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Politics
FOCUS | Why I Acted on Immigration Print
Wednesday, 03 December 2014 09:30

Obama writes: "There are actions I have the legal authority to take as president - the same kinds of actions taken by Democratic and Republican president before me - that will help make our immigration system more fair and more just."

President Obama will lay out his plan for ISIS. (photo: Getty Images)
President Obama will lay out his plan for ISIS. (photo: Getty Images)


Why I Acted on Immigration

By President Barack Obama, Reader Supported News

03 December 14

 

 

Ed. Note: President Obama penned an op-ed explaining his decision to do what he can to fix our broken immigration system. This post originally appeared in Gannett newspapers and websites. You can learn more about the President's new steps here.

 

e are a nation of immigrants.

For more than 200 years, that heritage has given America a big advantage over other countries. It has kept us young, dynamic, and entrepreneurial. But today, our immigration system is broken.

When I took office, I committed to fixing our broken immigration system. I began by doing what I could to secure our borders. Today, we have more agents and technology deployed to secure our southern border than at any time in our history. Over the past six years, illegal border crossings have been cut by more than half. Although this summer, there was a brief spike in unaccompanied children being apprehended at our border, the number of such children is now actually lower than it's been in nearly two years. Overall, the number of people trying to cross our border illegally is at its lowest level since the 1970s.

Meanwhile, I worked with Congress on a comprehensive fix, and last year, 68 Democrats, Republicans and Independents came together to pass a common-sense, compromise bill in the Senate. That bill would have secured our border, while giving undocumented immigrants who already live here a pathway to citizenship if they paid a fine, started paying their taxes, and went to the back of the line. Independent experts said it would grow our economy, and shrink our deficits.

Had the House of Representatives allowed a yes-or-no vote on that kind of bill, it would have passed with support from both parties. Today it would be the law. But for a year and a half, Republican leaders in the House have refused to allow that simple vote.

I still believe that the best way to solve this problem is by working together with both parties to pass that kind of bipartisan law. But until that happens, there are actions I have the legal authority to take as president – the same kinds of actions taken by Democratic and Republican president before me – that will help make our immigration system more fair and more just.

I took those actions last week. We're providing more resources at the border to help law enforcement personnel stop illegal crossings, and send home those who do cross over. We'll focus enforcement resources on people who are threats to our security – felons, not families. And we'll bring more undocumented immigrants out of the shadows so they can play by the rules, pay their fair share of taxes, pass a criminal background check, and get right with the law.

Nothing about this action will benefit anyone who has come to this country recently, or who might try and come to America illegally in the future. It does not grant citizenship, or the right to stay here permanently, or offer the same benefits that citizens receive. And it's certainly not amnesty, no matter how often the critics say it is. Amnesty is the immigration system we have today, where millions of people live here without paying their taxes, or playing by the rules. The actions I took this week will finally start fixing that.

Over the past week, you may have heard some members of Congress question my authority to make our immigration system work better. I have one a simple answer for them: Pass a bill. The day I sign an immigration reform bill into law, the actions I've taken to help solve this problem will no longer be necessary.

In the meantime, we can't allow a disagreement over a single issue to be a dealbreaker on every issue, and we can't afford another government shutdown. That's not how our democracy works. This debate deserves more than politics as usual. It's about who we are, and the future we want to build.

We are only here because this country welcomed our forebears, and taught them that being American is about more than what we look like or where we come from. What makes us Americans is our shared commitment to an ideal, that all of us are created equal and all of us have the chance to make of our lives what we will. That's the country we inherited, and it's the one we have to leave for future generations.

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Soul Brother Number One: Mister David Brooks on Race Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Tuesday, 02 December 2014 13:13

Pierce writes: "Is there any doubt in the world that, if we could all transport back to those days, David Brooks would have been the guy in the bowler hat, sitting in his vast spaces for entertaining, and selling family tour packages to the slums and souvenirs made of genuine urchin skin?"

David Brooks. (photo: Allie Krause)
David Brooks. (photo: Allie Krause)


Soul Brother Number One: Mister David Brooks on Race

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

02 December 14

 

was just coming out of my happy Thanksgiving bloat when the doorbell rang on Tuesday morning. It was the postman with a registered letter. I scoped the dude out through the peephole in the door. The letter looked too slim to be a bomb and too short to be a subpoena, and the postman looked legit, so I opened the door a crack. I relaxed when I saw that the letter was on stationery from the Young Fogies Club in midtown Manhattan. I signed for the letter, frisked the postman for a wire, dunked him in oil in case he was booby-trapped, ran him through a polygraph and sent him on his way. I have many enemies. I sat down on the battered recliner next to my rack of casual Kevlar and settled myself in to read. As I suspected, it was another missive from Moral Hazard, the Irish setter owned for photo op purposes by New York Times columnist David Brooks. It came as a friendly warning.

