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FOCUS | Warning: The GOP Wants to Label Your Foods Print
Monday, 09 March 2015 12:41

Galindez writes: "Jeb Bush, who is the one relatively sane Republican candidate when it comes to immigration, is not the same when it comes to food. He wants to know if the cilantro, onions, and avocados he uses when making his guacamole were grown in the USA."

Jeb Bush. (photo: Scott Galindez/RSN)
Jeb Bush. (photo: Scott Galindez/RSN)


Warning: The GOP Wants to Label Your Foods

By Scott Galindez, Reader Supported News

09 March 15

 

eb Bush, who is the one relatively sane Republican candidate when it comes to immigration, is not the same when it comes to food. He wants to know if the cilantro, onions, and avocados he uses when making his guacamole were grown in the USA. Maybe we need state-of-origin labeling too, that way we can avoid hot sauce from New York. Now, he doesn’t care if the seeds were genetically modified, so Franken-corn is just fine for his tortillas. Sorry if you thought I meant GMO labeling. I just have to ask: does a country-of-origin label cost less than a GMO label? If GMOs are such a great thing then let’s have organic and GMO country-of-origin labels. We don’t need two new labels – share the cost.

A bunch of Republican presidential wannabes came together at the Iowa State Fairgrounds on Saturday to bow down to Bruce Rastetter, an agribusiness mogul who’s made a fortune in pork, ethanol, and farm real estate. Rastetter is as close as it gets to a kingmaker for the GOP field in Iowa. The event was the first annual Iowa Ag Summit. Nine possible GOP presidential candidates took questions from Rastetter in a room with about 500 attendees and over 100 members of the media. The back of the room was lined with cameras, and in two press areas reporters sat in front of their laptops waiting for the memorable quotes, hoping for a gaffe.

Rastetter was a hero inside the venue. Outside, protesters blasted Rastetter, calling him a “factory farm hog baron corporate land grabber.” Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement (CCI) and a coalition of like-minded groups held their own agricultural summit in another part of the fairgrounds. The CCI’s director, Cherie Mortice, said their summit was about real food security and democratic control of agriculture using methods that can sustain the health of soil, water, communities, and rural economies for future generations. “Our model of agriculture puts people and the planet first,” she said. “We have a deep moral and ideological opposition to Bruce Rastetter’s vision for food and agriculture in Iowa and the nation.”

About 100 protesters greeted the attendees of the GOP-dominated event with picket signs, and at least three people were escorted from the event after heckling Chris Christie and Rastetter.

One of the key issues for the Iowa Agriculture community is the Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS). As described on the Department of Energy website, the RFS is a federal program that requires transportation fuel sold in the United States to contain a minimum volume of renewable fuels. The RFS requires renewable fuel to be blended into transportation fuel in increasing amounts each year, escalating to 36 billion gallons by 2022. Each renewable fuel category in the RFS program must emit lower levels of greenhouse gases relative to the petroleum fuel it replaces. Of course, this a big deal to Iowa and its corn industry.

One of the co-sponsors of the event, America’s Renewable Future, claims that since the RFS was instituted in 2007, Iowa has become a national leader in renewable energy, with towns throughout Iowa growing their economies with wind, solar, ethanol, and biodiesel. Mixed bag for environmentalists, but here in Iowa the RFS is becoming the holy grail.

It was a first for Jeb Bush — his first time in Iowa not campaigning for his father or brother. Bush, who has an uphill climb, held his own, using his experience as a governor to talk about agriculture policy during his six-stop, two-day swing through the state. Scott Walker, from neighboring Wisconsin, has spent a lot of time in Iowa and has double the support of any other candidate. The format was perfect for Jeb. He performs much better responding to questions. He gets a bit wonky from the stump.

I don’t think Jeb Bush will be getting Rastetter’s support anytime soon. Walker and Bush both said they wanted to phase out RFS over time. There was debate among the media and advocates of the RFS on Bush’s position, some saying it was supportive, but not as developed as Scott Walker’s reluctant support. Walker, not a fan of any government mandates, was willing to let this one slide, since the oil industry is blocking renewable fuels from access to the pump. Walker was willing to let the RFS force open the market before being phased out. Also not a fan of subsidies, he referenced past discussions with Rastetter on the issue. At the end of his answer on the subject, Rastetter thanked Walker.

Both Bush and Walker support phasing out a wind tax credit that seemed important to the Iowa Ag community. Walker spoke at length about his own welfare reform, including restricting access to food stamps in Wisconsin. His position was popular in the mostly Republican crowd.

Of course, the two Texas candidates in attendance opposed the RFS. They want to maintain oil’s monopoly on the fuel industry. Both Rick Perry and Ted Cruz want to leave it up to the market and don’t want Washington to mandate any changes to the fuel market. George Pataki joined them in opposition to the RFS. I guess they should get some credit for attending. Rand Paul, who like Cruz opposes any subsidies for ethanol, declined his invitation to the event. Donald Trump, Marco Rubio, and Jim Gilmore were expected to attend but were no-shows.

All of the candidates supported fast track trade authority for themselves if they were president, but some expressed reservations about giving that authority to Obama. In fairness, most said they believed that presidents should have fast track authority, without commenting on the current president. Chris Christie was the most combative, saying he wants to see evidence that the president can negotiate before giving him any authority, but of course Christie wants the authority for himself. Having heard Christie, Mike Huckabee was prepared for the question and got a laugh out of the audience, saying he wants the authority but doesn’t trust anyone else to have it without going through Congress. At times Huckabee sounded like he was opposed to free trade. He called himself a nationalist and criticized the globalists and corporatists. Huckabee brought back memories of Pat Buchanan.

I spoke with a couple of farmers after the event. One surprised me by saying that he was most impressed by former New York governor George Pataki. Despite Pataki’s opposition to the RFS, Darwin Pierce thought he was best for the family farmer. Pierce was probably one of a handful of family farmers. Most in attendance were in agriculture, but big corporate agriculture. Pierce disagreed most with Rick Santorum, who said climate change wasn’t real. According to Pierce, they all missed the boat on GMOs, ignoring the impact they have on the soil. When I pressed him on his support for Pataki, he said he was a Democrat and wouldn’t support any of them.

Walker, Bush, Santorum, and Huckabee were the favorites of Raymond Defenbaugh, from one of the sponsoring organizations of the summit. Defenbaugh said that Walker, being a midwest farming governor, understood the issues best. He thought Walker would remain loyal to farmers, even with his ties to the Koch brothers. He explained that nobody is perfect on the issues and that nobody follows the positions of any group they are part of 100%.

Scott Walker and Jeb Bush were most impressive to Mark Bauch, who works in agriculture. Bauch thought that despite their nuanced answers, both would let the RFS run its course.

Walker and Bush walked out of the summit with their front-runner status intact. Bush spoke in the morning session, and many attendees seemed to follow him out the door. Scott Walker closed the program and seemed to have the support of Rastetter. If he does, and can add his money to the Koch network money, he might be unbeatable in Iowa.

Christie, Santorum, Graham, and Huckabee showed strong support for the positions taken by the corporate farm industry, but I got a sense that they were not in the game.

Cruz, Pataki, and Perry did nothing to help themselves. Pataki could have helped himself with the family farmers, but most of them were not in the room, and the one who was is a registered Democrat.

So, all in all it was a game-changer for only Jeb Bush, who will likely move up in the Iowa polls after his visit, but who still has a long way to go.


Scott Galindez attended Syracuse University, where he first became politically active. The writings of El Salvador's slain archbishop Oscar Romero and the on-campus South Africa divestment movement converted him from a Reagan supporter to an activist for Peace and Justice. Over the years he has been influenced by the likes of Philip Berrigan, William Thomas, Mitch Snyder, Don White, Lisa Fithian, and Paul Wellstone. Scott met Marc Ash while organizing counterinaugural events after George W. Bush's first stolen election. Scott will be spending a year covering the presidential election from Iowa.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS | The CIA's Torturers and the Leaders Who Approved Their Actions Must Face the Law Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=32675"><span class="small">Chelsea Manning, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Monday, 09 March 2015 09:54

Manning writes: "Even the most junior level intelligence officers know that torture is both unethical and illegal. So why didn't our political leaders?"

Chelsea Manning. (image: Advocate)
Chelsea Manning. (image: Advocate)


The CIA's Torturers and the Leaders Who Approved Their Actions Must Face the Law

By Chelsea Manning, The Guardian UK

09 March 15

 

Even the most junior level intelligence officers know that torture is both unethical and illegal. So why didn’t our political leaders?

uccessful intelligence gathering through interrogation and other forms of human interaction by conventional means can be – and more often than not are – very successful. But, even though interrogation by less conventional methods might get glorified in popular culture – in television dramas like Law and Order: Criminal Intent, 24 and The Closer and movies like Zero Dark Thirty – torture and the mistreatment of detainees in the custody of intelligence personnel is, was and shall continue to be unethical and morally wrong. Under US law, torture and mistreatment of detainees is also very illegal.

