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FOCUS | Kent State and the Frisbee Revolution Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29097"><span class="small">Michael Winship, Moyers & Company</span></a>   
Sunday, 03 May 2015 09:14

Winship writes: "On that warm spring Monday, the Ohio National Guard had opened fire on an anti-war demonstration at Kent State University and four students lay dead. Nine others were wounded."

Ohio National Guard moves in on rioting students at Kent State University in 1970. Four persons were killed and eleven wounded when National Guardsmen opened fire. (photo: AP)
Ohio National Guard moves in on rioting students at Kent State University in 1970. Four persons were killed and eleven wounded when National Guardsmen opened fire. (photo: AP)


Kent State and the Frisbee Revolution

By Michael Winship, Moyers & Company

03 May 15

 

hinking I’d write a piece on the 45th anniversary of the deaths at Kent State, I realized I’d already written it – five years ago. There’s not a lot I’d change in this, although there’s some comfort in the knowledge that unemployment has dropped from the 9.9 percent of 2010 cited below.

In retrospect, my memory of the weeks after Kent State is tempered a bit by the recent recollection that when I, too, finally went home that summer – what little cash I had ran out – I volunteered with a local peace group collecting signatures on a petition in support of the McGovern-Hatfield amendment in the US Senate that proposed cutting off funds for the Vietnam war. I was stunned and delighted by the degree of anti-war sentiment and activism in my then conservative hometown.

Further, unlike the seeming conclusion of a recent public television documentary on the events around Kent State, I don’t feel that the murders completely took the wind out of the anti-Vietnam movement or scared students away from speaking up. Less than a year after Kent State, for example, 200,000 returned to the Washington Mall and US Capitol to protest the war, and a week later in DC, more than 12,000 were arrested in a more violent series of May Day actions. It’s believed to have been the largest mass arrest in American history.

As for the post-Obama election apathy, recent events have given me some hope – witness the community activists participating in April’s Populism2015 conference in Washington and the various sources of inspiration for them and progressives all over the United States. Nonetheless, indifference is still immense. Last year’s midterm turnout was the lowest for a general election in 72 years and as Rep. Keith Ellison, co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus points out, while voter participation for those making $150,000 or more a year was 80 percent, for those making less than $150,000, the percentage was 35 percent.

While anger at and disillusionment with the system are certainly factors in that last number — not to mention voter suppression efforts — there’s no denying that apathy holds its grip. As the saying goes, that ain’t right. Read on…

Originally posted May 7, 2010

I was a freshman at Georgetown University when it happened, 40 years ago on May 4. Most of us didn’t know what had taken place until late in the day. We were in class or studying for finals, so in those pre-Internet/cable news days, hours went by until my friends and I heard. On that warm spring Monday, the Ohio National Guard had opened fire on an anti-war demonstration at Kent State University and four students lay dead. Nine others were wounded.

It took a while to sink in. This was the sort of thing that happened in South American dictatorships – young protestors gunned down for speaking out against the government. Not here.

Then I remembered that some of my high school classmates were at Kent State, a campus fewer than 250 miles from my western New York hometown. But I had no phone numbers for them; there was no immediate way to find out if they were safe (they were).

The details were hazy and slow in coming. That night, friends huddled around the tiny TV I had in my room — one of those early Sony tummy tubes with a fuzzy, black and white picture the size of your palm. With each sketchy report, anger and frustration grew in the room but didn’t start to go over the top until, believe it or not, The Tonight Show came on after the 11 o’clock news.

Johnny Carson’s guest was Bob Hope, and when the then-sexagenarian comedian launched into what was his standard routine those days — lots of jokes about long-haired hippies and smelly anti-war protesters — the kids crowded into my tiny dorm room were furious. On this of all nights how could he be so crass as to trot out those tired one-liners about, well, us?

By the next morning, groups of students gathered around the campus taking about Kent State and the events leading up to the killings. A few days before, President Nixon had announced the invasion of Cambodia, justifying the so-called “incursion” as necessary to protect our troops in Vietnam. Protests had broken out at schools all over America. With the Kent State deaths, we wondered what to do — and what would happen — next.

