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The CIA in Germany: A Secret History Print
Friday, 11 July 2014 09:21

Aid writes: "You do not have to look very hard to find in the historical record information revealing that the CIA has been spying inside Germany for more than sixty years."

German foreign minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier. Germany is outraged at the extent of US spying in their country. (photo: Osman Orsal/Reuters)
German foreign minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier. Germany is outraged at the extent of US spying in their country. (photo: Osman Orsal/Reuters)


The CIA in Germany: A Secret History

By Matthew Aid, The Daily Beast

11 July 14

 

American intelligence as been spying on Germany for a long time, with and without their knowledge.

ver the weekend, news broke that the German security service had arrested a 31-year-old intelligence official who has been charged with providing classified information to an unnamed foreign government. Within a matter of hours, the German media confirmed that the country in question was the United States. CIA officials quickly said off-the-record that the Agency was ‘involved’ in recruiting the German agent, although we are still waiting for further details about what role the CIA played in this affair.

One should not be surprised by the news. You do not have to look very hard to find in the historical record information revealing that the CIA has been spying inside Germany for more than sixty years. CIA agents have even been captured and expelled by German authorities, including a number who were caught in the 1990s. These incidents, which received comparatively little attention in the U.S., were covered extensively in Germany and enraged the German public.

Despite the fact that Germany has been a longtime friend and NATO ally of the U.S., many of the Agency’s escapades have for decades been chronicled in the pages of the German news magazine Der Spiegel. And thanks to information leaked over the past year to the U.S. and European media by Edward Snowden, we now know in some detail that America’s eavesdropping behemoth, the NSA, had been tapping the cell phone calls of German Chancellor Angela Merkel and her predecessors since at least the late 1990s.

So why all the hoopla about this latest press revelation? Every foreign government official I have spoken to over the past thirty years has, at one time or another, admitted that they assume that the U.S. intelligence community is spying on their governments. A European intelligence official who has been actively involved in shaping the liaison relationship with the U.S. intelligence community since 9/11 admitted to me last year that, despite his country’s close relationship with Washington, this sort of clandestine behavior by America’s spies will continue well into the future. This is because espionage has become an integral part of American statecraft.

In the case of Germany, the CIA and the rest of the U.S. intelligence community have been actively conducting so-called ‘unilateral’ intelligence collection operations inside the country since the end of World War II. The CIA’s huge German Station, which was headquartered for most of the 1950s in the massive I.G. Farben Building in downtown Frankfurt, closely monitored every move of the hundreds of Soviet and Eastern European diplomats, as well as activities of the German Communist Party, which CIA analysts believed took its marching orders from Moscow.

These clandestine operations by the CIA were conducted with the knowledge and consent of the German foreign intelligence service, the Bundesnachrictendienst (BND), and/or the country’s internal security service, the Bundesamt für Verfassungsschutz (BfV). This practice was codified in a secret document called the Contractual Agreement, signed on April 5, 1955 by the chief of the CIA’s German Station, retired U.S. Army Lt. General Lucian K. Truscott, and by Dr. Hans Glöbke, the special assistant for security matters to German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer. The agreement clearly defined and delineated what sorts of activities the U.S., British and French intelligence services could and could not do on German soil.

But in reality, the CIA and other U.S. intelligence agencies treated the terms of the Contractual Agreement more as a series of general guidelines rather than hard-and-fast rules of behavior. As will be detailed in a forthcoming document collection that I am currently completing, even after the signing of the Contractual Agreement in 1955, the CIA continued to secretly conduct clandestine intelligence collection and covert action operations inside Germany that were deliberately not disclosed to the German government.

These operations included the covert funding of a number of West German anti-communist labor groups and political parties, and spying on German opposition political parties. The CIA also used German anti-communist youth groups and political organizations as cover for establishing clandestine paramilitary resistance groups and “stay-behind” agent networks in case the Soviets invaded.

The CIA was also conducting a series of highly sensitive unilateral spying targeting the embassies and trade missions of a number of hostile targets, such as the Cuban embassy in Bonn and Iran’s large trade mission in Frankfurt. And the listening posts of the NSA quietly intercepted and decoded much of the diplomatic communications of the West German government right up until the day the Berlin Wall came down in late 1989.