"Pierce," it began. "Things are finally quiet around here. Thanksgiving was a bit of a brawl, actually. It began when they asked Douthat, the former houseboy, to say the grace before meals. By the time we got to the fourth hour of it, everybody was completely hammered and they began to throw dinner rolls, and handfuls of squash, and serving spoons at each other. Douthat got louder and louder, trying to be heard over the cascade of imprecations and raucous misquotings of Edmund Burke and St. Paul. Finally, he was simply screaming in incoherent Latin and somebody stunned him with a copy of the Book Of Mormon that another member had boosted from a Marriott in Indiana, and then everybody went on eating and drinking and they all slept where they fell. Me? I went around and licked the squash and mashed potatoes and bits of turkey shrapnel off the wainscoting. I lapped up the pools of Chateauneuf du Pup -- See what I did there? -- and got a little sockless myself, I must say. Then I retired to the back fire escape for an hour or so of satisfied ball-licking and a short nap. I was awakened only by the steady rhythm of typing from one of the rooms above me. I saw Master up there, moving back and forth in front of the window, talking through an argument he obviously was making in whatever he was writing. He seemed in a bit more of a froth than usual. I climbed quietly up the metal ladder and paused below his window. When his rehearsing took him to the far end of the room, and then out into the hall, I sneaked a peek over the sill and read what he had written. That's when I decided to tip you off. He's writing about race and class again. I'm serious. No wonder he was playing out his thoughts like a fisherman with his line caught in a tree. I shook my head. I knew there was nothing I could do but warn people. I went back down to my usual perch, licked my balls idly, and was asleep in minutes. I didn't wake up for three hours, and only then because there was something of a commotion when Douthat, the former houseboy, woke up and demanded someone take off the duct tape so he could get down from the ceiling.

Devotedly yours in Christ,

M.H.

He wasn't kidding, either.

The people who lived in these slums were often described as more like animals than human beings. For example, in an 1889 essay in The Palace Journal, Arthur Morrison described, "Dark, silent, uneasy shadows passing and crossing - human vermin in this reeking sink, like goblin exhalations from all that is noxious around. Women with sunken, black-rimmed eyes, whose pallid faces appear and vanish by the light of an occasional gas lamp, and look so like ill-covered skulls that we start at their stare." "Proper" people of that era had both a disgust and fascination for those who lived in these untouchable realms. They went slumming into the poor neighborhoods, a sort of poverty tourism that is the equivalent of today's reality TV or the brawlers that appear on "The Jerry Springer Show."

Is there any doubt in the world that, if we could all transport back to those days, David Brooks would have been the guy in the bowler hat, sitting in his vast spaces for entertaining, and selling family tour packages to the slums and souvenirs made of genuine urchin skin? Until, of course, the market for public inhumanity took a downturn, at which point he'd have opened a soup kitchen just to have some place from which he could turn people away.

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Las Vegas and the Global Casino We Call Wall Street Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=13817"><span class="small">Rebecca Solnit, TomDispatch</span></a>   
Tuesday, 02 December 2014 12:53

Solnit writes: "In 1989, the Mirage opened, said to be the first casino built by Wall Street - with junk-bond money - though its decor was about being in Polynesia, not Manhattan."

'Monaco' Lake Las Vegas Homes on Gated Grand Corniche Drive, Henderson, Nevada, in 2010. (photo: Michael Light/Radius Books)
'Monaco' Lake Las Vegas Homes on Gated Grand Corniche Drive, Henderson, Nevada, in 2010. (photo: Michael Light/Radius Books)


Las Vegas and the Global Casino We Call Wall Street

By Rebecca Solnit, TomDispatch

02 December 14

 

h my God, I’m in hell,” I cried out when the car that had rolled for hours through the luscious darkness of the Mojave night came to a jolting stop at a traffic light on Las Vegas Boulevard, right by the giant oscillating fuchsia flowers of the Tropicana. Back then, in the late 1980s, the Strip was the lasciviously long neon tongue a modest-sized city unfurled into the desert. Behind the casinos lining Las Vegas Boulevard was the desert itself -- pale, flat, stony ground with creosote bushes here and there, a vast expanse of darkness, silence, and spaciousness pressing in on the riotousness from all directions.

