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FOCUS | Hillary Warren, I Mean Clinton, Arrives in Iowa Print
Saturday, 18 April 2015 13:06

Galindez writes: "It's not just Hillary Clinton, it seems that all the candidates on both sides are trying to sound a lot like Elizabeth Warren."

Hillary Rodham Clinton meets with local residents in LeClaire, Iowa. (photo: Charlie Neibergall/AP)
Hillary Rodham Clinton meets with local residents in LeClaire, Iowa. (photo: Charlie Neibergall/AP)


Hillary Warren, I Mean Clinton, Arrives in Iowa

By Scott Galindez, Reader Supported News

18 April 15

 

es Moines, Iowa – It’s not just Hillary Clinton, it seems that all the candidates on both sides are trying to sound a lot like Elizabeth Warren. Even the Republicans are talking about helping the middle class, so it was no surprise to hear Hillary Clinton say she wants to be a “champion for the middle class.” In what some are calling a listening tour through Iowa, Clinton held two small public events and met with Democratic Party leaders.

On Thursday, Time Magazine published the following tribute to Elizabeth Warren, penned by Hillary Clinton:

It was always going to take a special kind of leader to pick up Ted Kennedy’s mantle as senior Senator from Massachusetts – champion of working families and scourge of special interests. Elizabeth Warren never lets us forget that the work of taming Wall Street’s irresponsible risk-taking and reforming our financial system is far from finished. And she never hesitates to hold powerful people’s feet to the fire: bankers, lobbyists, senior government officials and, yes, even presidential aspirants.

Elizabeth Warren’s journey from janitor’s daughter to Harvard professor to public watchdog to U.S. Senator has been driven by an unflagging determination to level the playing field for hardworking American families like the one she grew up with in Oklahoma. She fights so hard for others to share in the American Dream because she lived it herself.

High praise for a possible future opponent. I think it is safe to say that Clinton doesn’t think that Warren will jump into the race anytime soon.

Clinton is trying to reinvent her image. In 2008, many saw her as aloof and a candidate who didn’t connect with voters. This time around, instead of flying around Iowa in a “Hillacopter,” Clinton rode 1046 miles from Chappaqua, New York, to Iowa in a Secret Service-approved Chevy Van that some are calling the “Scooby Mobile.” Clinton’s campaign events on the two-day swing were at a community college and a small fruit company. The events were so small that only local television cameras and a couple dozen print reporters were allowed in, due to lack of space. The national media had to depend on a pool; even still photos came from a pooled camera.

The event at Kirkwood Community College was held in the college’s automotive technology shop. The curriculum emphasizes automotive electronics and features courses in body electrical, engine electrical, and computerized fuel delivery systems. One feature of the college is that high school students take accelerated courses that give them both high school and college credits. One high school student who participated in the event will have over 40 college credits when she graduates from high school. Clinton was quick to praise the program as one way lower the cost of a college education, since the classes are free. Clinton said the relationship between the high school and the college is a model that should be repeated throughout the country.

While the former secretary of state laid out broad themes for her campaign, there were no specific policies brought forward. Clinton said she was meeting with people and getting input and that she will develop policies based on the advice from those she meets on her “listening tour.”

“So, I’m here in Iowa to begin a conversation about how we do that and to hear from people about what’s on your minds – what the challenges that you see are. And I’m going to work hard to meet as many people. I’ll be rolling out ideas and policies about what I think will work,” said Clinton. “But I want it to be informed by what’s actually working, and to build on what works going forward.”

Clinton also  attacked economic inequality: “I think it’s fair to say that as you look across the country, the deck is still stacked in favor of those already at the top. And, there’s something wrong with that. There’s something wrong when CEOs make 300 times more than the typical worker. There’s something wrong when American workers keep getting more productive, as they have, and as I just saw a few minutes ago is very possible because of education and skills training, but that productivity is not matched in their paychecks. And there’s something wrong when hedge fund managers pay lower tax rates than nurses or the truckers that I saw on I-80 as I was driving here over the last two days.”

According to Politico, the former senator from New York has not surprised or offended her supporters on Wall Street: “It’s ‘just politics,’ said one major Democratic donor on Wall Street, explaining that some of her Wall Street supporters doubt she would push hard for closing the carried interest loophole as president, a policy she promoted when she last ran in 2008. ‘The question is not going to be whether or not hedge fund managers or CEOs make too much money,’ said a separate Clinton supporter who manages a hedge fund. ‘The question is how do you solve the problem of inequality. Nobody takes it like she is going after them personally.’”

This is not the first time Clinton has campaigned on these themes, but it is the first time they have been the primary focus of her campaign.