Even the most junior level intelligence officials know that this is, and has been, the case for decades.

Yet, despite such knowledge, in response to the horrific attacks on the US in New York, Virginia and over Pennsylvania on 9/11, the US developed and applied techniques (now public knowledge due to the recent US Senate report commonly referred to as the Senate Torture Report) that sought to inflict severe mental pain and suffering, or the threat of pain and suffering, on detainees in the custody of the CIA and portions of the Department of Defense. These programs were administered by officers acting under the color of law.

According to numerous public reports, including the Senate Torture Report, these programs were authorized at the highest levels of government, and carried out in far-flung foreign places to avoid domestic detection and to muddy the issues of custody status and jurisdiction. This clearly shows a premeditated and intentional conspiracy to knowingly violate US law, and to avoid any oversight and criminal liability.

The actions by CIA officers – both the ones discussed in the Senate Torture Report and the ones that might have not yet come to light – have gravely damaged the credibility of the US intelligence community for decades to come. More worringly, they also may have prevented the US from being able to quickly and effectively prosecute the very terrorists who these officers sought to help fight against. This is evident by the unending stalemate in the military commissions taking place at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.

In my experience working as an intelligence analyst with my own pool of sources numbering close to 100, by far the most effective forms of human intelligence collection are rapport-building and direct questioning. As outrageously counter-intuitive as this might seem, the most hardened terrorists and criminals are often extremely willing to brag about the terrible things they’ve done, the unlikely places that they have been hiding, the important people that they know and deal with and the plans they have been working on for the future. Not only do these captured terrorists – even the hardened ones – sing, they often like to sing loudly and proudly. But, I am also wary of such embellishments.

And, even if detainees are not as cooperative, then the most legal coercive interrogation techniques often used by conventional law enforcement are just as effective against terrorists as they have been in typical murder and kidnapping investigations. Torture then – at least in my experience – has never been a part of the big picture of intelligence collection. It seems that smart and conventional methods are sufficient.

But regardless of whether these techniques were ineffective and counterproductive, the techniques outlined in the Senate torture report were far outside the boundaries of what is acceptable for the US intelligence community. Their supposed effectiveness is irrelevant to the fact that torture is wrong.

It is important to hold the officers, supervisors and, to a lesser extent, the politicians involved in creating and executing these programs, accountable. To let their horrific actions go unanswered would send an awful message to the world: it is wrong to torture and mistreat people, except when those doing it have the supposed blessing of the law and with the permission of high-ranking supervisors and politicians.

Even after internal reports by inspectors general and investigation by the criminal division of the US Department of Justice – a department that had a moral, ethical and more importantly legal obligation to investigate and charge the officers involved under criminal statutes – the government declined to commit itself to criminal charges against those who either committed or authorized acts of torture.

Now, even though the possibility of holding the officers, supervisors and politicians involved accountable before the US courts may be passing in America, this should not be the end of the road. For example, the German Code of Crimes against International Law allows for the prosecution of individuals and crimes outside the territory of Germany by the German Federal Public Prosecutor. Such charges are now being requested by the European Center of Constitutional and Human Rights – though, currently, they name select high ranking officials. If such charges are actually filed, the German government could request for the extradition of these officers for trial.

The extradition treaty between the US and Germany outlines the offenses under which the extradition can occur as: those that are “punishable under the laws” of both nations; those that are punishable by “deprivation of liberty for a maximum period exceeding one year”; and for “attempts to commit, conspiracy to commit, or participation in” such offenses. Torture is clearly defined as one of these offenses. And, while the treaty precludes extradition for offenses that are deemed as “a political offense”, it also excludes “murder or other wilful crime, punishable under the laws of both [nations] with a penalty of at least one year”. Torture, then, is not deemed a political offense.

However, while the treaty does not bind either nation to extradite its own citizens – making automatic extradition impossible – under the law, the US Secretary of State has the power to order the surrender of any US citizen whose extradition has been requested. I believe that if such a request should come before the Secretary of State, then he (or she) is morally and ethically obligated to grant it or risk further degrading the credibility of the US before the rest of the world and implicitly endorsing other countries that still use torture as a political weapon against their own citizens.


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Oligarchy and Climate Change: A Catastrophic Coincidence Print
Monday, 09 March 2015 08:15

Klein writes: "It is our great collective misfortune that the scientific community made its decisive diagnosis of the climate threat at the precise moment when an elite minority was enjoying more unfettered political, cultural, and intellectual power than at any point since the 1920s."

Best selling author/activist Naomi Klein. (photo: Anya Chibis/Guardian UK)
Best selling author/activist Naomi Klein. (photo: Anya Chibis/Guardian UK)


Oligarchy and Climate Change: A Catastrophic Coincidence

By Naomi Klein, The Guardian UK

09 March 15

 

The second in a major series of articles on the climate crisis and how humanity can solve it. In this extract taken from the Introduction to This Changes Everything by Naomi Klein, the author calls the climate crisis a civilisational wake-up call to alter our economy, our lifestyles, now – before they get changed for us.

You can read the first extract here.

he alarm bells of the climate crisis have been ringing in our ears for years and are getting louder all the time - yet humanity has failed to change course. What is wrong with us?

Many answers to that question have been offered, ranging from the extreme difficulty of getting all the governments in the world to agree on anything, to an absence of real technological solutions, to something deep in our human nature that keeps us from acting in the face of seemingly remote threats, to – more recently – the claim that we have blown it anyway and there is no point in even trying to do much more than enjoy the scenery on the way down.

Some of these explanations are valid, but all are ultimately inadequate. Take the claim that it’s just too hard for so many countries to agree on a course of action. It is hard. But many times in the past, the United Nations has helped governments to come together to tackle tough cross-border challenges, from ozone depletion to nuclear proliferation. The deals produced weren’t perfect, but they represented real progress. Moreover, during the same years that our governments failed to enact a tough and binding legal architecture requiring emission reductions, supposedly because cooperation was too complex, they managed to create the World Trade Organisation – an intricate global system that regulates the flow of goods and services around the planet, under which the rules are clear and violations are harshly penalised.

The assertion that we have been held back by a lack of technological solutions is no more compelling. Power from renewable sources like wind and water predates the use of fossil fuels and is becoming cheaper, more efficient, and easier to store every year. The past two decades have seen an explosion of ingenious zero-waste design, as well as green urban planning. Not only do we have the technical tools to get off fossil fuels, we also have no end of small pockets where these low carbon lifestyles have been tested with tremendous success. And yet the kind of large-scale transition that would give us a collective chance of averting catastrophe eludes us.

Is it just human nature that holds us back then? In fact we humans have shown ourselves willing to collectively sacrifice in the face of threats many times, most famously in the embrace of rationing, victory gardens, and victory bonds during world wars one and two. Indeed to support fuel conservation during world war two, pleasure driving was virtually eliminated in the UK, and between 1938 and 1944, use of public transit went up by 87% in the US and by 95% in Canada. Twenty million US households – representing three fifths of the population – were growing victory gardens in 1943, and their yields accounted for 42% of the fresh vegetables consumed that year. Interestingly, all of these activities together dramatically reduce carbon emissions.

Yes, the threat of war seemed immediate and concrete but so too is the threat posed by the climate crisis that has already likely been a substantial contributor to massive disasters in some of the world’s major cities. Still, we’ve gone soft since those days of wartime sacrifice, haven’t we? Contemporary humans are too self-centered, too addicted to gratification to live without the full freedom to satisfy our every whim – or so our culture tells us every day. And yet the truth is that we continue to make collective sacrifices in the name of an abstract greater good all the time. We sacrifice our pensions, our hard-won labour rights, our arts and after-school programmes. We accept that we have to pay dramatically more for the destructive energy sources that power our transportation and our lives. We accept that bus and subway fares go up and up while service fails to improve or degenerates. We accept that a public university education should result in a debt that will take half a lifetime to pay off when such a thing was unheard of a generation ago.

The past 30 years have been a steady process of getting less and less in the public sphere. This is all defended in the name of austerity, the current justification for these never-ending demands for collective sacrifice. In the past, calls for balanced budgets, greater efficiency, and faster economic growth have served the same role.

It seems to me that if humans are capable of sacrificing this much collective benefit in the name of stabilising an economic system that makes daily life so much more expensive and precarious, then surely humans should be capable of making some important lifestyle changes in the interest of stabilising the physical systems upon which all of life depends. Especially because many of the changes that need to be made to dramatically cut emissions would also materially improve the quality of life for the majority of people on the planet – from allowing kids in Beijing to play outside without wearing pollution masks to creating good jobs in clean energy sectors for millions.