Las Vegas was so bright you couldn’t see stars anywhere near the city, and you could see the glow on the horizon from dozens of miles away. (They say astronauts could see it from space.) But the old Las Vegas celebrated deserts and the West: its early casinos were the Apache (1932), the El Cortez (1941), the Pioneer and the Last Frontier (1942), the El Rancho (1941), the Desert Inn (1950), the Sahara (1952), the Stardust and the Dunes (1955). Most of them were technically in Paradise, the unincorporated area outside the Las Vegas city limits.

They were vulgar, they were garish, and they were also a confident new American architecture, something unprecedented, designed to be seen from cars on the Strip, named to celebrate the mythic desert and the romanticized West (and the Arabic east of casbahs and oases), though their architecture and lavish applications of neon were futuristic in a Jetsons kind of way. Maybe that past begat that future; maybe covered wagons led to outer space -- the final frontier, as Star Trek told us, with similar colonial possibilities. The iconography of the casinos was about the here and now, drawing on the past but looking forward to what still felt like the American century with decades to go.

The Europeanate past was used up in that equation, dust to be shaken off en route to an optimistic version of the future.

Sometime in the 1980s that confidence in the country and in the future fell apart and Americans began to genuflect to Europe again -- to a hackneyed, imagined past that conveyed tradition, privilege, and classiness of the kind that has a lot of upper-class aspiration to it. You can see it in the metamorphosis of the casinos. Cowboys and Arabian Nights in the desert were over; the anywhere-but-here era had arrived in a torrent of faux-Provence and pseudo-Tuscany.

In 1989, the Mirage opened, said to be the first casino built by Wall Street -- with junk-bond money -- though its décor was about being in Polynesia, not Manhattan. To draw in onlookers, a volcano erupted in front of the casino at regular intervals with jets of water, red lights, and a roar. Magnate Steve Wynn built Treasure Island next door in 1993, with a small ocean out front in which a nautical brawl took place over and over, a casino inspired by a picaresque novel written by a tubercular Scotsman (as were Disney’s Pirates of the Caribbean ride and blockbuster films). By 1998, the Bellagio -- named after the peninsular resort town on Lake Como, Italy -- had opened. It featured a small gallery of multimillion-dollar art trophies -- a Van Gogh! a Monet! -- and was fronted by an eight-acre lake whose fountains spurted water on the half-hour during afternoons and every quarter hour in the evenings.

The new casinos flaunted water as a luxury good and a display of power here in a desert so hot and dry that nearby Lake Mead loses up to a million acre-feet to evaporation annually, about three times the water that the Sierra Nevada’s considerable Hetch Hetchy reservoir holds. (Think of it as a lake thrown up into the sky to disappear, over and over.) These pedestrian-oriented attractions also may signal the perpetual traffic jam on the Strip, which had developed as a place one sped through in a car but is now a sort of Mojave Champs-Élysées, on whose sidewalks tens of thousands of tourists meander even on the hottest days, while everywhere else in Clark County remains car-dependent.

The new Las Vegas invites you to defy or deny outright the desert that the old Vegas celebrated, and Paris, New York City, and other fantasias have sprung from the ruins of the old attractions. Maybe it was the shift from an earnest modernism, with its faith in the future, to a chameleon postmodernism; certainly, it marks a shift from a rough populist vision to fantasies of aristocracy and elitism.

Wynn blew up the iconic Dunes on October 27, 1993. The futuristic Landmark was imploded in 1995, the Sands and the Hacienda in 1996, the Aladdin in 1998, the former Thunderbird/El Rancho in 2000, and the Desert Inn was demolished in stages, with the major implosion in 2001. The jaunty outer-space-and-neon-themed Stardust was blown up in 2007. As structures, these casinos were in their prime, but as concepts, they were out of fashion, and so they were disposable and then disposed of.

The implosions are popular YouTube videos. You can watch the casinos’ annihilations over and over, their signs wavering as their whole structures appear to become liquid, undulating and flowing for a moment before they collapse into dust. The implosions look like little homages to the nuclear detonations that were visible from Las Vegas before the Limited Test Ban Treaty of 1963 sent the radioactive explosions underground (where they still sometimes rocked the city).

The Las Vegas Sands Corporation owns the casinos named the Venetian and the Palazzo. The Venetian stands where the Sands once stood, and the corporation’s principal owner, Sheldon Adelson, the 14th richest man in the world and a huge funder of the Republican Party, tried hard to buy the outcome of the 2012 presidential election -- a $150 million gamble he lost. Maybe what had failed in America was what was failing in Las Vegas: the idea of a democratic, forward-looking society with room for everyone.