“Let’s finally do something about the growing economic inequality that is tearing our country apart,” said Clinton in June 2007. “The top one percent of our households hold 22 percent of our nation’s wealth. That’s the highest concentration of wealth in a very small number of people since 1929, so let’s close that gap.”

“We’re going to say, ‘wait a minute Wall Street, you’ve had your president, now we need a president for Main Street,’” she added in Ohio the next February.

The question is will Hillary Clinton go far enough to make a real difference, and if she does, will the backlash from Wall Street put her campaign at a disadvantage against the Republican fundraising machine next year?

Another major focus of Senator Warren is student loan debt, also a major theme of Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign. “There’s something wrong when students and their families have to go deeply into debt to be able to get the education and skills they need in order to make the best of their own lives. And I looked at the figures. The average Iowa graduate, from a four-year college, comes out with nearly $30,000 in debt and that’s I think the ninth highest debt load in the country and people are struggling. I met earlier today with a young student who is piecing together work and loans, knowing full well he’s going to come out owing a lot of money. So, we’ve got to figure out in our country how to get back on the right track and I’m running for president because I think that Americans and their families need a champion – and I want to be that champion. I want to stand up and fight for people so that they can not just get by, but they can get ahead, and they can stay ahead,” said Clinton.

Clinton also laid out the four-point theme of her campaign:  

1. “We need to build the economy of tomorrow, not yesterday.”

2. “We need to strengthen families and communities because that’s where it all starts.”

3. “We need to fix the dysfunctional political system and get unaccountable money out of it once and for all, even if that takes a constitutional amendment.”

4. “We need to protect our country from threats that we see and the ones that are on the horizon.”

Point three is news: Clinton supports a constitutional amendment to overturn Citizens United. Another populist theme in a very populist roll-out.

One has to wonder how authentic these positions are. Is Hillary Clinton going to really be a “champion for the middle class?” Or will she be a champion for the hedge fund operators who will fund her campaign.

Transcript of Hillary Clinton’s Remarks at Kirkwood Community College in Monticello, Iowa.

I just want to tell you a little bit about why I’m here today. I think we all know that Americans have come back from some pretty tough economic times. And, our economy and our country are much better off because American families have basically done whatever it took to make it work. But, I think it’s fair to say that as you look across the country, the deck is still stacked in favor of those already at the top. And, there’s something wrong with that.

There’s something wrong when CEOs make 300 times more than the typical worker. There’s something wrong when American workers keep getting more productive, as they have, and as I just saw a few minutes ago is very possible because of education and skills training, but that productivity is not matched in their paychecks.

And there’s something wrong when hedge fund managers pay lower tax rates than nurses or the truckers that I saw on I-80 as I was driving here over the last two days. And there’s something wrong when students and their families have to go deeply into debt to be able to get the education and skills they need in order to make the best of their own lives. And I looked at the figures. The average Iowa graduate, from a four-year college, comes out with nearly $30,000 in debt and that’s I think the ninth highest debt load in the country and people are struggling. I met earlier today with a young student who is piecing together work and loans, knowing full well he’s going to come out owing a lot of money.

So, we’ve got to figure out in our country how to get back on the right track and I’m running for president because I think that Americans and their families need a champion – and I want to be that champion. I want to stand up and fight for people so that they can not just get by, but they can get ahead, and they can stay ahead. And a lot of people in the last few days have asked me, “Well, you know, why do you want do this? What motivates you?” And I’ve thought a lot about it and I guess the short answer is: I’ve been fighting for children and families my entire adult life, probably because of my mother’s example.

She had a really difficult childhood – was mistreated, neglected, but she never gave up. She had to basically be on her own at the time she was fourteen and she just kept going. And my father who was a small businessman and just believed that you had to work hard to make your way and do whatever you had to do to be successful and provided a good living for our family. And then I was thinking too about, you know, the lessons I learned from my church. You know, you’re supposed to give back. You’re supposed to do what you can to help others and that’s what I’ve tried to do and we’ll have more time to talk about that as we go forward.

When I got out of law school I worked for the Children’s Defense Fund and one of the projects there was literally going door-to-door. This was back in the ‘70s when kids with disabilities were basically shut out of our schools, and thanks to your great former Senator, Tom Harkin, that’s no longer the case. But I was knocking on doors saying, “is there anybody school-aged not in school?” And finding blind kids and deaf kids and kids in wheelchairs who were just left out and I was able in Arkansas to work to try and improve education there and give more kids chances who really deserved them. And then as First Lady to fight for healthcare reform and keep fighting until we got health care insurance for kids. And then as Senator, dealing with the problems that faced New York after 9/11 and trying to help people get whatever they needed – the victims’ families, the first responders. It was an incredible honor to do that. And then, as Secretary of State, standing up for our country.

