jones writes: "Right now, all over the world, former Fulbright scholars like me (Norway, 2012) are raising the alarm, trying to persuade Congress to stand by one of its best creations."

Secretary of State John Kerry. (photo: Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images)
Secretary of State John Kerry. (photo: Jim Watson/AFP/Getty Images)


Washington's Pivot to Ignorance

By Ann Jones, TomDispatch

09 May 14

 

ften it’s the little things coming out of Washington, obscured by the big, scary headlines, that matter most in the long run. Items that scarcely make the news, or fail to attract your attention, or once noticed seem trivial, may carry consequences that endure long after the latest front-page crisis has passed. They may, in fact, signal fundamental changes in Washington’s priorities and policies that could even face opposition, if only we paid attention.

Take the current case of an unprecedented, unkind, under-the-radar cut in the State Department’s budget for the Fulbright Program, the venerable 68-year-old operation that annually arranges for thousands of educators, students, and researchers to be exchanged between the United States and at least 155 other countries. As Washington increasingly comes to rely on the “forward projection” of military force to maintain its global position, the Fulbright Program may be the last vestige of an earlier, more democratic, equitable, and generous America that enjoyed a certain moral and intellectual standing in the world. Yet, long advertised by the U.S. government as “the flagship international educational exchange program" of American cultural diplomacy, it is now in the path of the State Department’s torpedoes.

Right now, all over the world, former Fulbright scholars like me (Norway, 2012) are raising the alarm, trying to persuade Congress to stand by one of its best creations, passed by unanimous bipartisan consent of the Senate and signed into law by President Truman in 1946. Alumni of the Fulbright Program number more than 325,000, including more than 123,000 Americans. Among Fulbright alums are 53 from 13 different countries who have won a Nobel Prize, 28 MacArthur Foundation fellows, 80 winners of the Pulitzer Prize, 29 who have served as the head of state or government, and at least one, lunar geologist Harrison Schmitt (Norway, 1957), who walked on the moon -- not to mention the hundreds of thousands who returned to their countries with greater understanding and respect for others and a desire to get along. Check the roster of any institution working for peace around the world and you’re almost certain to find Fulbright alums whose career choices were shaped by international exchange. What’s not to admire about such a program?

Yet the Fulbright budget, which falls under the State Department’s Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs (ECA), seems to be on the chopping block. The proposed cut amounts to chump change in Washington, only $30.5 million. But the unexpected reduction from a $234.7 million budget this year to $204.2 million in 2015 represents 13% of what Fulbright gets. For such a relatively small-budget program, that’s a big chunk. No one in the know will say just where the cuts are going to fall, but the most likely target could be “old Europe,” and the worldwide result is likely to be a dramatic drop from 8,000 to fewer than 6,000 in the number of applicants who receive the already exceedingly modest grants.

For the U.S., that’s not a saving, it’s a foolish blunder. Only about 1% of American college students ever study abroad. Fewer than 20% speak more than one language -- a figure that includes immigrants for whom English comes second or third -- but all students benefit from the presence of international “Fulbrighters” on their campuses and the return of their own professors and grad students from study and teaching in other countries. Those Fulbrighters chosen according to standards of academic excellence may seem to be an elite group, but their presence on campuses from North Dakota State to Notre Dame is thoroughly democratic. Their knowledge gained abroad, unlike money in our economy, trickles down and spreads out.

Cutting the Fulbright budget also sends a dangerous message to allies around the world: that the U.S. is not truly committed to its biggest and best international exchange program. That news comes as a kick in the teeth to 50 partner countries that have established Fulbright commissions of their own to fund their share, or more than their share, of the mutual exchange. (Norway, for one, funds 70% of it.) What are good friends to make of “cultural diplomacy” like this?

Developing a Twitter-Worthy Worldview

Given what the program achieves, and what it contributes to American prestige abroad, the budget cut is a terrible idea, but the scheme behind it is worse. It hinges on the difference between thinking long and thinking short. With decades of experience, the Fulbright Program clearly welcomes the positive effects of the regular exchange of scholars and educators of proven excellence on broad issues of cultural diplomacy like peace, the progress of democracy, and economic cooperation over time. But it’s not so heedless of history as to think it can determine those outcomes.

The State Department, on the other hand, is headed largely by short-term political appointees, many without specialized experience, most fixated on their own competitive careers. Their thinking leans quite naturally toward the quick fix consistent with an alarmist and historically suspect worldview, quite possibly derived from CNN, inscribed in the justification of the federal budget proposed for 2015: “Global events and trends now start, spread, and shape countries in an instant.” For them, history now only happens on the fast track.

