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FOCUS | Edward Snowden: "I Would Love an Open Trial" |
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Saturday, 25 October 2014 11:05 |
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Mayer writes: "My interview of Edward Snowden, conducted remotely in front of an audience at the New Yorker Festival, was a chance to pose not just my own questions but also those that have been raised by his fiercest critics."
Edward Snowden being interviewed by Jane Mayer at the MasterCard stage at SVA Theatre during The New Yorker Festival 2014 in New York City. (photo: AFP)

Edward Snowden: "I Would Love an Open Trial"
By Jane Mayer, The New Yorker
25 October 14
y interview of Edward Snowden, conducted remotely in front of an audience at the New Yorker Festival, was a chance to pose not just my own questions but also those that have been raised by his fiercest critics. One of his most interesting answers was his explanation for why he had decided to flee the United States. A number of detractors have suggested that if Snowden, who disclosed controversial top-secret N.S.A. programs to reporters, truly wanted to commit an act of civil disobedience for reasons of conscience, then he should have faced the legal consequences, making his case to the American public while standing trial at home.
When I asked why he didn’t take this route, Snowden said that because of the way national-security laws have been interpreted since September 11, 2001, he believed that the government had deprived him, and other whistle-blowers, of ever having the opportunity to make their cases in this time-honored tradition. Instead of being allowed to make his arguments in an open, public court, he said, his lawyers were told that the government would close the court for national-security reasons. (When asked to comment, a Justice Department spokesman would say only, “It remains our position that Mr. Snowden should return to the United States and face the charges filed against him. If he does, he will be accorded full due process and protections.”)
Snowden said that he would “love” to return to the United States and stand trial, if he could be assured that it would be open and fair. He said, “I have told the government again and again in negotiations that if they’re prepared to offer an open trial, a fair trial, in the same way that Daniel Ellsberg got, and I’m allowed to make my case to the jury, I would love to do so. But they’ve declined.”
Instead, Snowden said, “They want to use special procedures. They want a closed court. They want to use something called the Classified Information [Procedures] Act.”
Snowden pointed out that in other post-9/11 whistle-blower cases, such as those of the former N.S.A. employee Thomas Drake, the government invoked national-security concerns in order to keep the public from fully hearing the basis of his arguments. (I covered Drake’s case, and remember well the stifling secrecy surrounding the proceedings; in the end, the serious charges were dropped in return for Drake pleading guilty to a single misdemeanor.) National security became, in essence, a form of legal censorship, blocking communication between the accused and the American public. With no assurance that he could make his case to the American public at home, Snowden said that he instead has found himself, ironically, in Russia, a state not exactly known for its defense of civil liberties.
I asked him what he missed about the United States. “The question is, What don’t I miss?” Snowden replied. “It’s a great country.”
Edward Snowden: The Final Check on Abuse of Power Is Whistle-Blowing
Edward Snowden: The Game Plan for the N.S.A. Leak

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FOCUS | Ebola Panic Is Straight From the Twilight Zone |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6853"><span class="small">Frank Rich, New York Magazine</span></a>
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Saturday, 25 October 2014 09:30 |
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Rich writes: "You know things are bad when a Fox News anchor is the voice of reason, telling his viewers to ignore the 'very irresponsible' media voices fueling the Ebola panic."
A protester in front of the White House calling for a travel ban from West Africa. (photo: Allison Shelley/Getty Images)