A crowded meeting in the school’s main assembly hall lasted late into the night, filled with the earnest bombast of callow youth and plans of action that ranged from Do Nothing 101 to Advanced Anarchy. The bookstore’s stock of Georgetown t-shirts sold out as kids scooped them up and stenciled defiant red fists on the backs. My friend Romolo trimmed his red fist in green, a gesture of Italian-American solidarity.

By mid-week, two parallel strategies emerged: a national strike that would shut down the country’s colleges and universities — both as a protest and to give students the freedom to devote all their time to mobilizing against the war — and a massive rally in Washington, DC, on Saturday, May 9.

As did approximately 450 American schools, the Georgetown administration yielded to the strike. We were given the option to finish finals or take the grades we already had for the semester. We went to Capitol Hill and tried to see our hometown members of Congress to let our opposition to the war be known, then turned our attention to the big Saturday rally. Because we were already in DC, much of the logistics fell to us and the other colleges in town.

I volunteered to be a rally marshal, directing crowds and hoping to prevent violence. On the main campus lawn, we were given a crash medical course in how to cope with dehydration, tear gas attacks and gunshot wounds.

At breakfast Saturday morning, with macho-laced concern, we asked our girlfriends to stay away from the rally; there might be trouble. Instead, we suggested they go to the protest headquarters to help out. As it turned out, they wound up in more danger than we were — a small group of neo-Nazis attacked the rally offices. Luckily, no one was seriously hurt.

As for me, I was given a powder blue armband and stood with other marshals on the periphery of the 100,000 person rally, enjoying a lovely sunny day. For its protection, the White House had been ringed with DC Transit buses parked nose to tail. Later, we’d learn that members of the 82nd Airborne were camped out in the basement of the Executive Office Building.

Nothing happened until late in the afternoon, when an army water truck came barreling toward us and we linked hands, as if somehow that would ward it off. In fact, the truck veered away just before it reached our paltry line of defense. In the next day’s paper, I read that the vehicle had been hijacked by Yippies and was last seen racing across a Potomac River bridge into the wilds of Virginia.

And then it was over. That night, rumors spread that police were going to clear out groups of out-of-town demonstrators who were camped out in Potomac Park near the monuments and that they would flee to the college campuses. We stayed up all night waiting to take them in but it never happened.

On May 15, two more students were killed and 12 wounded at Jackson State University in Mississippi, with nowhere near the attention Kent State received. The Jackson State students were African-American.

The mobilization that was supposed to continue with the close of school fizzled out. Most Georgetown students took advantage of the early end of the semester to bask in the sun and play on the lawn or simply go home. A friend wrote an editorial in one of the campus newspapers headlined, “The Frisbee Revolution.” Those of us who were trying to keep the protests alive were annoyed at the time, but he was right. Once the impetus of the big rally was over, motivation vanished and kids went back to being kids. The war retreated, out of sight, out of mind. But it went on – with and then without American troops — for another five, bloody, futile years.

Despite all the anger and worry today: an economy in shambles; the loss of jobs and security; wars continuing in Afghanistan and Iraq; and a dysfunctional government hobbled by the stranglehold of campaign cash and political hackery, there’s a similar lack of interest afflicting many of those of those who rallied to the cause of Barack Obama in 2008, knocking on doors, contributing money — voting.

With that exciting and historic election over and done, the attention of many of them wandered elsewhere, consumed by self-interest or distracted by media’s oxymoron, reality TV, where ex-astronauts dance with chorus girls and parents juggle eight children under the omniscient gaze of the camera.

Friday’s edition of the Financial Times was headlined, “US shares tumble amid fears over debt,” but also featured a glossy magazine insert titled, “How to spend it.” Options include a Kevlar racing kayak, a game darting safari in Kenya and a white gold lace bracelet with diamonds and rubies, a steal at $220,000. On the same day came word that US unemployment for April hit 9.9 percent, despite a reported 290,000 new jobs.