So when I look at where we are as a country, I am just so absolutely convinced that there isn’t anybody, anywhere, who can outcompete us – who has better values, who can do more to provide more people the chance to live up to their own God given potential. But we can’t take that for granted, and so I want to be the champion who goes to bat for Americans in four big areas – four big fights – that I think we have to take on because there are those don’t agree with what I think we should be doing, and they’re pretty powerful forces.

We need to build the economy of tomorrow, not yesterday. We need to strengthen families and communities, because that’s where it all starts. We need to fix our dysfunctional political system and get unaccountable money out of it once and for all, even if that takes a constitutional amendment. And we need to protect our country from the threats that we see, and the ones that are on the horizon.

So, I’m here in Iowa to begin a conversation about how we do that and to hear from people about what’s on your minds – what the challenges that you see are. And I’m going to work hard to meet as many people. I’ll be rolling out ideas and policies about what I think will work. But, I want it to be informed by what’s actually working, and to build on what works going forward. And to stand up against those who have a different vision of our country. A different one than I grew up with, and a different one than what I think is best for everybody.

So, with that, what I’d love to do is just, you know, ask a few questions and hear from folks about what their experiences have been and, you know, try to learn what you think would be ways of helping more young people get the kind of education they need without having the personal bank be broken and put you and your family at financial risk.



Scott Galindez attended Syracuse University, where he first became politically active. The writings of El Salvador's slain archbishop Oscar Romero and the on-campus South Africa divestment movement converted him from a Reagan supporter to an activist for Peace and Justice. Over the years he has been influenced by the likes of Philip Berrigan, William Thomas, Mitch Snyder, Don White, Lisa Fithian, and Paul Wellstone. Scott met Marc Ash while organizing counterinaugural events after George W. Bush's first stolen election. Scott will be spending a year covering the presidential election from Iowa.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS | Building a Police State One Child at a Time Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=20877"><span class="small">William Boardman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Saturday, 18 April 2015 11:43

Boardman writes: "It looks idyllic and innocent, but some see it as a crime scene."

Montgomery County Police car. (photo: Bethesda Now)
Montgomery County Police car. (photo: Bethesda Now)


Building a Police State One Child at a Time

By William Boardman, Reader Supported News

18 April 15

 

It looks idyllic and innocent, but some see it as a crime scene.

unday, April 12, was a gorgeous, mostly sunny spring day in Silver Spring, Maryland, a relatively safe suburb of Washington DC. The temperature was in the upper 60s. The family had spent most of the day driving home from Ithaca, New York. The children were getting restless. Around 4 pm, the parents, Alexander (Sasha) and Danielle Meitiv dropped their two children, Rafi and Dvora, off at Ellsworth Park, a familiar neighborhood play area. The parents told Rafi, 10, and Dvora, 6, to be home by 6 pm. The park is about four blocks away from where they live with their parents. Shortly before 5, the children started to walk home together. They were following a familiar route, going past a library they went to frequently.  

Sunday, approximately 4:55 pm.The Montgomery County Emergency Call Center logged “a call to check the welfare of two children in the area of Fenton and Easley Streets” [according to a Montgomery County Police Department press release the next day]. What kind of idiot would call the police to check the welfare of two children walking home with no sign of distress? 

The idiot in this case appears to have been a single, anonymous male, reportedly “a Navy corpsman out walking his dog,” who called the non-emergency number, not 911. In this edited transcript of the recording of his call carried by local television, the Navy corpsman said:

“I am walking my dog…. Two kids that are unaccompanied. And they have been walking around for probably about 20 minutes by themselves….”  

[Operator: how old do they look?]  

“Maybe 7 – ­ little boy he’s about seven, eight – little girl, maybe about six.” 


[Operator: OK, and you don’t see any parents around them?]

“No, ma’am.”

[Operator: OK, have you talked to them? So you know why they’re just walking around by themselves?] 

“No, no, they came up and asked to pet my dog, and I let them, and – uh – that was it … ”

[Operator: Are they still with you or have they already left?] 

“No, I’m walking behind them, I don’t want to scare them.”

[Operator: OK, where are they right now?]

“We are on Fenton Street, past Easley … (unintelligible) going toward Montgomery College….”

[Operator: Did you want to stop somewhere to be seen by a police officer, or no?]

“No, I’m just following the kids, to make sure….”   

[Operator: Did you ask them their name or did they tell you their name?]

“No, they just came to say, ‘Can I pet the dog,’ and I said yeah, then they petted it and started walking.… I first saw them at the Ellsworth dog park.”

[Operator: Are they black or Hispanic or Asian?]