Given this Twitter-worthy worldview, the laggard State Department had to make some “strategic shifts,” according to Susan Pittman, a spokesperson for State’s ECA, the office now responsible for all of America’s “cultural diplomacy.” She claimed the shifts had to be made “in order to be able to take a different angle of doing some short-term targeted programs” in instantaneous crises like that now occurring in Ukraine. “To that end,” Pittman said, “there was the desire to be able to redistribute things.”

What the State Department desires to redistribute is Fulbright funding. It can’t kill the program, but it can starve it. Ukraine, however, is a bad example to cite as a target for redistributed fast-action funds, since the Fulbright Program, thinking long, has been operating in Ukraine for all 23 years of that country’s independence, exchanging about 1,200 scholars and educators. The spokesperson did not seem to know that, or chose not to mention it. Or perhaps Ukraine sprang to mind because her brand-new boss, Evan Ryan, a former special assistant to Vice President Biden and now -- as if by magic -- assistant secretary of state for educational and cultural affairs, happens to be married to President Obama’s deputy national security adviser, who had just appeared on all the Sunday talk shows speaking about... you guessed it: Ukraine. Well, I’m just guessing, too, but such things happen in the crowded and intimate little space inside Washington’s Beltway.

Anyway, the State Department actually has its eye on other prizes. In fact, the “strategic shifts” in State Department programming coincide miraculously well with the Obama administration’s militarized “pivots” in foreign policy. The Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs will spend $10 million in Southeast Asia and $20 million in Africa on brand new quick-fix programs to “increase outreach” to “young leaders... shaping the... future.” That’s $30 million drawn from the Fulbright budget and dispatched instead to follow the ships, drones, Navy SEALs, and other Special Forces types to unpublicized points in Asia (for the containment of China) and Africa (for who knows what).

These new ECA programs speak of “partnership,” but they are not like the Fulbright Program’s mutual exchanges. They are unilateral projects whose aim is to identify and cultivate the locals we can do business with in countries that may or may not welcome our outreach, or our handpicked young leaders either. Recall that Captain Amadou Sanogo, who led the 2012 coup that overthrew the elected government of Mali, started a war, and destabilized a vast region of Africa, was selected and trained in the United States under another State Department scheme: the International Military Education and Training program.

The ECA also plans to spend $2.5 million next year in Vietnam on what seems to be a consolation prize: a new American Fulbright University, named in honor of Senator J. William Fulbright who created the flagship program that bears his name and ushered it through Congress back in 1946. Fulbright, an Arkansas Democrat, was then a first-term senator whose experience as a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford had fostered his international perspective. He went on to spend 30 years in the Senate, becoming the longest serving chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and one of the twentieth century’s most influential senators. Yet if the State Department has its way, the proposed university to be named in his honor will be paid for by money cut from the international exchange program he considered his most important achievement.

In fact, there’s no good reason why the ECA budget should be balanced on the back of the Fulbright Program in the first place. Overall, the federal budget for international exchange programs will actually increase by 1.6% in 2015, to a proposed $577.9 million, while the total proposed budget for the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) will be $46.2 billion.

Surely that’s money enough to fully fund the Fulbright Program as well as those short-term, shortsighted, potentially explosive unilateral ones. So you have to ask: Why, with all those billions in pocket, must $30 million be snatched from Fulbright and its priceless reputation discounted?

At her confirmation hearing, Evan Ryan gave the game away, signaling to the senators that she knows perfectly well what she’s doing. She assured them that her office was “working closely with regional bureaus to ensure exchange programs are in line with U.S. foreign policy priorities and that they meet the needs of the changing global landscape.”

Soldiers, Not Scholars

There, of course, is the catch. The Fulbright Program was never meant to be a tool of foreign policy, much less a tactic of military intervention. It was and still is “designed to increase mutual understanding between the people of the United States and the people of other countries.” Senator Fulbright himself thought Americans had the most to learn. Asked near the end of his life what he had intended by the exchange program, he said, “Aw, hell, I just wanted to educate these goddam ignorant Americans!”

In the aftermath of World War II, he hoped that both the educational and humanizing effects of an international exchange program would promote peace and that within peace would be found authentic security for everyone. At the time, all nations counted and the world was round.