Last week, thousands marched on Wall Street to protest the cynical abuse for profit perpetrated by banks and corporate America. On May 17, others will march on Washington’s K Street, where lobbyists roam, not free, but in pursuit of princely paychecks from those who seek influence and clout.

Meanwhile, in the great American elsewhere, the Frisbees are flying.


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US Airstrike in Syria Kills 53 Civilians, 6 Children Print
Sunday, 03 May 2015 08:11

Cole writes: "The US air strike on Friday that inadvertently hit a village of non-combatants, killing members of six families, raises new questions about the Obama administration's approach to fighting Daesh (ISIS or ISIL) in Syria."

Residents walk amidst debris at a site damaged by what activists said was a barrel bomb dropped by forces loyal to Syria's president Bashar Al-Assad al-Sukkari neighborhood of Aleppo. (photo: Hosam Katan/Reuters)
Residents walk amidst debris at a site damaged by what activists said was a barrel bomb dropped by forces loyal to Syria's president Bashar Al-Assad al-Sukkari neighborhood of Aleppo. (photo: Hosam Katan/Reuters)


US Airstrike in Syria Kills 53 Civilians, 6 Children

By Juan Cole, Informed Comment

03 May 15

 

s Mariam Karouny reports for Reuters, the US air strike on Friday that inadvertently hit a village of non-combatants, killing members of six families, raises new questions about the Obama administration’s approach to fighting Daesh (ISIS or ISIL) in Syria. Despite months of bombing raids, Daesh has lost no territory in Syria.

The strike, according to the Syria Observatory, landed on a village on the east bank of the Euphrates River rather hitting its fundamentalist target.

US air strikes in Syria are estimated to have killed 2000 Daesh fighters, out of an estimated 25,000 in Syria and Iraq. However, thousands more volunteers are said to have gone to join up once they hear that the US was targeting Daesh. Some of “radicalism” in the Middle East is just anti-imperialism, something that Washington interventionists are congenitally unable to understand.

The major accomplishment of the bombing that began last September was to keep Daesh from taking the Kurdish enclave of Kobane in the north of Raqqa Province. But the Kobane area, which had some 300,000 Kurds, is still a ghost town.

In contrast, in Iraq the bombing has been done as close air support for Kurdish Peshmerga fighters or for Iraqi and Iran-backed forces. With those fighters on the ground the US helped allies take Mt. Sinjar and Tikrit from Daesh, reducing the territory it holds in Iraq by 25% compared to last summer.

But in Syria, the US has no moderate fighters to support, since almost all rebels have joined Daesh, al-Qaeda (Jabhat al-Nusra or the Support Front), or other Salafi Jihadi groups that reject democracy and want to reduce religious minorities like Christians to barely tolerated non-citizens who have to pay a poll tax to avoid being attacked.

In Syria, moreover, there is a danger that if Daesh were weakened, the Syrian Arab Army of Bashar al-Assad would be able to take advantage of that development. The US wants to see Bashar, by now a notorious war criminal, overthrown.

What comes along with not having a ground force to support is lack of good intelligence on the ground in Syria. Hence the bombing of innocent non-combatants, including children.

The US says it wants to train 15,000 moderate fighters in conjunction with Turkey. But it would take years for such a force to be deployed and become effective. Moreover, there were more than that number of moderate fighters two and a half years ago, and they’ve all by now scattered or joined al-Qaeda affiliates. What is to stop the same thing from happening to the new crew? And wouldn’t they deliver their training and weaponry to Daesh (as already has often happened)?

This revolving door of US-trained fighters has been a key problem in Afghanistan, but no one ever brings it up.

The bombing of the civilians actually helps Daesh propaganda enormously. This policy in Syria needs reconsideration.


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The Profitable Theatrics of Riot Control Print
Sunday, 03 May 2015 08:08

Feigenbaum writes: "Riot control is - and always has been - about criminalizing acts of disobedience by controlling people, public space and even the air we breathe."