At War in Nevada

The sprawl of Clark County contains almost three-quarters of all the people in the state of Nevada, which means statewide elections are swung by a population that mostly just got here and often doesn’t have much idea of where here is. Maybe that’s why water use per capita is so much higher here than in a place like Tucson, Arizona, whose citizens seem to love the desert and plant their front yards with cacti, not grass. About 70% of the water in Clark County goes to lawns, parks, and golf courses, to planting green in a place whose colors are warm and dusty, browns and greys and rusty reds under the burning blue sky.

Nearly 40 million people pass through Las Vegas and its satellites annually, mostly inhabiting the 140,000 hotel rooms in the area, though second homes have increased. Transience defines the place. Imagine the tourists, the traffic, the airplanes, and the semi-trucks all sped up; imagine the place as a pulsating hive of comings and goings; and then imagine the massive engineering that sends power here from the Navajo Generating Station in Arizona, from Hoover Dam’s hydroelectric works, and elsewhere; and finally imagine the water pumped in from the Colorado River. The place is a vortex of material consumption, a mirage of habitability created by massive imports from elsewhere.

Little of substance is produced here. Food, water, building materials, people, and power, all arrive in trucks, trains, planes, pipelines, and over transmission lines. Transience might be the most salient marker of the place, along with evanescence. One notable material item was produced here in the past, however: ammonium perchlorate -- an oxidizer for rocket boosters and missiles -- was made at the PEPCON factory in Henderson, the cobbled-together town that includes the exclusive Lake Las Vegas and Ascaya gated developments that Michael Light details in the pages of Lake Las Vegas/Black Mountain. After the Challenger explosion in 1986, supplies of the stuff backed up on-site, so that when the factory exploded in 1988 the impact was equal to a one-kiloton nuclear bomb.

Nuclear bombs were still exploded regularly in those days 60 miles north of Las Vegas at the Nevada Test Site, but even the bombs were designed and made elsewhere. The Nevada Test Site was carved out of Nellis Air Force Base, an expanse the size of Connecticut set aside during the Second World War and in use ever since. Nevada is a place in which the only wars fought were skirmishes against its own native people -- the Paiutes, Shoshone, Washoe, and Goshutes. It’s also where wars abroad are rehearsed.

And these days it’s where drones on killing missions in Afghanistan and Pakistan are operated. Pilots sit in rooms and decide whether to kill groups of people based on aerial video footage; the drones are both flying cameras and killing machines. The drone operators are gambling that, based on limited low-grade data, they are killing "militants." Over and over again they kill people who, even under their own dubious guidelines, are often not appropriate targets. But then, for drone operators, the losses are as low as the odds are bad. Maybe death, pleasure, security, and risk are the products of this region. The risk: one day driving down the Strip about a decade ago, I realized that every hotel tower, every fountain, and every chandelier was largely paid for by losing bets.

I understood for the first time what gambling really means.

Parting With Your Money and Your Spouse

Nothing has lasted here. A Mormon outpost had been set up in the oasis that Las Vegas’s name (“the meadows” in Spanish) memorializes, but it failed in the 1850s. There were various mining booms and busts in the vicinity, but the gold deposits all were further north, in Goldfield and Tonopah and some of the little towns whose ghosts now lie within the precincts of the Test Site. Nevada was so depopulated by 1900 -- Las Vegas’s total population was a booming 25 at the time -- that it was faced with losing its statehood.

The Union Pacific railroad turned Vegas into a maintenance depot for its lines, which brought a modest prosperity and some population growth. Then, when the workers tried to unionize in the early 1920s, the railroad “signed the town’s death warrant,” as Las Vegas-based historian Hal Rothman has put it, by moving the maintenance yard and the 300 jobs down the line to Caliente, near Utah. The town withered again.

Boulder Dam (now Hoover Dam) was the next thing to bring people to the region. From 1931 to 1935, hordes of Depression-era workmen lived in inhumane heat and working conditions and sometimes died in them as they built what was then the world’s biggest dam. Though people like to suggest that there’s a correlation between the massive dam -- still one of the world’s 20 largest -- and the neon on the Strip, about half the electricity generated at Hoover goes to southern California and another 18% to Arizona.

Nevada legalized gambling in 1931 and easy divorce around the same time: money and spouses were easier to part with in the Silver State than elsewhere in the U.S.A. The Las Vegas region began to grow, doubling its population over and over again, going from nearly nothing in 1900 to 273,000 in 1970, 741,459 in 1990, almost 1.4 million by 2000, and two million today. Gambling, more politely called gaming, became its principal economy, broadened into tourism, and growth itself produced jobs in construction. The region grew so fast a local mapmaker issued a new map monthly for delivery people seeking addresses that had just come into being.