Time is tight, to be sure. But we could commit ourselves, tomorrow, to radically cutting our fossil fuel emissions and beginning the shift to zero-carbon sources of energy based on renewable technology, with a full-blown transition underway within the decade. We have the tools to do that. And if we did, the seas would still rise and the storms would still come, but we would stand a much greater chance of preventing truly catastrophic warming. Indeed, entire nations could be saved from the waves.

So my mind keeps coming back to the question: what is wrong with us? I think the answer is far more simple than many have led us to believe: we have not done the things that are necessary to lower emissions because those things fundamentally conflict with deregulated capitalism, the reigning ideology for the entire period we have been struggling to find a way out of this crisis. We are stuck because the actions that would give us the best chance of averting catastrophe – and would benefit the vast majority – are extremely threatening to an elite minority that has a stranglehold over our economy, our political process, and most of our major media outlets. That problem might not have been insurmountable had it presented itself at another point in our history. But it is our great collective misfortune that the scientific community made its decisive diagnosis of the climate threat at the precise moment when those elites were enjoying more unfettered political, cultural, and intellectual power than at any point since the 1920s. Indeed, governments and scientists began talking seriously about radical cuts to greenhouse gas emissions in 1988 – the exact year that marked the dawning of what came to be called “globalisation,” with the signing of the agreement representing the world’s largest bilateral trade relationship between Canada and the US, later to be expanded into the North American Free Trade Agreement (Nafta) with the inclusion of Mexico.

The three policy pillars of this new era are familiar to us all: privatisation of the public sphere, deregulation of the corporate sector, and lower corporate taxation, paid for with cuts to public spending. Much has been written about the real-world costs of these policies – the instability of financial markets, the excesses of the super-rich, and the desperation of the increasingly disposable poor, as well as the failing state of public infrastructure and services. Very little, however, has been written about how market fundamentalism has, from the very first moments, systematically sabotaged our collective response to climate change.

The core problem was that the stranglehold that market logic secured over public life in this period made the most direct and obvious climate responses seem politically heretical. How, for instance, could societies invest massively in zero-carbon public services and infrastructure at a time when the public sphere was being systematically dismantled and auctioned off? How could governments heavily regulate, tax, and penalise fossil fuel companies when all such measures were being dismissed as relics of “command and control” communism? And how could the renewable energy sector receive the supports and protections it needed to replace fossil fuels when “protectionism” had been made a dirty word?

Even more directly, the policies that so successfully freed multinational corporations from virtually all constraints also contributed significantly to the underlying cause of global warming – rising greenhouse gas emissions. The numbers are striking: In the 1990s, as the market integration project ramped up, global emissions were going up an average of one percent a year; by the 2000s, with “emerging markets” like China now fully integrated into the world economy, emissions growth had sped up disastrously, with the annual rate of increase reaching 3.4% a year for much of the decade. That rapid growth rate continues to this day, interrupted only briefly in 2009 by the world financial crisis. Emissions rebounded with a vengeance in 2010, which saw the largest absolute increase since the Industrial Revolution.

With hindsight, it’s hard to see how it could have turned out otherwise. The twin signatures of this era have been the mass export of products across vast distances (relentlessly burning carbon all the way), and the import of a uniquely wasteful model of production, consumption, and agriculture to every corner of the world (also based on the profligate burning of fossil fuels). Put differently, the liberation of world markets, a process powered by the liberation of unprecedented amounts of fossil fuels from the earth, has dramatically sped up the same process that is liberating Arctic ice from existence.

As a result, we now find ourselves in a very difficult and slightly ironic position. Because of those decades of hardcore emitting, exactly when we were supposed to be cutting back, the things we must do to avoid catastrophic warming are no longer just in conflict with the particular strain of deregulated capitalism that triumphed in the 1980s. They are now in conflict with the fundamental imperative at the heart of our economic model: grow or die.

Once carbon has been emitted into the atmosphere, it sticks around for hundreds of years, some of it even longer, trapping heat. The effects are cumulative, growing more severe with time. And according to emissions specialists like the Tyndall Centre’s Kevin Anderson (as well as others), so much carbon has been allowed to accumulate in the atmosphere over the past two decades that now our only hope of keeping warming below the internationally agreed-upon target of 2C is for wealthy countries to cut their emissions by somewhere in the neighbourhood of eight to 10% a year. The “free” market simply cannot accomplish this task. Indeed, this level of emission reduction has happened only in the context of economic collapse or deep depressions.

What those numbers mean is that our economic system and our planetary system are now at war. Or, more accurately, our economy is at war with many forms of life on earth, including human life. What the climate needs to avoid collapse is a contraction in humanity’s use of resources; what our economic model demands to avoid collapse is unfettered expansion. Only one of these sets of rules can be changed, and it’s not the laws of nature.

Fortunately, it is eminently possible to transform our economy so that it is less resource-intensive, and to do it in ways that are equitable, with the most vulnerable protected and the most responsible bearing the bulk of the burden. Low-carbon sectors of our economies can be encouraged to expand and create jobs, while high-carbon sectors are encouraged to contract. The problem, however, is that this scale of economic planning and management is entirely outside the boundaries of our reigning ideology. The only kind of contraction our current system can manage is a brutal crash, in which the most vulnerable will suffer most of all.

So we are left with a stark choice: allow climate disruption to change everything about our world, or change pretty much everything about our economy to avoid that fate. But we need to be very clear: because of our decades of collective denial, no gradual, incremental options are now available to us. Gentle tweaks to the status quo stopped being a climate option when we supersized the American Dream in the 1990s, and then proceeded to take it global. And it’s no longer just radicals who see the need for radical change. In 2012, 21 past winners of the prestigious Blue Planet Prize – a group that includes James Hansen, former director of Nasa’s Goddard Institute for Space Studies, and Gro Harlem Brundtland, former prime minister of Norway – authored a landmark report. It stated that, “in the face of an absolutely unprecedented emergency, society has no choice but to take dramatic action to avert a collapse of civilization. Either we will change our ways and build an entirely new kind of global society, or they will be changed for us.”

That’s tough for a lot of people in important positions to accept, since it challenges something that might be even more powerful than capitalism, and that is the fetish of centrism – of reasonableness, seriousness, splitting the difference, and generally not getting overly excited about anything. This is the habit of thought that truly rules our era, far more among the liberals who concern themselves with matters of climate policy than among conservatives, many of whom simply deny the existence of the crisis. Climate change presents a profound challenge to this cautious centrism because half measures won’t cut it: “all of the above energy” program, as US president Barack Obama describes his approach, has about as much chance of success as an all-of-the-above diet, and the firm deadlines imposed by science require that we get very worked up indeed.

The challenge, then, is not simply that we need to spend a lot of money and change a lot of policies; it’s that we need to think differently, radically differently, for those changes to be remotely possible. A worldview will need to rise to the fore that sees nature, other nations, and our own neighbours not as adversaries, but rather as partners in a grand project of mutual reinvention.

That’s a big ask. But it gets bigger. Because of our endless procrastination, we also have to pull off this massive transformation without delay. The International Energy Agency (IEA) warns that if we do not get our emissions under control by a rather terrifying 2017, our fossil fuel economy will “lock-in” extremely dangerous warming. “The energy-related infrastructure then in place will generate all the CO2 emissions allowed” in our carbon budget for limiting warming to 2C – “leaving no room for additional power plants, factories and other infrastructure unless they are zero-carbon, which would be extremely costly”. This assumes, probably accurately, that governments would be unwilling to force the closure of still profitable power plants and factories. As Fatih Birol, the IEA’s chief economist, bluntly put it: “The door to reach two degrees is about to close. In 2017 it will be closed forever.” In short, we have reached what some activists have started calling “Decade Zero” of the climate crisis: we either change now or we lose our chance. All this means that the usual free market assurances – A techno-fix is around the corner! Dirty development is just a phase on the way to a clean environment, look at 19th-century London! – simply don’t add up. We don’t have a century to spare for China and India to move past their Dickensian phases. Because of our lost decades, it is time to turn this around now. Is it possible? Absolutely. Is it possible without challenging the fundamental logic of deregulated capitalism? Not a chance.

I was struck recently by a mea culpa of sorts, written by Gary Stix, a senior editor of Scientific American. Back in 2006, he edited a special issue on responses to climate change and, like most such efforts, the articles were narrowly focused on showcasing exciting low-carbon technologies.