Police fire tear gas in the direction of where bottles were thrown from crowds gathered near the QuikTrip in Ferguson, Missouri. (photo: David Carson/Polaris/eyevine)
Police fire tear gas in the direction of where bottles were thrown from crowds gathered near the QuikTrip in Ferguson, Missouri. (photo: David Carson/Polaris/eyevine)


The Profitable Theatrics of Riot Control

By Anna Feigenbaum, Al Jazeera America

03 May 15

 

Militarized policing was designed to destroy the dignity of those who contest power

he unrest in Baltimore after the death of 25-year-old Freddie Gray after he was critically injured in police custody has reopened longstanding debates over public-order policing. Where does protest end and rioting begin? What counts as violence? Is property damage ever legitimate? Listening to Fox News analyze the meaning of the word “thugs,” it feels as if we are doomed to repeat Martin Luther King Jr.’s quote “Riots are the language of the unheard” until we are blue in the face.

Baltimore, like Ferguson, Missouri, has seen the deployment of a hypertechnologized warrior-cop style of policing that has become unnervingly familiar, with recent exposés focusing further attention on the militarization of law enforcement. But these practices of so-called riot control are far from new.

Riot control is — and always has been — about criminalizing acts of disobedience by controlling people, public space and even the air we breathe. The disturbing forms of policing we see in Baltimore provide a small window into a sprawling, transnational business with roots in colonialist violence.

An industry of repression

Riot control largely arose out of the repression of rebellious peasants and slaves. Early forms of policing in the U.S. included slave patrols that searched residences, broke up gatherings and monitored roads. A more structured practice for dealing with urban minority unrest after the Civil War was imported from white European colonial experience. In 1829, U.S. cities began to adopt parts of the British policing model, creating organized departments with full-time officers.

These modernized police officers enforced public order, intervening in the daily lives and leisure activities of working-class and minority neighborhoods. This nascent form of broken-windows policing created tensions between officers and community members. Early police forces were also used to protect economic interests, breaking up labor organizing and strike activity among the working classes.

World War I saw a wide-scale transfer of technologies from the military to local law enforcement, as early methods for crowd control were adapted from military practices. After civil unrest — and its repression — in the 1950s and 1960s, riot control became an industry of its own.

Early riot control tactics included various police formations — the interlocked arm formation that uses officers’ batons to cordon off areas, the show of force demonstration that works psychologically and physically by making a surprise advance on a crowd, and the boxing in of public areas by occupying and sealing off intersections.

We saw such space-based control practices play out in Baltimore on April 27. As Mother Jones reported, in the Modawmin neighborhood, where violence started that day, police shut down the local subway stop, forced people to disembark buses and corralled students into a police-controlled space. With public transportation cut off and streets blocked by heavily armored, shield-barrier police lines, people were trapped — forced to fight or attempt to flee, risking arrest and further brutality.

Such acts of entrapment and suffocation are most visible when tear gas is also deployed, as police did in Modawmin, along with pepper balls. While pepper balls (PDF) and spray tanks filled with tear gas are modern inventions, the practice of poisoning the air to control populations has been used by U.S. law enforcement for nearly a century.

In a 1920s speech to the State Guard, Gen. Amos Fries, an early promoter of tear gas, explained that it could destroy the dignity of acts of public dissent:

When you disperse [a crowd] by making noisy leaders and members publicly seasick, tearful and repentant, you make the whole disorderly movement ridiculous and arouse public laughter and derision.

In Baltimore, tear gas pollutes an already toxic urban atmosphere. The city’s youth population under 18 has an asthma rate of more than 20 percent — twice the national average — vastly increasing the medical dangers of policing with chemical weaponry. Reports of skin burns, concussions and wounds from people on the streets suggest that riot control agents were fired at close range, in closed-off locations and in dangerously high doses. 