I watched the Strip go, in little more than a decade, from that neon line in the desert to the center of a metropolis that spread for perhaps 10 miles on either side. The various development projects, from humble apartments to gated communities, each made to enclose a cluster of lives and to feed profit to someone somewhere else, seemed like a quilt of randomly developed patches: here a shopping center, there some light industry, here a fortified condominium multiplex, there some luxury homes on what would cease to be an urban edge as development moved outward again.

Casino-era Las Vegas had always had two faces. Visitors came to take a chance at getting rich or going broke at the slot machines and gaming tables and betting sites. Locals eventually made Las Vegas the last great unionized city in the country, a place where, people liked to say, a hotel maid could own a home and send her kids to college. It might have been hot and sprawling and a place where addiction (to gambling, as well as substances) was rife, but it was a place where the modest dream of getting by and maybe even getting ahead on honest work throve for a while, a place of security as well as risk.

Toward the millennium, that changed. Rothman wrote not long afterward, “While only a very few can afford to live in places like Lake Las Vegas, such construction altered the housing market. High-end construction pulled the housing market upward. In 2000 the median housing price climbed by a remarkable 10.9%.” Housing prices climbed far more after 2003. Within a few years, what constituted “affordable” mutated, as people took on interest-only mortgages, subprime loans, and bought houses they could only keep if the market continued to skyrocket. They were gambling, though the one thing you should learn in Las Vegas is that the house always wins.

After the crash in 2008, southern Nevada became the foreclosure and unemployment capital of the nation. Lined up like cherries on depression’s slot machine, all three of Las Vegas’s industries -- tourism, gaming, and construction -- collapsed. Clark County itself imploded for a while. It has faltered toward recovery, but it still has the least stable housing market in America as of March 2014, and 37% of Las Vegas properties are, in that ironic word, underwater. Maybe the region was the last frontier of getting by. And then it wasn’t.

Europe in the Desert

The historian Frederick Jackson Turner announced the closing of the American frontier in 1893. He both praised and excoriated the characteristics of frontier-dwellers, in terms that still sound like Nevada:

"As has been indicated, the frontier is productive of individualism... But the democracy born of free land, strong in selfishness and individualism, intolerant of administrative experience and education, and pressing individual liberty beyond its proper bounds, has its dangers as well as its benefits. Individualism in America has allowed a laxity in regard to governmental affairs, which has rendered possible the spoils system and all the manifest evils that follow from the lack of a highly developed civic spirit. In this connection may be noted also the influence of frontier conditions in permitting lax business honor, inflated paper currency, and wild-cat banking."

The Frontier casino and hotel, opened in 1942, was blown up in 2007 (after surviving a seven-year strike in the 1990s by union workers who picketed out front continuously during that time). Something was supposed to be built in its place, but pale, dusty ground now interrupts the series of fantasies that constitute the casinos of the Strip. Imagine dressing up a weather-beaten old monk in various costumes: magician, archduke, pharaoh, contessa, gangster, and you’ve imagined the endless architectural guises in which the desert has been draped. It’s treated as a blank slate, but in the long run it’s neither neutral nor malleable; rather it’s a force whose identity inexorably reasserts itself, whether as windstorms that blow down the signs, flash floods that fill the underpasses, or dry heat so withering that moisture is drawn out of your body with every breath, your sweat evaporating so efficiently you don’t realize you are losing water.

There was a long period when Las Vegas was a discordant place in the United States, one where the rules elsewhere about propriety and prudence were broken. Las Vegas was not like the United States, but then the United States became like Las Vegas. Wall Street morphed into a great deregulated casino, buying and selling, among other things, bundled mortgages whose solidity was unclear to anyone. And then it all turned out to be a house of cards and the global economy collapsed, devastating countless lives. The house always wins; Wall Street rose from the ruins, but many of the ordinary people of Las Vegas, among other places, did not.

Their losses are not the only reason the place has no easy future. Someday the arid West will have to come to terms with its limits, as dissidents have been saying since the nineteenth century. Some places already have to a degree, or will not have to be reined in as hard, but Las Vegas will come crashing -- is coming crashing -- to its withered, desiccated knees. The heat is already brutal, with summer days of 110- to 115-degree Fahrenheit weather, and it will get hotter. Water is nearly always the limiting factor of growth in the arid West, and Vegas drained its own local supply long ago, then put a straw in the Colorado River and sucked hard, getting 90% of its water from the river, or rather from Lake Mead, the reservoir penned in behind Hoover Dam -- which is running dry. The reservoir is at its lowest level “in generations,” the Los Angeles Times reported in the spring of 2014.