But in 2012 Stix wrote that he had overlooked a much larger and more important part of the story – the need to create the social and political context in which these technological shifts stand a chance of displacing the all too profitable status quo. “If we are ever to cope with climate change in any fundamental way, radical solutions on the social side are where we must focus, though. The relative efficiency of the next generation of solar cells is trivial by comparison.”

In other words, our problem has a lot less to do with the mechanics of solar power than the politics of human power – specifically whether there can be a shift in who wields it, a shift away from corporations and toward communities, which in turn depends on whether or not the great many people who are getting a rotten deal under our current system can build a determined and diverse enough social force to change the balance of power. Such a shift would require rethinking the very nature of humanity’s power – our right to extract ever more without facing consequences, our capacity to bend complex natural systems to our will. This is a shift that challenges not only capitalism, but also the building blocks of materialism that preceded modern capitalism, a mentality some call “extractivism”.

Because, underneath all of this is the real truth we have been avoiding: climate change isn’t an “issue” to add to the list of things to worry about, next to healthcare and taxes. It is a civilisational wake-up call. A powerful message – spoken in the language of fires, floods, droughts, and extinctions – telling us that we need an entirely new economic model and a new way of sharing this planet. Telling us that we need to evolve.

Some say there is no time for this transformation; the crisis is too pressing and the clock is ticking. I agree that it would be reckless to claim that the only solution to this crisis is to revolutionise our economy and revamp our worldview from the bottom up – and anything short of that is not worth doing. There are all kinds of measures that would lower emissions substantively that could and should be done right now. But we aren’t taking those measures, are we? The reason is that by failing to fight these big battles that stand to shift our ideological direction and change the balance of who holds power in our societies, a context has been slowly created in which any muscular response to climate change seems politically impossible, especially during times of economic crisis.

On the other hand,if we can shift the cultural context even a little, then there will be some breathing room for those sensible reformist policies that will at least get the atmospheric carbon numbers moving in the right direction. And winning is contagious so, who knows?

For a quarter of a century, we have tried the approach of polite incremental change, attempting to bend the physical needs of the planet to our economic model’s need for constant growth and new profit-making opportunities. The results have been disastrous, leaving us all in a great deal more danger than when the experiment began.

Looking for a Moose is one of my two-year-old son’s favourite books. It’s about a bunch of kids that really, really, really want to see a moose. They search high and low – through a forest, a swamp, in brambly bushes and up a mountain, for “a long legged, bulgy nosed, branchy antlered moose”.

The joke is that there are moose hiding on each page. In the end, the animals all come out of hiding and the ecstatic kids proclaim: “We’ve never ever seen so many moose!”

On about the 75th reading, it suddenly hit me: he might never see a moose. I tried to hold it together. I went back to my computer and began to write about my time in northern Alberta, tar sands country, where members of the Beaver Lake Cree Nation told me about how the moose had changed – one woman described killing a moose on a hunting trip only to find that the flesh had already turned green. I heard a lot about strange tumors too, which locals assumed had to do with the animals drinking water contaminated by tar sands toxins. But mostly I heard about how the moose were simply gone.

And not just in Alberta. “Rapid Climate Changes Turn North Woods into Moose Graveyard,” reads a May 2012 headline in Scientific American. A year and a half later, The New York Times was reporting that one of Minnesota’s two moose populations had declined from four thousand in the 1990s to just one hundred today. Will he ever see a moose?

Then, the other day, I was slain by a miniature board book called Snuggle Wuggle. It involves different animals cuddling, with each posture given a ridiculously silly name: “How does a bat hug?” it asks. “Topsy turvy, topsy turvy.” For some reason my son reliably cracks up at this page. I explain that it means upside down, because that’s the way bats sleep.

But all I could think about was the report of some 100,000 dead and dying bats raining down from the sky in the midst of record-breaking heat across part of Queensland, Australia. Whole colonies devastated. Will he ever see a bat?

When fear like that used to creep through my armour of climate change denial, I would do my utmost to stuff it away, change the channel, click past it. Now I try to feel it. It seems to me that I owe it to my son, just as we all owe it to ourselves and one another.

But what should we do with this fear that comes from living on a planet that is dying, made less alive every day? First, accept that it won’t go away. That it is a fully rational response to the unbearable reality that we are living in a dying world, a world that a great many of us are helping to kill, by doing things like making tea and driving to the grocery store and yes, okay, having kids.

Next, use it. Fear is a survival response. Fear makes us run, it makes us leap, it can make us act superhuman. But we need somewhere to run to. Without that, the fear is only paralysing. So the real trick, the only hope, really, is to allow the terror of an unlivable future to be balanced and soothed by the prospect of building something much better than many of us have previously dared hope.

Yes, there will be things we will lose, luxuries some of us will have to give up, whole industries that will disappear. Climate change is already here, and increasingly brutal disasters are headed our way no matter what we do. But it’s not too late to avert the worst, and there is still time to change ourselves so that we are far less brutal to one another when those disasters strike. And that, it seems to me, is worth a great deal.

Because the thing about a crisis this big, this all-encompassing, is that it changes everything. It changes what we can do, what we can hope for, what we can demand from ourselves and our leaders. It means there is a whole lot of stuff that we have been told is inevitable that simply cannot stand. And it means that a whole lot of stuff we have been told is impossible has to start happening right away.

Can we pull it off? All I know is that nothing is inevitable. Nothing except that climate change changes everything. And for a very brief time, the nature of that change is still up to us.


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Rahm Emanuel and the Useless Editorial Board at The Washington Post Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Sunday, 08 March 2015 14:35

Pierce writes: "The lack of links to the evidence of Emanuel's glorious triumph over schoolteachers is a bit disturbing, and surely, the corporate ties of school 'reformers' are not 'special interests' in the sense that a firefighter is."

Mayor Rahm Emanuel of Chicago. (photo: Scott Olson/Getty Images)
Mayor Rahm Emanuel of Chicago. (photo: Scott Olson/Getty Images)


Rahm Emanuel and the Useless Editorial Board at The Washington Post

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

08 March 15

 

A few words on Rahm Emanuel, special interests, combat journalism and more before signing off for the weekend.

try to keep this semi-regular weekly feature light, but sometimes there are atrocities in my business worth being mad about for three days.

Example The First: "Special interests" is one of those phrases that can mean different things to different people. To Fred Hiatt and the useless editorial board at The Washington Post, a special interest is anybody who ought to be serving appetizers at the Palm to their betters.

A RUNOFF election next month to determine if Chicago Mayor Rahm Emanuel gets a second term appears to be close. His opponent, Jesus "Chuy" Garcia, is not as well known and has far less campaign money, but recent polls show him within single digits of Mr. Emanuel.

Now, someone who really was interested in the destructive effect of "special interests" on our politics might look at the disparity between campaign treasuries and think, "Hmmmm, I wonder if all those people who gave that much money to an unreconstructed dickhead like Rahm Emanuel might one day want something in return." But that won't get you a seat at Fred's table.

Where Mr. Emanuel was most fearless - and where, as the New York Times recently reported, he seems to be reaping the angriest payback from riled unions - is in school reform. He backed the closing of dozens of underused and underperforming schools, insisted on a longer school day and school year, toughened teacher evaluations and helped expand charter schools. These reforms have produced encouraging results: graduation rates up, suspensions and expulsions down, more African American students taking Advanced Placement classes. But success for long-neglected children appears immaterial to a teachers union focused on protecting its turf. Mr. Garcia got into the race at the urging of Chicago Teachers Union leaders, who along with their national affiliate are leading the charge against the mayor.

The lack of links to the evidence of Emanuel's glorious triumph over schoolteachers is a bit disturbing, and surely, the corporate ties of school "reformers" are not "special interests" in the sense that a firefighter is. Certainly, handing DePaul $100 million for an arena for the school's perpetually underperforming men's basketball team is in no way pandering to "special interests," and Penny Pritzker, as we know, was just a poor woman trying to do her best. And what about those "special interests" in the city's mental health clinics? What's their problem with fearless Mayor Cartman anyway? They should shut up and open a hedge fund or something.

Example The Second: You had to know this was coming.

The president is not the only writer who has drawn comparisons between himself and Spock. I am also a Star Trek fan, but I admit I was somewhat confused by my rather apathetic reaction to Nimoy's death. And as I thought more about the president's statement, I realized he identifies with the very aspects of the Spock character that most annoy me. I don't love Spock at all.

Combat journalism!

Yeah, this guy.

Ok, that's enough of that.

Weekly WWOZ Pick To Click: "La tour de garde" (Babineaux Sisters): Yeah, I pretty much still love New Orleans.