“Caucasian….”    [They discuss description and clothing]  

[Operator: Are they under the influence of anything at all?]

“Nope. (unintelligible) … dirty clothes …”

[Operator: Their clothes look dirty?]

“Yeah…” 

[Operator: And have you ever seen them before in your neighborhood?]

“No, ma’am, not at all.”

[Operator: I’m going to get the call started, since you’re going to be following them. [at 2:46]]…. 

“On Silver Spring Avenue… and now they’re going to the parking lot, the Fenton Street Village parking lot #3…. I don’t know of any residence or apartment building in this area…. They’re still walking….”

[Operator: Do you see any police officers around?]

“No, not yet….”

[Operator: You should be seeing them soon.]

 “They’re now going toward Georgia Avenue…. Ok, they saw me now and they’re probably getting really scared.”

[Operator: Are they running?]

“No, no, they’re still walking… Now they’re on Silver Spring Avenue, going back toward Fenton…. ” 

[Operator: OK, so they’re still in your sight?]

“They stopped at the S.T.Kim company…. I see the officer…. I’ll stay right here. They went behind that building…. Oh, yeah, they’re still there….”

At this point the police arrive and stop the children. The call ends at 7:20, roughly four minutes after the operator called the police.

Clearly the idiot who called emergency services was a Bad Samaritan. First, he stalked the Meitiv kids for 20 minutes, even though he had no idea who they were, even though they had lived in the neighborhood for several years. Then he let the kids pet his dog, but didn’t talk to them, even though he’d been stalking them. Then he called the emergency services non-emergency number. Why? He knew they weren’t afraid because they’d asked to pet the dog. There’s no indication he thought they were lost or in danger of any kind. He called the cops because they were unattended and, maybe, had “dirty clothes.”

If this idiot had just enough humanity to ask the kids petting his dog if they lived around there, he probably wouldn’t have – and certainly shouldn’t have – called the cops. But this is the behavior police states depend on, the impulse to report something to authority. The caller idiot exercised no personal responsibility, he made a judgment based on insufficient evidence, and he unleashed a domino-effect of abuses to the personal freedom of each of the four Meitivs. For this he deserves the police state medal for mindless servitude. 

Sunday, approximately 5:03 pm.One or more police officers arrive on the scene and engage Rafi and Dvora Meitiv, ages 10 and 6, who live nearby. The police proceed to behave as though they worked for a police state and make matters significantly worse for all the Meitivs. The police press release doesn’t say what the idiot caller told police, but based on his phone call, he had nothing helpful to offer. Neither, as it turned out, did the police. 

The police quickly determined who the children were and where they lived, a few blocks away. Then, as the police press release put it, adding a totally subjective, implicitly lurid detail without a shred of relevance:

“The officer observed a homeless subject who he was familiar with, eyeing the children. This male subject remained in the area during the time that the officer was there with the children.”

What the police press release does not say is whether the police recognized the children from a similar event several months earlier. Police behavior is consistent with both recognition of the children and harassment of the family: the police do not take the children home, the police do not call the parents.

Sunday, 5:16 pm. After taking almost 15 minutes to decide not to take the children home, the police decide to call Child Protective Services for no stated reason. After mentioning the homeless man “eyeing the children,” according to the press release:

“The officer began by identifying the victim children and notifying his supervisors. At 5:16 p.m., he contacted Child Protective Services (CPS), per established protocol. Under Maryland law, police officers who become aware of circumstances involving possible child abuse or neglect are mandated to contact representatives of Child Protective Services.”

Notifying his supervisors of what? Why didn’t his supervisors tell him to take the children home? Unless Maryland law is corrupt beyond belief (always a possibility), there nothing here, absolutely nothing to trigger any “awareness” of abuse or neglect. Maybe the irrelevant homeless man “eyeing the children” is supposed to justify an awareness of a possibility of abuse, but possibility is outside the law and only a credulous fool or a person of ill will would buy it.  What’s not here in the police press release, even though it’s well known to the police, is the previous encounter with a family that believes in letting its children have space and freedom, and are willing to defy the state over that principle. That defiance of authority is just the kind of thing that makes petty bureaucrats crazy and vindictive.

That independence of spirit is more than enough to explain why the cop first lied to the kids, and then proceeded to abuse them beyond any justification. Late that night, talking to reporters after being released from custody of Child Protective Services, ten-year-old Rafi described what happened to him in policy custody:

“Well the policeman said, ‘We’ll give you a ride home,’ but we were like two blocks away, so we got in the car – and then, about two and a half hours later, instead he brang us here [to Child Protective Services in Rockville].” 