Lake Mead’s water is dropping so dramatically that the city is drilling a billion-dollar intake tunnel through bedrock, well below the current intake pipelines, a new straw with which to drink from the reservoir. That, too, may before long be above waterline if drought, evaporation, and over-allocation of the river’s water continue. In the foreseeable future, the reservoir will likely reach “dead pool,” the point at which water no longer turns the turbines of the dam generators (though one desperate measure now being aired proposes abandoning Lake Powell and Glen Canyon Dam upstream on the Colorado River to salvage this complex). Clark County recently spent $200 million getting residents to remove their lawns, and at some point in the near future water rationing will begin.

Las Vegas has also been on a hunt for new water sources for the past 20 years. The preferred scheme is to drain the beautiful rural and wild lands of eastern Nevada into a 300-mile pipeline so that the golf courses stay green and the showers keep running. Eastern Nevadans regard this as a death warrant for their region’s ranches, small towns, and wildlife and have been fighting back, rural Davids against an urban Goliath. They won the most recent round in court, though Goliath is not giving up. Even so, someday Las Vegas will have to face, again, the fact that it is in the deep desert. In the meantime, the place is currently building monuments to the fantasy of being anywhere and everywhere else.

Lake Las Vegas, the subject of Michael Light’s aerial photographs in Lake Las Vegas/Black Mountain, is such an explicitly European fantasy that a replica of Florence’s famous Ponte Vecchio bridge crosses a stretch of its artificial lake, and the houses are mostly in the stucco-and-tile-roof mode called “Mediterranean.” From near the earth you see into yards and houses, terra cotta roofs, pieces fitting together like a puzzle, tight to each other, despite the expanse all around, or you see the texture of the earth that has been groomed and scraped and graded into something you can drop a mansion onto. From a little ways higher, you see the layout of the streets, like a fingerprint pressed into the landscape, the whorls and cul-de-sacs of the curvilinear layouts beloved of developers.

If Light’s airplane went higher still, the fingerprint would disappear into the sprawl and from high enough you’d see the vast built-up region of Clark County, that compound of urban entities usually referred to collectively as Las Vegas. Lake Las Vegas is technically in Henderson, a hamlet that obligingly adjusted its city limits to incorporate the new developments. Lake Las Vegas is all the things that are contemporary Las Vegas: a gated community, a place of second homes, a lot of architectural and verbal references to anyplace but this one (that Florentine bridge, those subdivisions named Marseilles and Barcelona), water under an evaporative sky, golf courses, some still startlingly green in that dry landscape, some abandoned in bankruptcy to turn a more harmonious gold.

It is a place in which time lurches and stalls. Ground was broken to create this planned development in 1987, and its dam was begun in 1990. Water coming down the Las Vegas Wash was sent through two underground conduits, each eight feet in diameter, beneath the reservoir. The reservoir -- the “lake” of Lake Las Vegas -- that arose behind the dam is an artificial and unmoving body of water perched atop real water flow that has been hidden and buried. The official timeline provided for the place is a history of luxury hotels and golf tournaments and subdivisions. That casinos and hotels have gone broke, closed, been renamed and reopened, born again and again and again, but dying repeatedly too, amid lawsuits, is not so evident, and the timeline stops in 2007.

“Lake at Las Vegas Joint Venture Limited Liability Corporation” filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy on July 17, 2008, early in the crash, reemerging two years later with half a billion to a billion dollars of debt swept away and new development plans and financing. And also with a lawsuit by creditors against developers, and resort property owners against lenders, because the whole thing was a gamble, a hustle, the use of some arid land in Nevada by men far away to juggle money among various parties and into their own pockets. You look at these pictures and see the reality of real estate, the solidity of place, something as concrete as, well, concrete, but it was all numbers in accounts moved around by distant men, all just another wager, as though these houses were just poker chips on the great gaming table of the desert.

The Wall Street Journal reports that homeowners at Lake Las Vegas and three other resorts “are suing Credit Suisse Group AG for $24 billion, accusing the Swiss bank of running a ‘loan-to-own’ program that loaded the resorts up with debt so it could foreclose on their assets when the debt couldn’t be repaid. They allege that Credit Suisse knew the resorts wouldn’t be able to perform under the loans, which would allow the bank to take the reins to the debt-saddled resorts cheaply.”

So when you look at this place from Michael Light’s aerial perspective you see a vertiginous compression of place: the austere beauty of Nevada itself, the mountains being carved away into terraces on which homes will be built to resemble parts of Europe, the Mediterranean mashed up with Scottish golf, built mostly by Latino labor with materials from China and other parts of the world, with financing and profits that have become part of the global casino we call Wall Street.