Other musical notes, and I see what I did there, too. Congrats to Pete Townshend for selling the entire damn Who catalogue to the CSI people because now, every week, at the beginning of the new CSI: Cyber series, we get to hear the towering genius of the late Keith Moon on "I Can See For Miles," still my favorite single record of all time. Also a hearty well-done to the folks at Sirius/XM's 60's On Six channel for playing Third Rail's completely weird bubblegum record, "Run, Run, Run." ("General chaos, that's general chaos, is up one-quarter. The Great Society, unfortunately, is down five points.") This should never be confused with the first cut on the second Who album, a song which does not yet have its own police procedural.

Weekly Visit To The Pathe Archives: Here's the signing of the treaty that created the Irish Free State and which turned out to be the spark that ignited perhaps the world's most useless civil war. I like the part about subduing a "hostile Catholic population." Tell it to Wolfe Tone. History is so cool.

I'll be back on Monday with what I am sure is going to be some nightmarish retro gobshitery about the Clintons. Be well and play nice, ya bastids. Stay above the snake line, or Matt's coming over to combat-journalist your ass.


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Flight 370 Did Not Disappear, the Truth About What Happened Is a Scandal Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=34727"><span class="small">Clive Irving, The Daily Beast</span></a>   
Sunday, 08 March 2015 14:34

Irving writes: "In this disaster there is as yet not one piece of physical evidence to begin that process. There is however a trail of failures that expose serious lapses of responsibility across a wide range of airline and regulation practices."

A Royal New Zealand Air Force P3 Orion searches for the missing Malaysia Airlines Flight 370 in the southern Indian Ocean in 2014. (photo: Rob Griffith/AP)
A Royal New Zealand Air Force P3 Orion searches for the missing Malaysia Airlines Flight 370 in the southern Indian Ocean in 2014. (photo: Rob Griffith/AP)


Flight 370 Did Not Disappear, the Truth About What Happened Is a Scandal

By Clive Irving, The Daily Beast

08 March 15

 

year has gone by, and there is not a trace.

At 12:31a.m. on March 8, 2014, Maylasian Airlines Flight 370 took off from Kuala Lumpar on a flight to Beijing. Some 40 minutes laterall contact with the Boeing 777 was lost. At that point the greatest and most disturbing mystery in the history of commercial aviation began to unfold.

An airplane with 239 people on board did not disappear. Rather, we lost the ability to know where it was until, more than six hours later, it ran out of fuel and crashed. That, in itself, is a shocking indictment of an internationally policed airline regime in an age when we assume that all-seeing technologies should make it impossible for anything as important and large as a 330-ton airplane to vanish.

Most airplane disasters are teachable moments that the aviation industry learns by. This is the way that flying – still by far the safest form of transportation per capita – becomes even safer. Yet in this disaster there is as yet not one piece of physical evidence to begin that process. There is however a trail of failures that expose serious lapses of responsibility across a wide range of airline and regulation practices.

What follows is an analysis of what is so far known about Flight 370 and a discussion of the issues raised by it – bearing in mind that there has been a persistent lack of transparency in the official investigation and, consequently, an unending stream of wild speculation from other quarters.

THE ONLY LINK – VIA A WOBBLING SATELLITE

The one slender thread that provided the only clues to the final path of Flight 370 led back to a satellite dish, one among many atop an office tower in London. This is the headquarters of Inmarsat, a company that maintains a fleet of communications satellites in orbit above the Earth.

Many of London’s most ambitious techies work near here in a cluster of streets radiating from a murky traffic roundabout above the Tube station at Old Street in east London, a place now known as Silicon Roundabout because of its aspirations to plot Britain’s digital future as an accomplice of Silicon Valley. Inmarsat, however, is not populated by unbarbered nerds; it has its origins in a United Nations agency founded in 1979 and arrived in east London a generation or so ahead of Google, and is staffed by relative greybeards.

Occupying one floor inside Inmarsat’s tower on the edge of the roundabout are two large open-plan control rooms, resembling NASA’s mission control in Houston. There are far more computer screens than there are people.

All of Inmarsat’s satellites are monitored from here and usually this requires little human intervention. The displays blink away unattended with streams of data as inscrutable as an ancient Babylonian inscription. These calm procedures were jolted one morning in March last year, a few hours after Flight 370 went missing.

Inmarsat has a ring of satellites aligned with the Equator, orbiting at a height of 22,236 miles – the exact position required to maintain what is called geostationary orbit: the satellites move with the same motion as the Earth, and therefore remain in fixed geographic positions.

When the engineers got news of the missing jet they realized that its flight might be detectable through a system called burst timing offset, in which Inmarsat ground stations automatically send a signal to a satellite and then to a receiving terminal in the airplane. The good news was that if Flight 370 had, as suspected, ended up flying into the Indian Ocean Inmarsat had a satellite covering that region that should have been communicating hourly with the Boeing 777 via “handshakes” that were returned to a ground station in Perth, Australia.

The bad news was that this satellite happened to be one of the oldest in the constellation, called 3F1.  The 3F1, because of its age, was wobbling. It didn’t hold a fixed position but moved, or oscillated, a few degrees to the north and south of the Equator. Like somebody nursing an old automobile until reaching its sell-by mileage, Inmarsat had decided that the wobble was tolerable until a new satellite was ready to replace it.

The engineers, led by Mark Dickinson, Inmarsat’s vice president of satellite operations, began searching masses of burst timing offset data that were logged and then stored in the computers in their London headquarters.

What followed was a painstaking process involving calculations far too arcane for a lay brain to follow. They confirmed that the satellite terminal on board the 777 had responded throughout the final hours of the flight and that the Inmarsat station in Perth had recorded seven “handshakes” in the course of the flight. They were also able to tell that the 3F1 had wobbled just over one degree of latitude during this time and their final calculations took this into account.

The first picture to emerge of Flight 370’s flight path was far from exact: the Inmarsat projections showed a huge arc, north and south of the Equator, on the eastern side of the Indian Ocean – extending as far north as the Himalayas and as far south as the “roaring forties,” so-called because of the latitude and wild weather that was notorious from the days of the transoceanic sailing clippers that used the winds to travel between Australia and Europe. This is a huge area spanning the entire open ocean between Australia and South Africa between latitudes 40 and 50.

In Kuala Lumpur other information from radar reports about the likely course of the 777 were sparse and contradictory – and nobody had a clue where the 777 might have gone once it left the areas covered by radar or for how long it flew. Inmarsat contacted the Malaysians and told them that they had the satellite data indicating a course either in the northern or southern arcs of the Indian Ocean.

The Malaysians, increasingly dysfunctional, at first ignored Inmarsat.

Inmarsat then turned to the British Air Accidents Investigation Branch, AAIB, who were among other investigation agencies advising the Malaysians, like the U.S. National Transportation Safety Board, the Australian Transport Safety Board and the French Bureau d’Enquetes et d’Analyses, BEA. It was the AAIB who finally woke up the Malaysians to the importance of Inmarsat’s work.

The first “pings” between Flight 370 and the satellite were sent before the 777 left the ground at Kuala Lumpur and the final one just as the engines were failing for lack of fuel – with one engine cut and the other losing power the satellite terminal on the airplane, responding to unstable electric power, actually booted up again in order to send the signal.

As Inmarsat refined their analysis of the burst timing offset data that was being extracted from the logs in London, they reinforced their confidence in the accuracy of their projections by applying the same model to the contacts made from the 3F1 satellite to 16 other flights in the air in the region at the same time as Flight 370. In each case the actual track of the flight matched what the satellite data had predicted – and confirmed that Flight 370 had headed south, excluding the northern arc (much to the distress of some conspiracy theorists who had Flight 370 being abducted to places as various as Afghanistan, a secret Himalayan valley, and the U.S. air base on Diego Garcia).

From then onward all the search efforts would be directed to the southern arc.

A BUNGLED SEARCH IN A DISTANT OCEAN

The southern arc began roughly 1,000 miles northwest of Perth, Australia and extended deep into one of the most fearsome and least traveled parts of the Indian Ocean. There could hardly have been a more hostile place in the world for a search. Direction of the international search effort moved from Kuala Lumpur to Perth under a Joint Agency Coordination Centre led by Australia. At first most of the effort was devoted to a fleet of military maritime reconnaissance airplanes that scoured the seas looking for floating wreckage. After many false sightings, the air search ended without any success.

By the end of March an undersea search was underway, led by an Australian vessel, the Ocean Shield, towing a torpedo-like underwater vehicle supposedly able to detect “pings” from a locator beacon attached to the 777’s black box flight recorder (the beacon’s battery was nearing the end of its 30-day life). Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott announced that pings had been detected and that searchers had established the location of the black box to within a few kilometers.

This turned out not to be true. The Australians had to admit that the equipment on the Ocean Shield was faulty and that the pings might well have come from something on the ship itself.