The police held the children in a police car, without food or relief breaks, for two and a half hours. During this time the police told the children nothing about why they couldn’t go home. During this time the police told the parents nothing. The next day, in defense of police behavior, in a low-affect, canned response, Capt. Paul Starks of the Montgomery County police said on camera:

“Under Maryland law, if an officer believes that there’s circumstances or some indication that involves child abuse or neglect, we are mandated as police officers in Maryland to contact Child Protective Services.” 

He refused to say what basis had for believing the Meitiv children were being abused by anyone but the police.

Sunday, approximately 6:10 pm. Having effectively “disappeared” the Meitiv children in good police-state style, the police held them incommunicado, trying to figure out what to do next. For unexplained reasons, Child Protective Services was failing to make a timely decision, letting the Meitiv children rot in ignorance and fear. According to the police press release:

“At approximately 6:10 p.m., the officer contacted another CPS [Child Protective Services] employee for guidance. At 6:41 p.m., the original CPS worker contacted the officer and stated that a decision was still forthcoming [sic – actually NOT forthcoming] from within CPS.”

Sunday, 7:18 pm. After another hour of holding the children in seclusion in a patrol car and keeping the parents in ignorance (the parents had begun a frantic search for their children shortly after 6, when the children hadn’t come home), someone unnamed made a decision that seems to be based on the previous episode months earlier with the Meitovs. As the police press release put it:

“At 7:18 p.m., a decision was made to transport the children to the CPS offices located at 1301 Piccard Drive in Rockville. The officer was also advised that CPS would notify the parents. The officer followed the direction of the CPS worker as procedures dictate – due to the serious nature of a Child Protective Services investigation and concern for the welfare of the children, they cannot be returned home until their safety can be assured.

“Prior to being transported to the CPS offices, one of the children asked to use the bathroom…. ”

The child’s request was denied and transport begun.   

Sunday, approximately 7:43 pm.The police, still not communicating with the parents, transferred the Meitov children into the custody of Child Protective Services, according to the police press release:

“After an approximate 20 minute ride to CPS [Child Protective Services], the officer and children arrived at CPS at approximately 7:43 p.m. A bathroom was made available at that time.”

Although that marks the end of direct police involvement in the case that day, the next paragraph is the longest in the release. It’s a curiously irrelevant passage that seems to be trying to be exculpatory, an attempt to justify unjustifiable official behavior, or at least to shift the blame for abusing the children away from the police, suggesting they had only the best interests of the children in mind but they were merely the helpless pawns of Child Protective Services:  

“While the children were with the officer, they told the officer that they were hungry and thirsty, stating that they had last eaten hamburgers between 2 p.m. and 3 p.m. that afternoon. The officer related these facts to the CPS employee and advised that he had provided his own bottles of water to them. The officer had his personal lunch with him as well and was giving it to the children when the older child advised that he and his sister had food allergies – at that point the officer did not want to provide any food item that might cause an adverse reaction to the children so he did not give them his lunch as planned.”

The police press release does not say whether the children were fed later, but closes by noting that the investigation is continuing. 

Child Protective Services help the Meitiv children as bargaining chips for almost three more hours. The agency won’t discuss the case because of privacy, blah blah blah, which in this case, like so many others, means what’s really going on is the agency is trying mightily to evade any meaningful accountability. Child Protective Services finally called the parents, who came to Rockville to get their children. 

But Child Protective Services was angry about previous dealings with the Meitivs, so they held the children hostage till the parents bent to the agency’s will, at least for the moment. The problem between these parties is a classic police state dilemma: the parents think they can raise their own children and Child Protective Services says, no, you can’t, unless you do it the state’s way, and if you don’t, the state will take your children away from you. 

This fight apparently began on October 27, 2014, when another anonymous bystander-turned-state-informer called police to report the Meitiv kids were at a park near their home with no adult supervision. Child Protective Services got involved and threatened the Meitivs with a $500 fine and/or 30 days in jail, based on a law that, read literally, does not apply. Child Protective Services assured the Meitivs that judges had applied the law to conform to the agency’s view. The Meitivs could consider themselves warned. 

On December 20, 2014, the children had walked about half way home from a local park and again some a citizen-snitch called the county police. This time the police picked up and children and took them home. That night, a Child Protective Services representative came to the Meitivs’ home and spoke with the children’s father, Alexander (Danielle was out of town). The Child Protective Services person asked Alexander to sign a prepared agreement. When Alexander declined, the Child Protective Services person threatened to call the police and have the children removed immediately. He signed. 