In West Berlin, where the BND never had a presence during most of the Cold War, the CIA’s Berlin Operations Base and a unit of U.S. Army intelligence monitored the activities of local German politicians. They also tapped the local telephone and telegraph lines and opened all German mail going to and from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.

But the tearing down of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, the reunification of Germany in October 1990, and collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991 all had a tremendous impact on U.S.-German intelligence relations. Literally overnight, the ties that had closely bound the U.S. and German intelligence communities together throughout the Cold War were dissolved.

The U.S. intelligence community reduced the amount of data that it shared with the BND, and severely trimmed the financial subsidies that formerly had comprised a significant amount of the German intelligence budget. And in Washington political circles, a unified Germany was now viewed not only as a competitor to U.S. dominance in Europe, but also as an economic rival in global trade markets.

So not surprisingly, CIA spying inside Germany intensified significantly in the years immediately after the end of the Cold War, with much of the Agency’s focus shifting to German diplomatic, financial and trade relations with countries such as Libya, Syria, Iraq and Iran. The CIA’s intensified espionage activities inside Germany did not go unnoticed by the German internal security service, the BfV, which kept a watching eye on CIA case officers based in Germany, quietly noting which German government officials the Agency officers were talking to.

Then an event occurred which changed the way the German viewed the CIA’s espionage activities inside their country. In January 1995, the French government publicly declared persona non grata the CIA station chief in Paris, Richard L. “Dick” Holm, his deputy, and three other CIA case officers, including a female CIA officer who was trying to collect sensitive economic data from a French government official. France’s move convinced a number of senior German government and intelligence officials that perhaps the time had come to lay down the law about the CIA’s comparable economic espionage activities in Germany.

According to a former CIA official, in late 1996 the BfV caught a CIA officer attached to the U.S. embassy in Berlin trying to surreptitiously obtain confidential information about German equipment sales to Iran’s nuclear industry. The intelligence came from Klaus Dieter von Horn, a high-ranking official with the German Economics Ministry who headed the office in charge of trade relations with Iran. The BfV informed the German government, and Berlin demanded that the CIA officer be expelled from the country for “activities incompatible with his diplomatic post.”

A very public diplomatic fracas ensued in March 1997, when the German Foreign Ministry leaked to the German press that they had declared the CIA officer persona non grata and ordered him to leave the country. Furious efforts by the CIA station chief in Berlin at the time, Floyd L. Paseman, to convince the German government to rescind the expulsion order failed to achieve the desired result, and the CIA was forced to put the officer on a plane back to Washington.

If you thought that the CIA would have learned its lesson from the von Horn affair, you would be wrong. Two years later in September 1999, the CIA was forced to recall three of its undercover case officers stationed at the U.S. consulate in Munich who were caught by the BfV. The American spies had been trying to recruit another German government official with access to sensitive economic information.

According to a former German security official, two of the CIA officers were what are referred to within the CIA as NOCs (non-official cover agents), posing as a husband-wife team of American businessmen trying to collect information about German high-tech companies based in and around Munich.

The German Foreign Ministry wanted the CIA’s Chief of Station in Berlin, David Edgar, declared persona non grata and expelled from the country in order to send a sharp message to Washington that Berlin would not tolerate any more unauthorized behavior by the CIA. But the German Foreign Ministry was overruled, and Edgar was allowed to remain at his post until he rotated back to the U.S. in 2001.

A number of things bother me about the latest revelations about CIA spying in Germany. The first is that these sorts of highly sensitive clandestine operations apparently have not been curtailed in any meaningful way, despite President Obama’s repeated public pledges in recent months to impose restrictions on these sorts of activities.

And perhaps more importantly, given the massive amount of publicity given to the recent revelations about NSA spying inside Germany, why was this particular operation authorized in the first place? Is finding out what the German parliament is doing behind closed doors about the Snowden revelations worth the price of causing irreparable harm to U.S. diplomatic, economic and intelligence relations with Germany?

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Americans Unhappy to Be Reminded That Sarah Palin Exists Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9160"><span class="small">Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Thursday, 10 July 2014 14:50

Borowitz writes: "A new poll released Thursday reveals that a broad majority of Americans describe themselves as "deeply unhappy" to have been reminded that the former Alaska Governor Sarah Palin exists."