As winter approached the Southern Hemisphere, and with it rough seas, the undersea search was halted amid a sense of fiasco. It was clear that the unique challenges presented by the search for Flight 370 called for more resources and more sophisticated science – beginning with a mission to map the ocean floor, a terrifying terra incognita that resembled an undersea Alps with volcanoes, mountain ranges, and valleys as deep as 2.8 miles with surfaces covered deep in silt.

As the new search got underway in October there was a significant change – the target area was moved 500 miles further south.

Nothing could have been more essential to any investigation than having a minute-by-minute picture of the airplane’s course before it flew off into the great void. And yet it had taken months to sift a reliable timeline from the different sources – air traffic control, military and civilian radars, the Inmarsat data and the airline’s own logs. Now the investigators discovered that a Malaysian Airlines manager in Kuala Lumpur had twice tried to contact the 777 pilots using a satellite phone – and this would prove to be decisive in changing the search area.

I will use the timeline given by the Australian Transport Safety Bureau investigators where the times are given in Coordinated Universal Time, CUT, a more accurate measure than Greenwich Mean Time:

18:19 - the last exchange between the pilots and air traffic control -- three minutes later the automatic position reporting system, the transponder, stops working.

18:22 - The last primary radar return providing a verifiable “fix” of the 777’s direction is made -- the airplane is flying northwest above the Straits of Malacca.

18:37 - the next discrete package of data from the 777’s Aircraft Communications and Addressing Reporting System, ACARS is due but fails to arrive . (ACARS data was transmitted at 30-minute intervals.)

18:39 - The first satellite phone call from the airline manager in Kuala Lumpur to the airplane. The call is not answered.

Investigators were able to determine from the satellite phone data that by the time the call was made, the 777 had changed course and was then flying south.

Crucially, this narrowed the time window in which the final and permanent change in the airplane’s course had been made – just 17 minutes between the radar fix and the phone call.

This, in turn, determined the change made to the search area – the 777 had made the sudden turn south earlier than had been assumed, and this meant that it would have covered more ocean before its fuel ran out. Hence the search area needed to be extended further south.

The second and final satellite phone call was made at 23:13, and was also not answered.

The current search is planned only to continue to the end of southern summer, in May. So far about 10,000 square miles of the sea floor has been covered – more than 40 percent of the total target area. What remains is the size of West Virginia.

The greatest achievement so far – of value beyond the search – is the bathymetric survey of the ocean floor. Three-dimensional graphics released by the Australians convey a video game-like thrill of zooming through deep trenches, valleys and over imposing chains of mountains. The reality is a lot more challenging: total darkness, deep cold and intense pressure at nearly three miles below the ocean surface.

Three of the search ships tow underwater vehicles equipped with advanced sonar scanners and echo sounders on cables that stretch down as far as 32,800 feet, with the “towfish” following the contours of the seabed at a height above it of about 400 feet. These vehicles constantly stream data to analysts aboard the ships. The fourth ship has an autonomous underwater vehicle (AUV) that is pre-programmed to go closer to the seabed in areas where the terrain is too difficult for the towfish.

Despite now being equipped with some of the world’s best underwater vehicles, the searchers are frustrated by the continued absence of any debris. This frustration is compounded by the extraordinary failure after nearly 12 months to locate any floating wreckage.

Indeed, it is worrying that there is no case in the entire history of modern intercontinental jets where a crash into an ocean has not produced floating wreckage that was spotted within days of the disaster.

Last fall an Australian team combining oceanographers, meteorologists and environmental scientists began working on a computer model of ocean currents and weather patterns, based on technology used for tracking oil spills, in an effort to calculate when and where any wreckage would wash up. An Australian official predicted in November that the most likely place where debris would be carried from the southern ocean was the long coastline of Western Sumatra on the Indonesian archipelago, and said that it should begin to show up this March. However, the Australians are still waiting for the drift model to be completed and are not giving any more details until it is.

Of course, the longer the time without any sign of floating wreckage, the more some people in the airline industry begin wondering aloud if the airplane is really where the searchers think it is.

AN INVISIBLE PLANE AND AN INVISIBLE INVESTIGATION

In parallel with the underwater search an international team of air crash investigators has been on the case from within 24 hours of the airplane being lost. In many ways the investigation has been as invisible as the 777.

One of the most vocal critics of the investigation is Sir Tim Clark, the head of Emirates Airline, which operates a large fleet of 777s. In an interview with the German newsmagazine Der Spiegel, Clark seemed to be speaking for many when he said: “All the ‘facts’ of this particular incident must be challenged and examined with full transparency. We are nowhere near that. There is plenty of information out there, which we need to be far more forthright, transparent and candid about.”

Some of Clark’s anxiety springs from a concern that every airline chief and everyone involved in airline safety shares in the aftermath of a loss of this magnitude: Was there a technical failure in the airplane or in the systems responsible for the safety of this flight that we have not seen before – and could it recur? After all, this is always the most fundamental question that an investigation must answer.

Not long after the search began, I suggested in The Daily Beast that rather than look at the timeline from the beginning of the flight it could be more revealing to begin at the end. The investigators came to the same conclusion - they have been reverse-engineering the history of the flight. There has been no public confirmation of this from either Boeing or Malaysian Airlines, but I discovered that an analysis by the Australians of how the southern arc search area was refined included a section on end-of-flight scenarios. Buried in this was: “…the aircraft manufacturer and the operator have observed and documented various end-of-flight scenarios in their B777 simulators.”

This makes it clear that the investigators accept the premise that the 777 flew itself until it ran out of gas – the “zombie flight” scenario I first proposed in The Daily Beast. In their simulator reconstruction, the airplane’s right engine ran out of fuel first, followed by a flameout of the left engine. “This scenario resulted,” the Australian analysis says, “in the aircraft entering a descending spiraling low bank angle left turn and the aircraft entering the water in a relatively short distance after the last engine flameout.”

Something else can be divined from this picture. In order to have calculated an accurate timeline to the exact moment of impact in the ocean, the investigators must have been able to fix when the zombie flight began – when the 777 began flying on autopilot at cruise altitude and speed without any human intervention for more than six hours.

Of course, the salient question is not just when but why – why was command of the flight taken from human hands? This is the crux of the entire mystery. Did that happen before or after the final turn to the south? Was the command given by the pilots or someone else?

Tim Clark himself has said that to deliberately set in train such a drastic change of flight plan while maintaining total silence would have required disconnecting the two primary systems that relayed the 777’s position, the transponder and the ACARS – the latter, he said, demanding more technical knowledge than any of his own pilots possessed.

Or did the pilots do it themselves as part of some bizarre suicide mission for which there was no credible motive?

From conversations I have had with industry insiders, none of whom was prepared to comment on the record, it is clear that there is now a consensus among a number of airline chiefs that some kind of criminal act was involved – although if it was they would have to explain why the outcome was the Zombie flight without any communication from hijackers or a message conveying other motives.

One expert I spoke to with deep knowledge of the Boeing 777 put the chance of the crew being criminally involved at 1 percent, having carefully calibrated every other possibility. And another expert pointed out that there is no recorded case of an airplane being hijacked without the hijackers announcing their intent, either via the crew or by themselves talking to controllers.

It was also pointed out to me that the foul play theory – either by the pilots or intruders - would conveniently serve industry interests far more than the discovery of a technical emergency or an operational failure for which there would be considerable legal liabilities.

“There are many interests here, and they don’t all necessarily align with 100 percent full and candid disclosure at an early date,” a very experienced accident investigator cautioned. “In fact, the motivation for full and candid disclosure by all parties hardly ever occurs in serious accidents, for some very important financial, political, liability and social reasons.”

This January the Malaysians took what was for lawyers a highly consequential decision: they officially declared the flight a loss. Although this final blow of harsh reality fell hard on the families and loved ones of the passengers and crew, it opened the way to what will be years of legal claims for compensation.

International agreements covering compensation for loss of life in air crashes is complicated and varies greatly between jurisdictions. Soon after Flight 370 was lost a Swiss bank calculated that the insurance losses for Malaysia Airlines could reach $600 million. Settlements in the case of Air France Flight 447, lost in the South Atlantic in 2009, are estimated already to have reached a total of at least $750 million and that case is by no means closed.

OCCAM'S RAZOR AND THE CASE FOR A ZOMBIE FLIGHT

Unless investigators can find the wreckage of Flight 370 all present clues to the mystery will remain just that, clues. It’s like trying to solve a murder without the body. No body, no absolutely final explanation.