Looking from above, you see the aggressiveness of these developments: the forcing of green, of trees and bushes and vines in a dry place, the forcing of the iconography of distant places on one so different, one whose essential characteristics -- other than sunshine -- are irrelevant to builders and buyers. Every planted bush is a little soldier marching on the desert, but the desert pushes back with power far grander than anything landscaping can muster, with heat, with scalding sun, with time itself.

Because what you also see in Light’s aerial pictures is that all this is transient, fleeting, precarious: it will go dry, crumble into ruin; the restless, rootless populations will move on. Though all this fleeting hubris and bustle has reshaped and scarred the land, what will be here when they are gone are geology and the primordial forces of weather, water, and wind. The earth endures.

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Hillary Clinton Says Fracking Carries Risks in Conservation Speech Print
Tuesday, 02 December 2014 12:47

Goldenberg writes: "Hillary Clinton has offered mild criticism of the fracking boom that has spread across the US under Barack Obama's presidency, drawing another small distinction with his administration."

Hillary Clinton. (photo: Shutterstock)
Hillary Clinton. (photo: Shutterstock)


ALSO SEE: At Climate Talks, UN Calls Fossil Fuels "High-Risk" Investment

Hillary Clinton Says Fracking Carries Risks in Conservation Speech

By Suzanne Goldenberg, Guardian UK

02 December 14

 

Possible presidential candidate draws distinction with Barack Obama, who has trumpeted boom in gas and oil exploration

illary Clinton has offered mild criticism of the fracking boom that has spread across the US under Barack Obama’s presidency, drawing another small distinction with his administration.

Clinton, who has yet to declare she is seeking the presidency, kept the bulk of her speech to a League of Conservation Voters dinner in New York resolutely vanilla. But she did express concerns about the environmental costs associated with natural gas and went so far as to suggest there may be places where it was too dangerous to drill at all.

“I know many of us have serious concerns with the risks associated with the rapidly expanding production of natural gas,” Clinton told the crowd on Monday night.

“Methane leaks in the production and transportation of natural gas pose a particularly troubling threat so it is crucial we put in place smart regulations and enforce them – including deciding not to drill when the risks to local communities, landscapes and ecosystems are just too high.”

Clinton’s comments were nowhere near as sharp as her critique of Obama’s foreign policy last August, when she bluntly said the administration lacked a coherent strategy.

But they are significant because of Obama’s championship of an “all of the above” energy strategy – and because they suggest Clinton is trying to appeal to voters concerned about fracking.

Clinton’s speech was otherwise notable for the degree to which she avoid mentioning any controversial topics – much like her address to an energy conference in Nevada during the summer.

She made no mention of the Keystone XL pipeline – the most politically weighted decision awaiting Obama. She made no mention of Arctic drilling, or coal. She even avoided the word “fracking”.

But the distinction was evident. Over the years Obama has regularly boasted about the expansion of oil and gas production under his watch, due to fracking, much to the frustration of campaign groups.

The president even touted the expansion of natural gas during his milestone June 2013 speech on climate change.

Natural gas produces far greater greenhouse gas emissions than originally thought because of methane leaks.

Most environmental groups now dismiss the idea that natural gas could serve as a bridge to a clean energy future – as Obama once claimed, and as Clinton repeated on Monday

“If we are smart about this and put in place the right safeguards natural gas can play an important bridge role in the transition to a cleaner energy economy,” she said.

Elsewhere Clinton’s remarks hewed very closely to Obama’s positions on climate and environment.

She called for a strong defence of the new rules cutting carbon pollution from power plants, which form the central pillar of Obama’s climate action plan.

Clinton offered praise for Obama’s leadership in international climate negotiations, especially last month’s agreement between the US and China to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

She also borrowed a page from many of Obama’s recent speeches, taking a swipe at Republican climate denial. “The science of climate change is unforgiving – no matter what the deniers may say,” she said.

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FOCUS | Putin Funds Far Right in France. "It's No Secret," says Marine Le Pen Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=5494"><span class="small">Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Tuesday, 02 December 2014 11:04

Weissman writes: "While the US and its NATO allies compete with the Kremlin in a nuclear-tinged and very Orwellian Cold War, Vladimir Putin is bankrolling Marine Le Pen's Front National (FN) in France."

Vladimir Putin. (photo: Alexey Druzhinin/AFP)
Vladimir Putin. (photo: Alexey Druzhinin/AFP)


Putin Funds Far Right in France. "It's No Secret," says Marine Le Pen

By Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News

02 December 14

 

hile the US and its NATO allies compete with the Kremlin in a nuclear-tinged and very Orwellian Cold War, Vladimir Putin is bankrolling Marine Le Pen’s Front National (FN) in France.