On February 20, 2015, Child Protective Services completed its investigation into the Meitivs’ raising of their children. The agency could have made a finding of neglect, or a finding of no neglect. With Orwellian logic, the agency made a finding of “unsubstantiated child neglect,” which is tantamount to saying that they didn’t have the evidence but they still think the Meitivs are guilty. And with a Kafkaesque touch, this non-finding finding gives Child Protection Services the right to keep a file on the Meitivs for five years, till 2020.

The Meitivs are challenging the agency’s decision in court. 

That was the history that county police and Child Protection Services were surely aware of when the idiot caller of April 12, set off another round of state-sponsored terrorism of children. The wonderland quality of the episode is perfect: having abused the Meitiv children for more than five hours, Child Protective Services could say, smugly: see, we told you if your children went unsupervised something bad would happen to them. 

In a police state, the police state makes whatever rules it likes and enforces them as it chooses and the citizen has every right to obey. Some people are framing this case as a dispute over “free range parenting,” which is another way of saying: let the parents set appropriate limits for their children. A Washington Post columnist frames the Meitovs’ case as between “Free-range kids and our parenting police state,” and that frame is good, but too narrow. The police state urge is America is more serious than that.

This case is based on a Maryland law that requires that children under age 8 must be supervised by someone 13 or older. Rafi Meitiv is 10 and Dvora is six. Clearly a violation of a law as written, but the law as written is itself a violation of human decency, reason, and logic, as well as any sort of traditional notion of freedom. The law itself is a police state law, intruding into human behavior in a way that is stupid, controlling, and damaging, a way that serves no higher purpose than state control. In this way it is no different, except in scope, from laws like the Patriot Act. The police state impulse in both cases is the same, and the Maryland law that teaches children to obey arbitrary and unreasoned authority is a natural precursor to raising a nation that passively submits to secret, unquestionable authority at every level. 

How many legislators with a police state mindset does it take to pass a child protection act that abuses children or a national security act that destroys personal security? Clearly the United States has had more than enough of them for more than a generation. 

Three citizen-snitches who call the police rather than take any personal responsibility for the children they purport to “help” may not be a trend, but in this case it’s without exception. Even the idiot caller of April 12 has apparently learned nothing. After the story was all over the local news, he was still telling people he’d done the right thing.

But the Meitiv parents have not quit and they have support. Their lawyers are defending them pro bono. And who are the parents? They are scientists. He is a physicist, she is a climate scientist. They are the only people in this entire sordid episode who have either the training or the inclination to deal with the world through reality rather than arbitrary rules and prejudice. This persecution of the ideologically impure by the rabid zealots, while ordinary people let it happen, is all too apt a paradigm for early 21st century America.



William M. Boardman has over 40 years experience in theatre, radio, TV, print journalism, and non-fiction, including 20 years in the Vermont judiciary. He has received honors from Writers Guild of America, Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Vermont Life magazine, and an Emmy Award nomination from the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Without Rules, Financial Markets Don't Work Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=34760"><span class="small">Elizabeth Warren, Elizabeth Warren's Blog</span></a>   
Saturday, 18 April 2015 09:01

Warren writes: "For too long, the opponents of financial reform have cast the debate as an argument between the pro-regulation camp and the pro-market camp."

Senator Elizabeth Warren. (photo: unknown)
Senator Elizabeth Warren. (photo: unknown)


Without Rules, Financial Markets Don't Work

By Elizabeth Warren, Elizabeth Warren's Blog

18 April 15

 

or too long, the opponents of financial reform have cast the debate as an argument between the pro-regulation camp and the pro-market camp. They generally put Democrats in the first camp and Republicans in the second.

But that so-called “choice” gets it all wrong.

Rules are not the enemy of markets. Without some basic rules and accountability, financial markets don’t work. People get ripped off, risk-taking skyrockets, and markets fall apart. Rolling back the rules or firing the cops can be profoundly anti-market.

Republicans claim – loudly and repeatedly – that they support competitive markets, but their approach to financial regulation is pure crony capitalism. It helps the rich and the powerful protect and expand their wealth and their power – and leaves everyone else behind.

This week, I gave a big policy speech where I presented ways we can promote competition, innovation, and safety in financial markets. The speech was long and wonky, but it really boils down to two principles:

  • First, financial institutions shouldn’t be allowed to cheat people. Markets work only if people can see and understand the products they are buying, only if people can reasonably compare one product to another, only if people can’t get fooled into taking on far more risk than they realize just so that some fly-by-night company can turn a quick profit and move on. That’s true for families buying mortgages and for pension plans buying complex financial instruments.
  • Second, financial institutions shouldn’t be allowed to get the taxpayers to pick up their risks. That’s true for using insured deposits for high-risk trading, and it’s true for letting Too-Big-to-Fail banks get a wink-and-a-nod guarantee of a government bailout.