Ebola Panic Is Straight From the Twilight Zone
By Frank Rich, New York Magazine
25 October 14
Every week, New York Magazine writer-at-large Frank Rich talks with contributor Eric Benson about the biggest stories in politics and culture. This week: Making sense of the overheated Ebola and Klinghoffer panics.
n the two weeks since the death of Thomas Eric Duncan, Ebola hysteria has taken hold in some corners of the U.S., with school closures, paid leaves, and cruise ship quarantines enacted to protect the populace from dozens of people who did not actually have the disease. So far, only two people we know of have been infected by Ebola on U.S. soil (both were nurses who treated Duncan), public health officials have offered clear and consistent explanations of the minimal risks of contracting the disease, and even Fox News — or, at least, Fox News anchor Shep Smith — has tried to quell the panic. Why are Americans still so worked up about this?
Of all the incidents of runaway Ebola hysteria in America, the one that most grabbed me was reported by the Times on Sunday: A man in Payson, Arizona, decided to submit to a self-imposed quarantine and remain in his house for no other reason than he had been in Liberia as a missionary on a church trip. His good deed did not go unpunished: After taking that extra (and gratuitous) precaution, he found himself the victim of a “lynch-mob mentality” manifested by at least one anonymous threat to burn down his house. The incident made me think of that classic 1960 Twilight Zone episode, “The Monsters Are Due on Maple Street,” in which paranoid suburban neighbors, gripped by fear of an invasion from outer space, do the monsters’ work for them by destroying their community and each other in mob violence.
You know things are bad when a Fox News anchor is the voice of reason, telling his viewers to ignore the “very irresponsible” media voices fueling the Ebola panic. Of course, some of the most irresponsible voices were on his own network, including George Will, who malignantly spread the canard that Ebola was airborne, and Gretchen Carlson, an anchor who somehow found a conspiracy connecting Ebola, the IRS, Obamacare, and, inevitably, Benghazi. Right-wing radio has chimed in, and so have Republican politicians, who have variously called for sealing borders and visa suspensions, as if Ebola were another wave of immigrants in need of a fence. Just goes to show that it’s hard to create a coherent, let alone effective, policy to deal with a medical emergency when you don’t accept the core notion that there is such a thing as empirical scientific knowledge. The point of all this political posturing is not to save lives, in any case, but to somehow smear the president with Ebola for advantage in the election two weeks from now.
It’s my impression that the panic is starting to ebb. Enough sane voices, in the medical community, government, and even the press, have beamed in the message that you are far more likely to be struck down by the flu, guns, air bags, or even lightning than this virus. But surely there will be some new panic to replace it soon. The mood in the country is horrible, and we’ll keep searching for new nemeses and new scapegoats. Once the election has come and gone — and there’s no catharsis or improvement in the public mood, no matter what the result — it will be fascinating to see what monsters will be sighted on Maple Street next.
The Death of Klinghoffer — John Adams's 1991 opera on the hijacking of the Achille Lauro cruise ship by Palestine Liberation Front terrorists — premiered at the Met on Monday, inciting a large demonstration from protestors who claimed it was anti-Semitic and a distortion of history. You were at the premiere. Is Klinghoffer anti-Semitic? And what do you make of the uproar around it?
This is another example of displaced hysteria and it has very little to do with the actual content of this opera, which most of the time has been presented without protest in America (in St. Louis, yet) and elsewhere over its 20-year-plus history. The sad fact is that in the aftermath of this year’s Gaza war, an understandable panic has taken root in some corners of American Jewry, who fear that support for Israel is wavering even in this country — let alone in Europe, where an alarming uptick in anti-Semitism is adding another toxic component to perennial anti-Israeli animus. It’s easier to hyperventilate about an opera giving a total of eight performances at Lincoln Center than to address the graver issues at hand.
Most of those who have cast aspersions on Klinghoffer, starting with Abraham Foxman of the Anti Defamation League and continuing with those who echoed his views on Op Ed pages, have not seen it. If they had been there Monday night, they might have been embarrassed by the vast discrepancy between what was on stage and their public pronouncements about it. Then again, maybe they still wouldn’t pay attention. A heckler at the premiere repeatedly called out “The murder of Klinghoffer will never be forgiven!” — a true head-scratcher since nothing in the opera asks for forgiveness of Klinghoffer’s murder or the terrorists who committed it.
Klinghoffer has zero anti-Semitism. It does have what Justin Davidson of New York has accurately described as a “clumsy libretto” — dramaturgically diffuse, often lyrically banal — though it is far more lucid in this gripping, beautifully sung Tom Morris production than it was in Peter Sellars’s original at BAM. Not for a second does the opera present the terrorists as anything other than cold-blooded killers — in Adams’s score and the staging as well as in words — and not for a second does your heart fail to go out to their victims, led by Leon Klinghoffer. The performance ends with a wrenching solo by the widowed Marilyn Klinghoffer — “They should have killed me / I wanted to die” — and, as Alex Ross of The New Yorker tweeted Monday night, “In the end, the protest failed completely. Marilyn Klinghoffer had the final word, and John Adams received a huge ovation.”
“Never forget” has been a Jewish imperative since the Holocaust. What has been forgotten by the instigators of this manufactured fracas is that many if not most people — non-Jews — have forgotten both the Achille Lauro hijacking and Leon Klinghoffer in the nearly three-decade-long crush of subsequent horrors in the narrative of modern terrorism. The good news about both this production and the extra publicity generated by the protests is that they will keep the memory of Leon Klinghoffer and the barbarity of his killers alive. Most people cannot get to the Met to see it, needless to say, and the cancellation of the originally planned Live in HD theatrical broadcast will further diminish the Met’s audience. But you can watch Klinghoffer on DVD in a previous production from England’s Channel Four or listen to the score in the definitive Nonesuch recording. Such opportunistic Klinghoffer foes as Rudy Giuliani, Alan Dershowitz, and the New York Democratic Congressswoman Carolyn Maloney will not be able to restrict the circulation of these other iterations. Indeed they and the other protestors have already succeeded in temporarily selling out the Klinghoffer DVD at Amazon. But you can still find either it or the Nonesuch recording at Walmart, Target, and Barnes & Noble, or on iTunes.