In the 14th century an English Franciscan friar—who was so much more—called William of Ockham came up with a problem-solving principle that, because of its razor-like simplicity, has often been employed in science and forensics: among competing hypotheses the one with the fewest assumptions should be preferred. Under the name of Occam’s Razor this principle provides a good discipline for weighing the hypotheses of this case.

Essentially, the foul play scenario stands or falls on believing that human intervention caused both the transponder and the ACARS to stop sending information about where the airplane was. Making the airplane invisible in this scenario was the calculated first and immutable step in a plot to take command of it.

The transponder is not much of a challenge: it can be turned off by using a switch on the flight deck. ACARS is less accessible: disconnecting it on a 777 requires getting into the electronics bay beneath the cockpit, via a hatch between the airplane’s forward galley and the cockpit door.

In the electronics bay is the 777’s electronic brain center, its Airplane Information Management System, AIMS. Everything involved in the management of the flight – how the airplane is flown in real time – comes together here including the data for the cockpit information displays, monitoring of all its conditions including the cabin climate and the reception of data from the ground and the transmission of data back either directly to the ground or via satellite. (External antennas route the signals from the transponder and ACARS.)

AIMS, then, is the gateway for all communications from the cockpit. This is important because it means that both the transponder and ACARS, instead of being deliberately disconnected, could be disabled by an electrical fault or fire in the electronics bay. Indeed, one pilot told me that one reason why pilots would be loath to accept making it impossible to switch off the transponder was that “you usually want the ability to isolate and switch off any electrical system where there is a fire risk.”

It’s time for a cut from Occam’s Razor. Which hypothesis makes the fewest assumptions: that someone, the pilots or intruders, deliberately disconnected the transponder and ACARS, or that they were disabled by an electrical failure or fire?

Human intervention makes a string of assumptions:

Criminal motivation and an expertly researched and executed plot carried out in a very short time; physical effort to take command of the airplane (or, if the pilots, to combine continuing command with an extraordinary diversion of physical effort); to open a hatch openly visible to passengers and cabin crew, enter the electronics bay and pull circuit-breakers with prior knowledge of where they would be.

Electrical fault or fire makes one assumption of the cause:

A single-point failure in the electronics bay that not only disables the transponder and ACARS but leads to the incapacitation of the crew. All airliner architecture is predicated on avoiding the possibility of a single-point failure that jeopardizes the airframe, and all critical systems are supposed to have three levels of “redundancy” – the airplane should still be able to fly having lost two of the three of those systems.

 Then, at the center of the zombie flight scenario, is the question: What would incapacitate the crew while leaving the airplane fully functional under command of the autopilot?

The obvious suspect is hypoxia. This is the condition suffered as a result of a sudden or gradual depletion of oxygen inside the cabin and cockpit.

David Soucie, who has 30 years of experience as an aviation safety inspector and accident investigator, has just published a cogent and careful assessment of the available information on Flight 370.

He cites the most recent case of a crash caused by hypoxia, Helios Airways Flight 522 in 2005, where a depressurization fault meant that as the airplane climbed to cruise height the oxygen supply was severely depleted. Pilots and passengers lost consciousness and – despite the efforts of a flight attendant alert enough to grab a portable oxygen supply – the airplane remained on autopilot until it ran out of fuel and crashed into a Greek mountain.

Soucie concludes that Flight 370 suffered the same effects but from a very different cause.

“I believe,” he writes, “that what most likely happened to MH370 is that pilot Zaharie Ahmad Shah detected an electrical outage followed immediately by severe smoke in the cockpit less than one minute after signing off with Kuala Lumpur air traffic control.”

He suggests that the fire originated on the left side of the electronics bay where the communications systems are housed, including the circuits involving the transponder and ACARS. A fire confined to that location would leave untouched the autopilot systems that were 15 feet away. Overcome by the severe smoke in the cockpit the pilots were unable to report their plight over the radio, Soucie argues, because a tight seal muffled the microphones in their oxygen masks. (A fire in the electronics bay would not have affected the radio.)

Soucie points out that the sudden turn left away from the flight path to Beijing is consistent with the pilots attempting to head for the nearest airports at Langkawi or Penang. Indeed, another expert I spoke to said “the crew may still be proven to have been making heroic efforts to try to save the jet before they passed out.”

Soucie is so concerned about hypoxia that he proposes that airliners should be fitted with a device to detect loss of oxygen before it becomes fatal, and sets off an alarm – an airborne equivalent of the canary in the coalmine.

Ironically, the oxygen depletion caused by smoke and fire would also finally have also killed the fire itself, having first asphyxiated all the humans on board, while leaving the autopilot set on the southern course that was intended only as the first phase of heading for an emergency landing.

Looking for other possible locations where a fire might originate would have to include looking at the cargo bay and, specifically, any significant items loaded on to the 777 before it left Kuala Lumpur. One item in particular jumps out from the cargo manifest: a consignment weighing 5,400 pounds that included a large number of lithium-ion batteries, radio accessories and chargers.

Tests conducted on a similar consignment of batteries in a cargo hold by the Federal Aviation Administration have shown that they are vulnerable to a “thermal runaway” when one battery overheats and a chain reaction occurs. In several of the tests, smoke and fumes reached the airplane’s cockpit in less than 10 minutes. Another test caused an explosion that blew open the cockpit door. This week United Airlines joined Delta in deciding to no longer carry shipments of the batteries in the cargo holds of passenger flights.

Cargo holds have automatic fire-suppression systems but they are not effective against lithium-ion battery fires. Even if a battery fire was retarded by the lack of oxygen at cruise altitudes, it could still release toxic fumes that could easily penetrate the cabin and flight deck. It’s therefore possible that, like an electrical fire in the electronics bay, it could incapacitate passengers and crew.

However, this scenario, which I otherwise find credible, has a serious weakness that so far I have not been able to solve. It would not explain how a cargo hold fire would take out the transponder and the ACARS systems in the separate electronics bay. And it is also possible that a cargo hold fire would have reached and compromised parts of the airplane’s structure that would have made it impossible for the 777 to continue flying as it did.

All of this makes the cargo-hold fire scenario far less persuasive than a fire in the electronics bay.

A DIALOG WITH THE DEAF

No airplane needs to disappear like Flight 370. The technology to keep track of all flights over oceans has existed for a long time and is relatively easy to adopt.

The essential point is that all the information crucial to understanding both where and why an airplane has gone down is stored in its flight data recorder and continually updated in real time. The kind of data specifically needed in the event of a crash is twofold: location fixing and system or human failure. This data, crucial for any investigation, is a relatively small proportion of the thousands of data points that monitor every facet of an airliner’s performance in flight.

It seems absurd to still be dependent on a principle dating from the 1950s that all the data required by crash investigators should go down with the airplane, contained in the black box (more accurately the flight data recorder and the cockpit voice recorder). Both are designed to survive crashes on land and at sea, and most always do, but many major air routes cross-oceans and we know now that fishing black boxes out of oceans is always hugely challenging and expensive.

As for the need to do it better, there have been plenty of warnings, particularly since the loss of Air France Flight 447 in the south Atlantic in 2009. Soon after that event, the French investigation agency, the BEA, recommended that it should be mandatory for airliners to regularly transmit basic flight parameters (for example, position, attitude, speed, heading).

In 2010 the BEA reinforced their argument in a striking experiment. Using data from 44 previous accidents, they simulated 597 crashes spread around the world’s major air routes in which real-time streaming replaced black boxes. In 85 percent of the crashes the streamed data would have provided as much data as the black box – and in 82 percent of those cases would have pin-pointed the location of the wreckage to within a four-mile radius.

As urgent and specific as these proposals were, they were part of a prolonged dialogue of the deaf. Agency speaks to agency, they each form “task forces” or “working groups,” and they hold conferences and seminars. What happens?

Nothing.

At the top of the bodies representing the world aviation industry is the International Civil Aviation Organization, based in Montreal. The ICAO has bureaucratic paralysis built into it – it’s a United Nations body representing 191 nations and arriving at a consensus for any action takes ages. The other major partner in the dialogue is the International Air Transport Association, representing 250 airlines, 85 percent of the world total. It has less trouble reaching a consensus but the consensus it reaches is invariably driven by commercial interests that are never inclined to take effective action on issues of safety.

What are these bodies actually proposing?

The IATA’s Aircraft Tracking Task Force, formed after Flight 370 was lost, and an industry team formed by the ICAO, together finally came up with this masterpiece of fudge in January: “The group will ask ICAO to debate and finalize the concept of operations as a first step in creating new global standards…”

Observe the classic and contradictory code words: “ask” “debate” “concept” and “first step.”

Dive into the fine print and it emerges that it would not be until 2025 that all the systems required to provide a state-of-the-art tracking system would be in place and “fully compliant.”