We know what changes we need to make financial markets work better. Strengthen the rules to prevent cheating. Make the cops do their jobs. Cut the banks down to size.  Change the tax code to promote more long-term investment. Tackle shadow-banking done by non-bank firms and subsidiaries.

Changes like these can make a real difference. They can help protect hard-working families from cheats and liars. They can help rein in the lawless practices that are still too common on Wall Street. They can end Too Big to Fail.

The secret to better markets isn’t turning loose the biggest banks to do whatever they want. The secret is smarter, more structural regulation that forces everyone to play by the same rules and doesn’t let anyone put the entire economy at risk.

The key steps aren’t hard. It just takes political courage – and a strong demand from people like you – to complete the unfinished business of financial reform.

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My Friend Died in a Police Van. That Could Have Been Me - If I Were Black Print
Saturday, 18 April 2015 08:51

Rosenkranz writes: "Hanuman and I both broke the law, but we didn't meet the same fate. That's because we live in a country whose criminal justice process is not color blind."

Chun Rosenkranz's friend Hanuman, who died in a police van. (photo: Chandra Kantor)
Chun Rosenkranz's friend Hanuman, who died in a police van. (photo: Chandra Kantor)


My Friend Died in a Police Van. That Could Have Been Me - If I Were Black

By Chun Rosenkranz, Guardian UK

18 April 15

 

Hanuman and I both broke the law, but we didn’t meet the same fate. That’s because we live in a country whose criminal justice process is not color blind

y friend Hanuman was cremated two weeks ago, his ashes now sit in a wooden box on his parent’s alter. The cause of his death is still being investigated, but we know he died shackled to a bench in the back of a prison van. He was 21 years old. Hanuman’s experience with the criminal justice system and ultimately his death, could easily have been my fate, were it not for the color of my skin.

Eight years ago, I was arrested for stealing prescription pills from houses in my neighborhood. I was charged with numerous felonies and subsequently plead guilty to four burglaries and two attempted burglaries. My total points, under Florida’s Criminal Punishment Code, came to 203. That meant that the minimum amount of time I was supposed to serve was 10.9 years of prison.

Incredibly, though, I was only sentenced to one year in county jail, two years probation and mandated drug treatment. Not a single day of prison time.

Hanuman also had issues with drugs and was charged with several burglaries. Under the Criminal Punishment Code, he accrued 115 points. Even if a previous charge, for which he had not yet been sentenced, had been factored into his score sheet, his points would total 129. That’s still 88 less than I had. Hanuman was not shown the same judicial leniency I was; he was sentenced to six years in prison.

He was black.

The judge also mandated a rarely enforced Florida statute, colloquially dubbed Pay to Stay. By this order, Hanuman was to be charged $50 for each day of his incarceration. If Hanuman had survived prison, he would have owed the state $109,000. How was a young person with a high school education and a felony record ever expected to pay this?

I have known Hanuman since he was adopted as a one year old baby. We lived next door to each other and he was like a little brother to me. Our families did everything together: camping trips, hockey games, singing Christmas carols for the elderly in nursing homes. One of my favorite memories was watching Hanuman run up and hug the “grandmas and grandpas” as he called them, and seeing their faces light up as he embraced them.

We came from the same socioeconomic background, lived in the same neighborhood and were educated in the same private school. Our families both hired private defense attorneys. In fact, one would be hard pressed to find a case in which two defendants, with such differing sentencing outcomes, shared as much in common.

There are, however, some important differences between us. Hanuman was 20 years old when he was sentenced and eligible for youthful offender status. At 24, I was not eligible for this. Hanuman had a long documented history of cognitive disabilities. I had no cognitive impairment. Hanuman also had lupus, a disease that if not properly managed, can result in death. I was completely healthy.

Hanuman had teachers, doctors and psychologists testify or write on his behalf; all urged the judge to consider the mitigating circumstances. The Department of Corrections, in its pre-sentencing investigation, gave the court an alternative recommendation of two years of community control, probation and drug/mental health treatment. Yet, the court was not swayed.

We live in a country whose prevalent narrative is that the criminal justice process is color blind, that we are all equal under the law. The creation of the point system in Florida was touted as a way to enforce that narrative. Yet the truth is, regardless of what we have been told, the color of our skin affects almost every aspect of how we experience citizenship.

Hanuman’s story is not an anecdotal aberration. Numerous reports have shown that, at every stage of the criminal justice process - from stops and searches to plea bargaining and sentencing - African Americans are treated far more harshly than whites. In 2013, the US Sentencing Commission found that black men receive prison sentences that are almost 20% longer than white males with similar offenses. As white Americans, we often look the other way, simply because we benefit from this system.