Sarah Palin speaking in Toledo, Ohio, 10/29/08. (photo: McCain-Palin 2008)
Sarah Palin speaking in Toledo, Ohio, 10/29/08. (photo: McCain-Palin 2008)


Americans Unhappy to Be Reminded That Sarah Palin Exists

By Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker

10 July 14

 

The article below is satire. Andy Borowitz is an American comedian and New York Times-bestselling author who satirizes the news for his column, "The Borowitz Report."

new poll released Thursday reveals that a broad majority of Americans describe themselves as “deeply unhappy” to have been reminded that the former Alaska Governor Sarah Palin exists.

Palin’s call for the impeachment of President Obama, a ploy to remind people that she still roams the earth, appears to have backfired, the poll shows.

With seventy-two per cent of respondents saying that they were “upset” or “very upset” to be reminded of her existence, Palin is one of three non-officeholders whose recent utterances have traumatized Americans.

According to the poll, eighty-one per cent were upset to be reminded that Ann Coulter exists, while a hundred per cent felt that way about the existence of the former Vice-President Dick Cheney.

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NYT Protects the Fogh Machine Print
Thursday, 10 July 2014 14:45

Parry writes: "In crises ranging from the Iraq War to civil conflicts in Syria and Ukraine, the New York Times has steadily transformed itself into a propaganda organ, promoting false U.S. government narratives rather than providing objective information to its readers."

The New York Times building. (photo: Raymond Boyd/Michael Ochs Archives)
The New York Times building. (photo: Raymond Boyd/Michael Ochs Archives)


NYT Protects the Fogh Machine

By Robert Parry, Consortium News

10 July 14

 

principal way that the New York Times and other leading U.S. news outlets engage in propaganda is by selecting which facts to include in a story and which ones to exclude, a process exemplified by a Times article on an interview in which the head of NATO excoriates Russia over Ukraine.

NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen accused Russia of playing a “double game,” warned the West not to be fooled by the peaceful overtures of Russian President Vladimir Putin, and declared, “There’s no doubt that Russia is heavily engaged in destabilizing eastern Ukraine, and they continue their activities.”

However, since Rasmussen provided no evidence, his credibility would seem to be central to this story. And, on Wednesday, correspondents Mark Landler and Michael R. Gordon provided some background about Rasmussen, noting that he served as prime minister of Denmark before getting the NATO gig in 2009.

But what is excluded from the Times’ story is what the readers would need to evaluate Rasmussen’s honesty as well as his own ability to weigh evidence. Not mentioned by Landler and Gordon was the fact that this is the same Anders Fogh Rasmussen who swallowed President George W. Bush’s bogus case for invading Iraq hook, line and sinker.

Before the U.S. invasion in 2003, Rasmussen famously declared that “Iraq has WMDs. It is not something we think; it is something we know. Iraq has itself admitted that it has had mustard gas, nerve gas, anthrax, but Saddam won’t disclose. He won’t tell us where and how these weapons have been destroyed. We know this from the UN inspectors, so there is no doubt in my mind.”

Of course, pretty much everything that Rasmussen declared was wrong, but it succeeded in tricking the Danish parliament into voting to join Bush’s “coalition of the willing” to invade Iraq. Yet, while Rasmussen was rewarded for his cooperation and his duplicity with the NATO job, a Danish intelligence analyst Frank S. Grevil was imprisoned for four months for disclosing documents that exposed Rasmussen’s deception.

While such an arrangement might now seem normal for Americans who have gotten use to prosecutions of truth-tellers who expose war crimes and immunity for liars who start unnecessary wars, Rasmussen’s falsehoods on Iraq – and his role in that criminal invasion – are facts that should have been provided to Times’ readers as they judge whether to believe his current allegations about Russia and Ukraine.

But Landler and Gordon saw fit to protect the Fogh machine by leaving out his unpleasant history, all the better to sell the preferred narrative blaming the entire Ukraine crisis on Russia and Putin. [For more on the New York Times' journalistic malfeasance, see Consortiumnews.com’s “Will Ukraine Be NYT’s Waterloo?”]