The story is still breaking, fed by an escalating string of revelations from Mediapart, one of Europe’s most dependable sites for investigative reporting. According to its sources in and around the FN, the party stands to receive some €40 million from Putin to cover campaign expenses for regional and departmental elections in 2015 and the legislative and presidential elections in 2017.

Taking campaign funds from a foreign government would break French law, to be sure. But the money comes in the form of “loans” from the Moscow-based First Czech Russian Bank, whose head – Roman Yakubovich Popov – is a former state banker and well-placed member of the Russian political establishment.

“A first installment has been released from a loan of 40 million,” a member of FN’s political bureau told Mediapart. “The installment of 9 million has arrived, 31 will follow.”

“Mediapart has lost its head,” Marine Le Pen answered on Twitter, adamantly denying the larger figure: “The sums they mention are totally fanciful.”

The €9 million she was forced admit. This “is no secret,” she told Le Monde with her usual sangfroid. She even instructed FN’s treasurer to report the “loans” to the party congress this past weekend, where they were celebrated in the company of two Russian dignitaries and fellow-travelers like Holland’s Geert Wilders and the Italian Matteo Salvini of the League of the North.

Did Putin’s money buy the Front National’s allegiance? Absolutely not, she insisted, calling the implication “ridiculous,” “outrageous,” and “offensive.” The FN had been pro-Russian for years, she explained.

As I reported in September, many European neo-Nazis and former Fascists side with Putin’s Russia as a counter to American hegemony. Marine’s father Jean-Marie Le Pen called for such an alliance in his presidential election campaign in 2007, and again in 2009 in his appeal for “a powerful, independent, [and] respected Europe encompassing the nations of the northern (boreal) continent from Brest to Vladivostok.”

Jean Marie also worked closely at the time with neo-Nazis and followers of Stepan Bandera in Ukraine. But once Washington and its European allies put together their coup in Kiev, (See Part I and Part II), Marine Le Pen and many of her political allies in Europe dropped the Ukrainian Hitlerites like a hot pomme de terre, and loudly sang paeans of praise to Putin.

“He is attached to the sovereignty of his people,” she quickly explained in April. “He is aware that we defend common values. These are the values of European civilization” and of our “Christian heritage.” Marine’s foreign policy advisor Aymeric Chauprade went even further, hailing Putin as the champion of Christian civilization and great white hope against the immigrant and Islamist hordes.

Putting a price on such devotion is not easy, but Mediapart stands by its €40 million figure, adding some needed context from Bernard Monot, Le Pen’s advisor on economic strategy and a Member of the European Parliament (MEP). The Front National had not made a “firm request” for the full €40 million, Monot explained. But the amount had been “without doubt, expressed in the discussions with the bank.”

“The potential need is for 45 million,” added Monot. “We’ll fine tune that as we go along.”

Compared to US political campaigns, the figure seems ridiculously low. But, in French terms, the questions are no less intense. Here are self-anointed ultra-patriots discussing their campaign finances with one of Putin’s bankers. As the Russian business daily Kommersant put it, the bank would not have made the loan “without the approval of the Russian authorities.”

Adding to the intrigue, on Saturday Mediapart added a new zinger. Jean-Marie, the Front National’s founder, long-time leader, and now honorary president, also took Moscow’s money, some €2 million, for his financial group Cotelec. According to Mediapart, the funding came in April from a group in Cyprus called Vernonisa Holdings Ltd., headed by KGB veteran Yuri Kudimov. At the time, Kudimov ran the Moscow-based VEB Capital, a state-owned Russian bank overseen by Prime Minister Dmitri Medvedev, and Putin before him. Kudimov channeled the €2 million through the Swiss bank Julius Baer.

Jean-Marie Le Pen has admitted the payment, which he too describes as “a loan.” He has so far refused to disclose the intermediaries who organized it, what rate of interest he has to pay, or how he hopes to pay it back.

Why does Putin bankroll the Le Pens and their party? In part, he is looking to find friends wherever he can, especially those who side with him over Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia. But ideologically, he is increasingly putting his money where his mouth is, supporting those who – as London’s Independent puts it – share his view of the European Union as “a meddlesome, US-controlled enemy of national sovereignty and destroyer of traditional religious and family values.”

Or, as Marine Le Pen put it at her party congress this past weekend, “Our Europe goes from the Atlantic to the Urals, not from Washington to Brussels.”

Europeans – and Americans – need to find a better choice than either one.



A veteran of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and the New Left monthly Ramparts, Steve Weissman lived for many years in London, working as a magazine writer and television producer. He now lives and works in France, where he is researching a new book, "Big Money and the Corporate State: How Global Banks, Corporations, and Speculators Rule and How to Nonviolently Break Their Hold."

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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