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A Story About Ben Bradlee That's Not Fucking Charming |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29790"><span class="small">Peter Maass, The Intercept</span></a>
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Friday, 24 October 2014 12:34 |
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Maass writes: "Smart editors have a knack for calling bullshit on bullshit, and Bradlee was a pro at that."
(photo: AP)

A Story About Ben Bradlee That's Not Fucking Charming
By Peter Maass, The Intercept
24 October 14
 o what have you been doing?”
The question was barked out by Ben Bradlee, and the young reporter who had to come up with a quick answer was me. I had been freelancing for The Washington Post from South Korea for three years, I had scored a half dozen or so front-page stories, and I was meeting the legendary editor at the end of a day of interviews for a staff job as a metro reporter. Within the first minute or two, he sensed that I was not only a liar but a bad liar.
I mentioned that I had arrived from Seoul via an improbable route. As a vacation, I had flown to Beijing, gotten on the trans-Mongolia train to Moscow, and from there I had taken another train to Berlin, arriving in time to chisel a few stones from the wall that had been breached by East Germans a few days earlier. It was November 1989, communism was collapsing in Eastern Europe, and I had sipped a thrilling bit of it.
All of that was true. The rest was not — that what I really wanted at this point in my life was to work in one of the paper’s local bureaus. I had been coached by the foreign editor and my friends at the paper to tell this fib, so that I would get a staff job and, after a few of what would be the dullest years of my life, earn my way back overseas as a full-fledged foreign correspondent, rather than a $150-per-story freelancer. I tried my best to sound enthusiastic about Montgomery County.
“Why would you want to work here?” Bradlee replied in the growly register he was famous for. “What’s happening in Eastern Europe is the best fucking story since World War II.”
Smart editors have a knack for calling bullshit on bullshit, and Bradlee was a pro at that. He had called bullshit on Richard Nixon several times, and he had even called bullshit on himself after the paper published a series of prize-winning stories that had been fabricated by its reporter, Janet Cooke; the Post’s apology was complete, and its internal investigation, which criticized Bradlee, was blunt. On this late November afternoon, Bradlee was calling bullshit on me.
I folded, telling the truth. I had studied Russian in college and I would love to cover the aftermath of the fall of the Berlin Wall but the foreign desk didn’t have a position for me in the region. The next best thing would be a metro job followed, hopefully as soon as possible, by an overseas post. Bradlee laughed. He started telling stories about the great times he had living in Paris after World War II, and then he dismissed me with a friendly wave.
Bradlee died yesterday at the age of 93, and you’ve probably read about it already. He was the Watergate editor, the editor in “All the President’s Men,” a great editor of the 20th century. All of that is true. What’s also true is that he had a compulsion to do whatever he felt like doing, and he made the right choice more often than editors who were more cautious. He didn’t have a political edge — the man lived in Georgetown — but he did have an attitude.
When I left his office I had no idea what would happen. The foreign editor, Michael Getler, the kindest person in the newsroom, would hear of my treason and shake his head in despair; I had failed him. The metro editor, Milton Coleman, would hear of it and say, You can never trust those overseas hotshots, I’m not going to hire another of them. The end was near for me.
A few minutes later, I saw Bradlee heading to Getler’s office. I don’t know what was said, but not long afterwards I was told that Getler wanted to talk to me immediately. This wasn’t part of the plan. I walked into his office and he didn’t look up to say hello. He was angry, and I was the reason.
“Okay,” he said. “I’ll send you to Budapest.”
I don’t recall him saying anything else. No smile, no handshake. This hadn’t been his call. Bradlee had apparently ordered him to send the kid to Eastern Europe, and now he had to scrounge around his freelance budget to pay me for stories he didn’t want or need. Kind as he was, at that moment I think he wanted to fire me for insubordination.
Instead of a local school board I got Eastern Europe and the dreadful thing that reporters of a young age wish for, a war to cover; mine would be in the Balkans. I have no idea what I would have become, or who I would have been, if Bradlee had done as most editors would have done, listening to my polite lies and shuffling me along toward a by-the-numbers career that would kill my soul.
I am sure my cause was helped by the fact that I was young and white and male, the kind of object that older editors who are white and male tend to have a biased soft spot for. This is why it’s good we don’t have as many Ben Bradlees these days; the mirroring and replication of a dominant culture is weaker now. Which doesn’t mean we’re in a universally better place; we have a lot of editors who are more cautious than they should be (patriarchy replaced by management culture), and a large number of top slots are still filled with guys (yes, including at The Intercept). It’s hard to believe that gender played no role in the firing of Jill Abramson at The New York Times.
This little story has reached the point where I am supposed to say something charming and sweet. That’s the way appreciations tend to go in the literary equivalent of the bottom of the ninth. In honor of Bradlee, whose language was famously not a model of restraint, I’d like to say, fuck that. The point of this little story, the point that Bradlee conveyed when he let me loose in Eastern Europe, is don’t hold back, find a great story or a great cause and don’t fucking let go.