Checkered Journalistic Careers

Michael Gordon’s bias in favor of U.S./NATO propaganda also has a long history. He co-wrote, with Judith Miller, the infamous aluminum tube story of Sept. 8, 2002, relying on U.S. intelligence sources and Iraqi defectors to frighten Americans with images of “mushroom clouds” if they didn’t support Bush’s invasion of Iraq. The timing played perfectly into the administration’s advertising “rollout” for the Iraq War.

The story turned out to be false and to have unfairly downplayed skeptics of the nuclear-centrifuge scenario. The aluminum tubes actually were meant for artillery. But the article provided a great impetus toward the Iraq War, which ended up killing nearly 4,500 U.S. soldiers and hundreds of thousands of Iraqis.

Gordon’s co-author, Judith Miller, became the only U.S. journalist known to have lost a job over the reckless and shoddy reporting that contributed to the Iraq disaster. For his part, Gordon continued serving as a respected Pentagon correspondent.

Gordon’s name also showed up in a supporting role on the Times’ botched “vector analysis” story of Sept. 17, 2013, which nearly helped get the United States into another Mideast war, with Syria. That story traced the flight paths of two rockets, recovered in suburbs of Damascus after the Aug. 21 sarin gas attack, back to a Syrian military base 9.5 kilometers away.

The article became the “slam-dunk” evidence that the Syrian government was lying when it denied launching the sarin attack that killed several hundred people. However, like the aluminum tube story, the Times’ ”vector analysis” ignored contrary evidence, such as the unreliability of one azimuth from a rocket that landed in Moadamiya because it had struck a building in its descent. That rocket also was found to contain no sarin, so it’s inclusion in the vectoring of two sarin-laden rockets made no sense.

But the Times’ story ultimately fell apart when rocket scientists analyzed the one sarin-laden rocket that had landed in the Zamalka area and determined that it had a maximum range of about two kilometers, meaning that it could not have originated from the Syrian military base 9.5 kilometers away. C.J. Chivers, one of the co-authors of the article, waited until Dec. 28, 2013, to publish a halfhearted semi-retraction. [See Consortiumnews.com’s “NYT Backs Off Its Syria-Sarin Analysis.”]

Last April, Gordon was involved in another journalistic fiasco when he and two other correspondents fell for some grainy photographs peddled by the U.S. State Department to supposedly prove that Russian military personnel — who had been “clearly” photographed in Russia — turned up fighting in Ukraine.

However, two days later, the Times was forced to retract the story when it was discovered that a key photo that was supposedly taken in Russia was actually snapped in Ukraine, destroying the premise of the article. [See Consortiumnews.com’s “NYT Retracts Russian Photo Scoop.”]

Taking the Israeli Line

Landler, the Times’ White House correspondent, has been another propaganda specialist when it comes to framing foreign confrontations in ways favorable to the U.S. government and its allies. For instance, on March 5, 2012, he appeared on MSNBC and offered this account of Israeli-Iranian tensions:

“The Israelis feel the window for that [denying Iran the capability to build nuclear weapons] is closing and it’s closing really fast, and if they allow it to close without taking military action, they would find themselves in a position where the Iranians suddenly are in possession of nuclear weapons, which they’ve threatened already to use against Israel. As the Israelis always say, that’s an existential threat to Israel, which is something we don’t necessarily feel here in the United States.”

Landler’s account was hair-raising, claiming that Iranians have “threatened already to use [nuclear weapons] against Israel” which the Israelis understandably would perceive as an “existential threat.” But Landler’s statement simply wasn’t true. Iranian leaders continue to deny that they even want nuclear weapons, so it makes no sense that they would threaten to use them against Israel.

For instance, in February 2012, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who controls the armed forces, called “the possession of nuclear weapons a grave sin” and said “the proliferation of such weapons is senseless, destructive and dangerous.” He insisted that “the Iranian nation has never pursued and will never pursue nuclear weapons.”

Further, the U.S. intelligence community reported in 2007 that Iran stopped research work on a nuclear weapon in 2003 and has not resumed that effort. That assessment has been reaffirmed periodically and remains the position of the CIA and other intelligence agencies.

Beyond that, for Iran to threaten to “annihilate” Israel with its hypothetical nuclear weapons would represent one of the strangest threats in world history. Here is a nation without nuclear weapons – and whose top leader disavows any intent to get nuclear weapons – supposedly threatening to use those non-existent weapons against a nation which has a large stockpile of nuclear weapons.