Now the landscape has shifted, and the globe has tilted to match the slant of America’s exceptional (and mostly classified) interests, as well as a version of “national security” dependent upon secrecy, not exchange, and war, not peace. You can see how the land lies today by tracing the dispersal of U.S. troops around that badly bashed and lopsided globe or tracking the itinerary of President Obama, just back from an Asian trip that included a new agreement extending the reach of soldiers, not scholars.

You can search hard and find little trace of those quaint old notions of international understanding and peace on the American agenda. Consider it a sign of the times that a president who, from his Nobel acceptance speech putting in a good word for war to his surges in Afghanistan to the “kill list” he regularly mulls over in the White House, has hardly been a Nobel Prize-quality executive, yet must still repeatedly defend himself against charges that he is too slow and far too wussy to go to war, perhaps as a result of his own “un-American” international childhood.

This is scarcely the moment for Washington to knock one nickel off its budget for international exchange. Longstanding educational partners of the U.S. in Europe, Asia, South America, Australia, and elsewhere now have other excellent opportunities for intellectual, scientific, and artistic exchange. Meanwhile, the dysfunctional, militarized, pistol-packin’ United States has lost much of its global allure. It was precisely this sort of isolation from the ideas and experiences of other cultures -- self-imposed by our own overweening ignorance -- that Fulbright feared. In his classic book The Arrogance of Power, published in 1966 in the midst of another unnecessary American war, he warned against the historic tendency of powerful nations to mistake military might for moral and intellectual strength and, by overreaching in an attempt to impose their views upon the world, to bring themselves to ruin.

Fulbright was hopeful that the United States might avoid this trap by “finding the wisdom to match her power,” but he was not confident because, as he wrote, “the wisdom required is greater wisdom than any great nation has ever shown before.” It is certainly greater than the wisdom in evidence in Washington today.

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FOCUS | Nazi, Nazi, Who's Got the Nazis? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=5494"><span class="small">Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Friday, 09 May 2014 13:27

Weissman writes: "Many on the Internet call Ukraine Fascist and use the deadly fire in Odessa in early May to bolster their claim. But, especially in Eastern Europe, highly-charged historic labels blindside believers, keeping them from seeing the far greater threat ahead."

Russian president Vladimir Putin. (photo: Alexei Nikolsky/AP)
Russian president Vladimir Putin. (photo: Alexei Nikolsky/AP)


Nazi, Nazi, Who's Got the Nazis?

By Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News

09 May 14

 

any on the Internet call Ukraine Fascist and use the deadly fire in Odessa in early May to bolster their claim. But, especially in Eastern Europe, highly-charged historic labels blindside believers, keeping them from seeing the far greater threat ahead.

Take, for example, a recent column on Antiwar.com by the libertarian journalist Justin Raimondo. He has long been one of my favorites, both for his keen opposition to George W. Bush’s war in Iraq and his authoritative biography of the right-wing anarchist Murray Rothbard.

“The murder of at least 38 people in the city of Odessa in the midst of Kiev’s ‘anti-terrorist’ offensive last Friday revealed the true face of the fascist regime that has seized power in Kiev,” wrote Raimondo. Righteously slamming Western media for ignoring the undeniable presence of nasty extremists in the Western-backed coup in Kiev, Raimondo implicates “the violent neo-Nazi” Right Sector (Praviy Sektor) and their “Fuehrer” Dmytro Yorash in purposely setting fire to Russian-speaking anti-government protestors in the Trade Unions building in Odessa.

The scene was horrifying. Raimondo felt particularly incensed by a video on YouTube happily showing the incinerated bodies of the “Russian Terrorists.” He also cited a chilling account by USA Today: “Witnesses and journalists reported that as the building burned with people inside, a crowd shouted, ‘Glory to Ukraine!’ and ‘Death to enemies!’”

A hint of what will happen if the world allows Eastern Ukraine to erupt into a full-scale civil war, the blaze grew out of a confrontation between supporters of the Western-backed government in Kiev and Russian-speaking opponents. Most of the pro-government Ukrainians appear to have been football fans showing their support for the government in Kiev. Both sides reportedly threw Molotov cocktails and fired guns. According to the Guardian, members of Right Sector were definitely present. The paper quotes one of them, Dmitry Rogovsky, whose hand had been injured during the fighting. “The aim is to completely clear Odessa [of pro-Russians],” said Rogovsky. “They are all paid Russian separatists.”