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FOCUS | The World Roger Ailes Made |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>
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Friday, 24 October 2014 11:11 |
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Pierce writes: "It is long past time for my business to stop treating the Fox News Channel as anything more than the wingnut clown show it was designed to be."
Roger Ailes, Fox News CEO. (photo: MediaBistro)

The World Roger Ailes Made
By Charles Pierce, Esquire
24 October 14
t is long past time for my business to stop treating the Fox News Channel as anything more than the wingnut clown show it was designed to be.
Kelly referenced Gov. John Hickenlooper's (D-Colorado) signing of a new election law advanced by his fellow Democrats in the state legislature in 2013. The host described it as a "first of its kind election law: a set of rules that literally allows residents to print ballots from their home computers, then encourages them to turn ballots over to 'collectors' in what appears to be an effort to do away with traditional polling places." While traditional polling places are a thing of the past (in-person voters can go to Voter Service Centers instead of traditional precinct polling places) because of the law, the claim that it allows for home-printed ballots is simply false. We ran this by the office of Colorado Secretary of State Scott Gessler, a Republican and a vocal opponent of the Democrats' new election law. Gessler's office told 9NEWS that most Colorado voters can not print a ballot on their home printer and use it to vote.
Megyn, you may recall, is the smart one. And there is, of course, a punchline.
The comments on Fox News came as a set-up to a segment featuring Michelle Malkin and David Bossie, who created a film called Rocky Mountain Heist for the conservative group Citizens United.
It is all a seamless garment, from Malkin's hysterics to Bossie's propaganda -- Thanks again, Anthony Kennedy -- to the Fox News studios. Bullshit in, bullshit out. It is the universe of which Gordon Liddy and Donald Segretti dreamed, where none of those rats have to go to all the effort to fk themselves.

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