So, perhaps it’s no surprise that the Times would spare its readers the relevant background on NATO chief Anders Fogh Rasmussen’s credibility because otherwise the supposed “newspaper of record” might also be expected to explain why it continues to entrust sensitive stories to journalists who have a history of slanting information in ways that may advance their careers but misleads the public.

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We Want People to Change Their Minds Print
Thursday, 10 July 2014 14:41

McKibben writes: "Every one of us in the Western world has contributed to climate change. We drive, fly, cool, heat.:

(photo: file)
(photo: file)


We Want People to Change Their Minds

By Bill McKibben, Reader Supported News

10 July 14

 

ord came recently that both the Philadelphia Quakers and the Unitarian General Assembly have decided to divest from fossil fuels. It followed by few weeks the news that the Roman Catholic University of Dayton and Union Theological Seminary, the home of many a great thinker, had done likewise.

In each case I felt a kind of surge of joy, that these historic institutions were helping transform the political and moral landscape, redefining for our time what's right and wrong. Destroying the climate, they were saying, is incompatible with our evolving ethical sense. We used to think investing in fossil fuel was okay, but the new science has convinced us, and we don't think that way any longer.

I could, I guess, have felt anger that they waited so long -- that for years their investment portfolios had helped drive the expansion of coal and gas and oil, in turn driving up the temperature of the planet for decades to come. But that didn't occur to me. It was joy only.

It did, however, occur to the New York Times, which for a while last Friday had at the very top of its website a strange story excoriating an investor named Tom Steyer, who more than a year ago divested his holdings in fossil fuel companies, and when he couldn't and when he knew he couldn't square his new personal beliefs with the investment mandate of the firm he'd founded, he quit his job.

Even so, the Times noted, "the coal-related projects his firm bankrolled will generate tens of millions of tons of carbon pollution for years, if not decades, to come." Which is both true and obvious: How could it be any different? Tom Steyer's decision to divest couldn't shut down the coal mines he'd helped build; it could only help insure no new ones would be constructed. None of us have the power to travel back in time.

The Times story was a transparent hit job. It drew on the work of a partisan connected to the Koch brothers and writing for the rightwing blog Powerline, which had been insisting for months that Steyer -- who not only divested but went on to devote a sizeable portion of his fortune to fighting for climate action -- was a "hypocrite," in fact an "epic hypocrite." One of the two reporters on the story -- Coral Davenport -- has in her brief tenure at the Times has regularly disdained the grassroots climate movement for action against projects like the Keystone pipeline. (My confident prediction is that when we march in record numbers for climate action in New York City on September 21 she'll figure out some way to make it all seem small and silly.) The piece on Steyer, that she co-wrote with Michael Barbaro, was not a skeptical but a cynical piece of work: It built a strawman, bent him into an impossible position, and proceeded to light him on fire.

But if the Times should never have run it, the piece does nonetheless allow all of us to think through this question of hypocrisy. Every one of us in the Western world has contributed to climate change. We drive, fly, cool, heat. Perhaps we went to (or, like me, work at) colleges whose endowments are invested in fossil fuels, or perhaps we draw pensions from funds that back Exxon and Shell. If we don't mine coal ourselves, we likely work for companies that belong to the Chamber of Commerce and hence are active in the fight against climate legislation. On and on it goes, since fossil fuel is knit into the fabric of our society. If, as the Times puts it, Steyer is "shadowed by coal," so are the rest of us.

That means that if we are going to make the transformative change away from fossil fuel, we need thousands of institutions and millions of individuals to make the same choice that Steyer and the World Council of Churches and the University of Dayton trustees made: to look at the emerging science and to understand that we can't go on as we did before. What used to be okay no longer is. Hypocrisy is when you say one thing and do another at the same time. Growth is when you weigh new information and then change your thinking and behavior.