A BLACK BOX IN THE CLOUD

On September 1, 1983, a Korean Airlines 747 with 269 people aboard was shot down near Moneron Island in the Sea of Japan. It had strayed unknowingly into air space controlled by the Soviet Union and, misidentified as a U.S. spy mission, was destroyed by a Soviet fighter jet. It was one of the most inflammatory incidents of the Cold War, prolonged by the time it took to locate the wreckage.

Inmarsat was originally tasked by the United Nations to provide real time tracking for the world’s maritime merchant fleets. After the Korean Airlines incident Inmarsat executives realized that their maritime satellite tracking system could be readily adapted to track airplanes. They began offering this service in the late 1980s and today 80 per cent of the world’s wide-body airline fleet uses Inmarsat for the transmission of ACARS and position reporting.

Inmarsat is now working on what it calls a “black box in the cloud,” giving an airplane the ability to stream in real time a pre-determined package of the same data being fed into the flight data recorder where it is sent to a satellite and then into the same ground networks that airlines use for receiving the ACARS messages. More saliently, the same system could detect any deviation from the flight plan and instantly begin transmitting fault messages that indicated a problem – and provide an accurate navigation fix before an airplane hit the ground or plunged into an ocean.

“Inmarsat is the pipe, we have that capability” David Colley, their vice president for aviation told me. These emergency-triggered messages would override all the other data being sent from the airplane. Colley explained the principles applied to such a system: “Priority, precedence and pre-emption. Priority over other users of the network and pre-emption in the worst case scenario when there is congestion on the network and safety is an issue.”

All it requires in an airplane to add this channel of data to the ones already going through the Inmarsat satellite network is a $20 cable. But – of course – it’s not that simple.

I asked Colley what the total cost would be of installing the black box in the cloud.

“That’s a very difficult question,” he said. “We don’t know what modifications would have to be made to the flight data recorder. Usually we work on a rule of thumb principle than any change in an aircraft starts at $50,000 just for the certification and paperwork, even for the most basic change, even for putting in a $20 cable. It will cost $50,000 for the first aircraft and, of course, might diminish with scale. And the organization on the ground to receive it has to be in place and, as I understand it, it isn’t.”

Enter the usual suspects, the ICAO and IATA. What they are now proposing is to “move toward the adoption” of a Global Aeronautical Distress and Safety System, Gadss, This is not as ambitious as the black box in the cloud, simply that all airliners should send data that enables them to be tracked “at least every 15 minutes” --not that the system should also be capable of sending automatic warning of an impending crash.

In the absence of any sense of urgency from the two sloths, some people in the industry are acting on their own initiative. Airbus is asking European regulators to approve fitting the two largest of its wide-body airliners, the A350 and A380, with ejectable black boxes. Many military aircraft have this device – an additional flight data recorder combined with a cockpit voice recorder that ejects on impact with water and floats and includes an emergency locator transmitter that emits pinging to guide searchers to the site.

This would give another level of cover in the case of over-water flights by large airplanes but it still involves a search in a time-critical situation in what could be a hostile environment – and a dependence on locator beacons that have proved to be unreliable. It’s hard to see why this system would be preferable to one like the black box in the cloud that uses tomorrow’s technology rather than yesterday’s.

The boss of Qatar Airways, Akbar Al Baker, a famous curmudgeon with little patience for bureaucracies, announced recently that his airline would fit all its airplanes with a system to continuously stream in real time all the data from the black box related to tracking. So far other airline chiefs have sat on their hands, using the ICAO and IATA proposals as their cover.

However, there could be another motivation to get faster action from the airlines – a nakedly commercial interest. When it comes to inflight cabin communications and entertainment, airlines are suddenly a lot readier install new technology to provide the Wi-Fi, live TV, texting and cell phone connections that passengers are craving.

All that business is a big market for satellite fleet operators like Inmarsat who would have a strong interest in consolidating their contracts with airlines by adding better tracking as part of the package – once it was approved by the regulators.

Inmarsat isn’t the only satellite operator in that market nor the only one offering a better flight tracking system on the back of its existing business. Iridium, based in Virginia, has 66 satellites now operating and from this year will launch a new generation of satellites designed to use a tracking system developed by a subsidiary, Aireon. European companies are also competing for a piece of the market.

Defending the contrast between their alacrity to upgrade cabin playtime and their absence when it comes to upgrading safety systems, the airlines plead that entertainment systems need minimal clearance from regulators like the FAA whereas any safety system involves prolonged and expensive certification. But this is a shameless dodge – safety should override everything.

NO END OF A LESSON

There are urgent lessons to be learned from the case of Flight 370 that don’t depend on finding the wreckage, wherever it is.

The first concerns responsibility. And the absence of evidence does not exclude one primary responsibility: Who is responsible for tracking the flight?

Sir Tim Clark, the Emirates boss, told Der Spiegel: “MH370 should never have been allowed to enter a non-trackable situation.”

But Sir Tim himself, who among all the airline chiefs has been unusually vocal in his dissatisfaction with the investigation, is among those who share the collective responsibility of his own industry. The loss of Air France 447 exposed the particular vulnerability of wide-body jets over deep oceans once they leave radar coverage. The response of French investigators was quick and correct: the technical means existed to remove this blind spot. It was clear, too, that the immediate solution was to give the priority to overwater routes.

It is the industry that has been derelict and it is the industry—not simply Malaysian Airline—that is responsible for the “non-trackable situation.”

The second lesson involves something less tangible but equally worrying, the cultural influences on the way the emergency was handled.

Malaysia has been a one-party state for decades and, like all one-party states, has a reputation for cronyism and sinecure appointments in government-controlled businesses – in this case an airline, the management of airports, and air traffic control. From the moment Malaysian officials began giving press briefings their behavior reflected how unused they were to public accountability.(and how used they were to a compliant media.) Very quickly, as the pressure mounted on them for explanations, they combined paranoia with a search for scapegoats – and found them in the captain, Zaharie Ahmad Shah, and the copilot, Fariq Abdul Hamid.

There was a very public police raid on Captain Shah’s home, where he had a flight simulator installed on his computer, and inferences that he had planned and rehearsed the whole diversion from the route to Beijing on the simulator. (After several months the FBI analyzed his computer hard-drive and nothing incriminating was discovered.)

Officials appeared and disappeared and any theory they voiced passed straight into the news cycle, once there it was difficult ever to discredit or dislodge. The most bizarre intervention was by a very influential former Malaysian prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad, who suggested that the CIA had hacked into the 777’s navigation system and spirited the whole airplane away.

More seriously for the incoherence it brought to the picture of the flight’s first two hours was a statement saying that according to Malaysian radar returns the 777 had suddenly soared up above 40,000 feet and then descended rapidly. Another version had the airplane flying just above wave height to avoid radar.

This was all nonsense, resulting from an inability to interpret what the radar track actually showed.

As the 777 flew west above the Straits of Malacca it passed through overlapping radar zones operated by Singapore, Malaysia and Thailand. There was a lack of coordination between civilian and military radars – Thai military radar had indeed picked up the flight but did not report this until 10 days later. There was no coherent and practiced system to swing into action in an emergency and no playbook to give priority to search and rescue operations.

There cannot be variations in airline safety regimes according to who runs a country or how. These days everybody wants to fly everywhere. There needs to be an international standard of safety that passengers can trust is being enforced consistently, no matter on what continent. That standard has to include, as well as the airlines, the management of airports and airspace and all the background support services like airport security, maintenance checks and crew recruitment, training and regular proficiency testing of pilots.

And then there is the issue of the investigation. Nobody I have spoken to in the industry is happy with the way this is going. The protocols for the conduct of an investigation seem far from clear. To be sure, there is no precedent in the history of commercial aviation for the task facing the investigation into Flight 370, combining such a great loss of life with the absence of any physical evidence for this long. As one expert said to me: “We will not know what happened here to a high probability until and unless we get real and conclusive data from actual key parts of the aircraft.”

Not having that data is no justification for the continued lack of transparency from the investigation – after a year we should really be told, at the very least, where the primary focus of the investigation is headed. This transparency should reflect the strong public interest in understanding what has so far emerged and the implications for future passenger safety. In the absence of reliable information this has been fertile ground for speculation and conspiracy theories, all of which damages public confidence in air travel.

The parties to the investigation include Boeing, Rolls Royce, Malaysia Airlines and Malaysian police and regulators as well as investigative teams from the U.S., Europe, Asia and Australia. The Australian Transport Safety Bureau has restricted itself to regular technical reports on the underwater search and the science behind the choice of search area. After over-optimistic statements by the Australian prime minister and other Australian officials, the drift toward foot-in- -mouth disease was halted. None of these parties is talking or, it would seem, is aware of the outrage of their silence.


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