The Guardian also quotes another member of Right Sector, but nowhere does the paper give any indication that they or their group started the fire. In fact, I can find no credible account that they did. Some witnesses blame the pro-government forces without specifically naming the Right Sector. Others blame the anti-government militants, who threw Molotov cocktails down from the roof. How, then, does Raimondo know who did it? What evidence does he offer? Some twitter tweets to and from Guardian writer Howard Amos, which the paper never published in its final story.

Raimondo knows better. If readers want unsupported propaganda, they can read Moscow’s global news channel RT, which presented the Odessa fire as “a false flag operation” by Right Sector people. Their goal? “To both create a powerful atrocity to draw Russia into open conflict and intimidate any sort of population that is against the coup government by saying, ‘Look if you continue opposing us, we’ll murder you in the most gruesome manner possible.’”

What a fascinating take! They could be right. So could Raimondo. But neither offers serious evidence to pin the blame for the fire on the thoroughly nasty Right Sector. Nor can they properly characterize the government in Kiev as Fascist, even with its minority of ministers and other officials who continue to celebrate Hitler, adorn themselves with Nazi symbols, despise Jews, and value Europe not for democracy and the rule of law but for its deeply-rooted Fascist past.

A simple thought experiment proves the point. Try to think how the new government in Kiev would tell its enablers in Washington, Brussels, or the IMF that it will institute Fascist rather than neo-liberal economics. Or install as president a Fuehrer rather than a billionaire Oligarch. Or do without elections and the show of parliamentary democracy. Or officially bash Jews rather than Russians. Or drum out of its ranks all the current leaders whom the old-fashioned, die-hard Nazis at The Daily Stormer paint with yellow, 6-pointed Jewish stars, an idiotic rogues’ gallery that includes prime minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk, a self-proclaimed Catholic, his very blonde party leader Yulia Tymoshenko, and even the hero of the Maidan protests and likely new mayor of Kiev, the former world heavyweight boxing champion Vitali Klitschko, who with his Ph.D. in Sports Science is known as Dr. Ironfist.

Yes, Jews can genuflect, buy peroxide, and box. No, the bad new beast is not the bad old beast, and so far at least, the Nazis and Jews are making nice with each other – and with their imperial overlords, who are using them as shock troops just as they did throughout the Cold War.

This is not just an academic quibble. Buying Putin’s propaganda and putting organized Nazis and Fascists at the center of the story hides a far more terrifying truth about Ukrainian nationalism. Start with Stepan Bandera, who officially remains a “Hero of Ukraine.” As I wrote earlier, “Bandera and his followers – and many less ideological Ukrainians – collaborated with the Nazis and slaughtered Russians, Poles, other Eastern Europeans, and Jews, as well as Ukrainians who opposed fascism.”

Often the killings were every bit as gruesome as the fire in Odessa, as the US National Archive documented in “Hitler’s Shadow: Nazi War Criminals, US Intelligence, and the Cold War.” “When the Bandera gangs seize a Jew, they consider it a prize catch,” wrote one of the survivors. “The ordinary Ukrainians feel the same way…. they all want to participate in the heroic act of killing a Jew. They literally slash Jews to pieces with their machetes….”

Attacks on Poles were every bit as brutal. “Bandera men … are not discriminating about who they kill; they are gunning down the populations of entire villages,” the survivor went on. “Since there are hardly any Jews left to kill, the Bandera gangs have turned on the Poles. They are literally hacking Poles to pieces. Every day … you can see the bodies of Poles, with wires around their necks, floating down the river Bug.”

This is the nationalist tradition still celebrated in Kiev, and Ukrainians do not have to belong to Right Sector, Svoboda, or other organized Fascist groups to unleash the same nationalist fury in their zeal to have a country for their own kind without ethnic minorities. Members of Yatsenyuk and Tymoshenko’s Fatherland Party – like Andriy Parubiy, who commanded the defense forces at the Maidan and now heads the National Security and Defense Council – still venerate Bandera’s tradition, though they’ve tried to whitewash away as much as they can. They still talk the same talk, which comes through in Yatsenyuk’s saber-rattling, and the world should expect many of them to walk the same barbaric walk.



A veteran of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and the New Left monthly Ramparts, Steve Weissman lived for many years in London, working as a magazine writer and television producer. He now lives and works in France, where he is researching a new book, "Big Money and the Corporate State: How Global Banks, Corporations, and Speculators Rule and How to Nonviolently Break Their Hold."

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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