Not everyone will have Steyer's freedom to make climate action their life's work, though the scale of the crisis demands that we all do something to help change not just our lightbulbs but the system. And what's amazing how many people are taking on this greatest of challenges with everything they've got, and discovering in the process that when we join together as movements we're big enough to stand up to the bad guys. The fossil fuel resistance is very real, and it doesn't depend on billionaires: consider the Pacific Islanders currently building canoes for the trip to Australia to block coal ports, or the doctors arrested outside those Aussie mine gates last month; the native Americans who just finished a Healing Walk across the tarsands country of Alberta and the college students arrested this spring at Harvard and Washington University demanding divestment; the environmental justice advocates who stick it out in the one community after another blighted by refineries, and the entrepreneurs pioneering community-funded solar power, and the scientists who hunker down on the dwindling ice sheets trying to understand how much margin we still have. Together we're not yet winning, but together we're giving the fossil fuel industry a run for its money.

None of us, as I've said, are perfect. Actually, a few of us are. If you're looking for people who can never be accused of any hypocrisy, it's the Koch brothers that you want -- if you deny science and disdain democracy, there's no way for anyone to hold you intellectually or morally accountable. While the Times was busy trying to shame Steyer for the crime of changing his mind, real journalists at the Toronto Star were completing an investigation into the extent of the Koch holdings in the far north. Piecing together all the scattered data, they found that they control an astonishing 1.1 million acres of the tarsands, and that they are huge contributors to all the "thinktanks" and campaigns trying to build Keystone and other pipelines. And there's nothing even remotely hypocritical about it -- it's just disgusting.

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Our New Bill to Fight Hobby Lobby Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=7122"><span class="small">Elizabeth Warren, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Thursday, 10 July 2014 09:35

Warren writes: "The bill reverses the Supreme Court's decision by making it clear that employers cannot deny access to any of the health benefits required by the ACA - not immunizations, not blood transfusions, not HIV treatments, and not birth control."

Senator Elizabeth Warren. (photo: Boston Herald)
Senator Elizabeth Warren. (photo: Boston Herald)


Our New Bill to Fight Hobby Lobby

By Elizabeth Warren, Reader Supported News

10 July 14

 

was stunned by last week's Hobby Lobby ruling.

Stunned that we live in a world where the Supreme Court of the United States of America would even consider putting the interests of big corporations before the fundamental rights of American women.

Stunned that the Court would establish precedent for one enormous slippery slope on letting employers deny individuals health coverage for any medical treatment.

Today, my Democratic colleagues and I are fighting to do what the Supreme Court failed to do: to protect the basic rights of American women and families.

Led by Senators Patty Murray and Mark Udall, we've just introduced a new bill – the Protect Women's Health from Corporate Interference Act. The bill reverses the Supreme Court's decision by making it clear that employers cannot deny access to any of the health benefits required by the ACA – not immunizations, not blood transfusions, not HIV treatments, and not birth control – while preserving reasonable accommodations for religiously exempt employers.

If we're going to respond to Hobby Lobby, it's got to be through a legislative fix. And if the Republicans won't fight for the women they represent, then we're going to take that fight to them. Let them explain why they think employers should decide what health care a woman can get covered by her insurance.

I cannot believe that in 2014 I have to send you an email about protecting access to birth control. We've got a lot of other big problems in our country to tackle right now.

Millions of people still haven't recovered from the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression. More and more young people are drowning in student debt. Too many workers are struggling to stay out of poverty on a minimum wage, and millions of others are struggling to save for retirement. Seniors keep getting told they're going to have to get by on less.

But the Republican Party has made it clear: They want to spend their time working to deny women access to birth control and punch as many holes in the Affordable Care Act as they can.

Just look at the facts:

  • In 2012, Republicans tried to pass the Blunt Amendment – legislation that would allow employers and insurance companies to deny women's health care services – even birth control – based on any vague moral objection.

  • When the Blunt Amendment failed, the Republicans resorted to hostage-taking. Remember last year's government shutdown that nearly tanked our economy? That all started with a GOP threat to get Democrats to change the law so employers could deny coverage for birth control.

When Democrats wouldn't cave and the government shutdown backfired, the Republicans turned to their conservative friends on the United States Supreme Court – five justices who are among the top ten most pro-corporate justices to serve in the last half-century – to do what Congress and the American people would not: give corporations rights to determine women's access to health care coverage.

We cannot stand by while the radical right of our country conducts a full-scale assault on women's rights and basic health care.

This is 2014, not 1914 – and we've had enough.

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