It can be easy to forget that at the heart of all of the studies, reports and statistical data about bias in our justice system, are human beings. Hanuman was a compassionate, gentle and incredibly funny young man. He made mistakes, just as I did.

In two months, I will walk across the stage to receive my graduate degree, an opportunity Hanuman will never have. Why was I given a second chance at life and he was not? The answer is simple. I am white.

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Congress Could End Mass Surveillance With Next Patriot Act Vote Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29990"><span class="small">Trevor Timm, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Saturday, 18 April 2015 08:48

Timm writes: "On 1 June Section 215 of the Patriot Act - which has been used to vacuum up American's telephone records - will expire unless Congress reauthorize it."

Man walking with mobile phone. (photo: Francisco Seco/AP)
Man walking with mobile phone. (photo: Francisco Seco/AP)


Congress Could End Mass Surveillance With Next Patriot Act Vote

By Trevor Timm, Guardian UK

18 April 15

 

ALSO SEE: 'Significant' Number of Senators Back Privacy Push


On 1 June Section 215 of the Patriot Act - which has been used to vacuum up American’s telephone records - will expire unless Congress reauthorize it

n less than 60 days, Congress - whether they like it or not - will be forced to decide if the NSA’s most notorious mass surveillance program lives or dies. And today, over 30 civil liberties organizations launched a nationwide call-in campaign urging them to kill it.

Despite doing almost everything in their power to avoid voting for substantive NSA reform, Congress now has no choice: On 1 June, one of the most controversial parts of the Patriot Act - known as Section 215 - will expire unless both houses of Congress affirmatively vote for it to be reauthorized.

Section 215 of the Patriot Act was the subject of the very first Snowden story, when the Guardian reported that the US government had reinterpreted the law in complete secrecy, allowing the NSA to vacuum up every single American’s telephone records - who they called, who called them, when, and for how long - regardless of whether they had been accused of a crime or not. (The NSA’s warped interpretation of Section 215 was also the subject of John Oliver’s entire show on Sunday night. It is a must-watch.)

The massive phone dragnet is not the only thing Section 215 is used for though. As independent journalist Marcy Wheeler has meticulously documented, Section 215 is likely being used for all sorts of surveillance that the public has no idea about. There are an estimated 180 orders from the secret Fisa court that involve Section 215, but we know only five of them are directed at telecom companies for the NSA phone program. To give you a sense of the scale: the one Fisa order published by the Guardian from the Snowden trove compelled Verizon to hand over every phone record that it had on all its millions of customers. Every single one.

While the government claims that its other uses of Section 215 are “critical” to national security, it’s extremely hard to take their word for it. After all, the government lied about collecting information on millions of Americans under Section 215 to begin with. Then they claimed the phone surveillance program was “critical” to national security after it was exposed. That wasn’t true either: they later had to admit it has never stopped a single terrorist attack.

We also just learned two weeks ago that the NSA knew the program was largely pointless before the Snowden leaks and debated shutting it down altogether. Suddenly, after the Snowden documents became public, NSA officials defended it as “critical” again when they had to go before an increasingly skeptical Congress.

Is Section 215 being used to collect massive amounts of other data on Americans? Well, the New York Times reported last year that there are multiple different bulk collection programs under different authorities that are still secret. And Ron Wyden, while not specifying which law was being used, indicated in an interview last month that there were several spying programs directly affecting Americans that were still secret. And there’s evidence to suggest they’re doing so for supposed “cyber” crime investigations.

Whatever else they’re doing with Section 215 behind closed doors, the phone surveillance program is illegal. As the author of the Patriot Act, Republican Congressman Jim Sensenbrenner has said: “I can say that without qualification that Congress never did intend to allow bulk collection when it passed Section 215, and no fair reading of the text would allow for this [mass phone surveillance] program”.

It’s also likely unconstitutional, as the first federal judge to look at the program ruled almost a year ago. Judge Richard Leon wrote at the time in his landmark opinion: “I cannot imagine a more ‘indiscriminate’ and ‘arbitrary invasion’ than this systematic and high-tech collection and retention of personal data on virtually every citizen for purposes of querying and analyzing it without prior judicial approval”.

These days, Congress can barely get post office names passed, let alone comprehensive reform on any subject affecting the American people. So the fact that they haven’t passed NSA reform yet says more about their near-total dysfunction than the American public’s views about privacy.

But now they have no choice. A year and a half ago, the House came within a few votes of cutting off funding for Section 215 in an unorthodox appropriations vote and, since then, opposition to the NSA’s massive spying operation on Americans has remained strong.

Only time will tell if Congress will actually receive this message. But if citizens call their representatives, they might just get it. Then, come June, the NSA will have a lot less of our private data at their fingertips.

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