Transnational trade

As journalist Belén Fernández has noted, these bodily and spatial policing practices reflect Israeli military and police training for controlling the occupied territories. Baltimore Police Department representatives have received training overseas from Israeli experts. Training happens at home as well, from former Israel Defense Forces soldiers such as B.K. Blankchtein, who educated officers at the Maryland Police and Correctional Training Commission from 2008 to 2011. 

Private companies specializing in Israeli enforcement also train Baltimore officers in control techniques. The Israeli Tactical School operates a number of programs in Maryland, including the Warrior Weekend, fashioned after training at the Israeli Counter Terror School. For $1,500, participants receive tactical education in, as the company’s website puts it, “the Israeli Individual Warrior doctrine designed to win the fight against all odds.”

But these Israeli-imported practices of controlling public space are not an isolated phenomenon. The riot control industry is a transnational enterprise, with competitions, workshops and products around the world. Selling myths of security in the form of violent technology, it profits from racial fears, police vulnerability and the militarization of public space.

As the MarketsandMarkets research firm reported in January 2015:

The riot control market is driven by the increase in the demand for these systems amongst law enforcement agencies due to the economic crisis and political unrest prevailing in the nations, which results into riots or protests by the public against any authority.

When that authority is the police, there are sales opportunities on all sides.

While some police suppliers were in business in the 1800s, today the companies arming Baltimore’s law enforcement officers are profitable corporations with global product reach. Combined Systems Inc. — which also arms Israeli forces — equips police with weapons such as the Triple Phaser smoke grenade, which consists of three canisters that, according to the company, “separate over a broad space to give a wider area of coverage.” 

Also militarizing the Baltimore Police Department is Defense Tech ammunitions, sold by Warren Kanders’ Safariland Group. A vice chairman of the Whitney Museum of American Art’s board of trustees, he is a wealthy investor who for the last 20 years has profited from the suppression of civil unrest.

As unrest in Ferguson and Baltimore continues (and riot control business opportunities boom), it is time to do away with the false dichotomy of the protest-versus-riot debate. Though the weapons are more military grade — and the tactics more revenue-driven — the motivations remain the same.

The theatrics of riot control were designed to distract attention from the causes of injustice while destroying the dignity of those who contest them. As a doctrine based on colonial power, riot control erodes any real meaning in the right to free speech or public assembly. It denies the basic freedom to breathe together. 


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Judgement Day in Jersey: How Things Went From Bad to Worse for Chris Christie Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Sunday, 03 May 2015 08:07

Pierce writes: "Chris Christie is still running around the country pretending to run for president. (And I think his only real shot is to get his Agnew on regarding the events in Baltimore.)"

Governor Chris Christie of New Jersey. (photo: AP)
Governor Chris Christie of New Jersey. (photo: AP)


Judgement Day in Jersey: How Things Went From Bad to Worse for Chris Christie

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

03 May 15

 

In which we learn how bad things can get for Chris Christie.

hris Christie is still running around the country pretending to run for president. (And I think his only real shot is to get his Agnew on regarding the events in Baltimore, a campaign I wouldn't wish on any nation.) Meanwhile, back at the ranch, things are heating up again.

At least one of those charged in the high-profile case reportedly will plead guilty this morning. According to Bloomberg, David Wildstein, a key figure in the investigation, will enter a guilty plea. At his Montville home, a white SUV could be seen leaving at 5 a.m. and moving down the street at high speed.As Wildstein arrived at the courthouse this morning, photographers outside scrambled to identify the man they just photographed. He had lost a lot of weight since his last public appearance and everyone was stunned. Fort Lee Mayor Mark Sokolich began a normal business day at his law office, meeting with a client. Afterward, he told NJ Advance Media he will comment later today. "This is not going to be an easy day," Sokolich said.

If you're keeping score at home, this would be three putative Republican presidential candidates tangled up with the law, one of whom (Rick Perry) is actually indicted. I'd be as shocked as anyone if Big Chicken got charged, at least this time around. But the pressure on Wildstein -- and whoever else feels the wrath of the dunghammer on their heads -- to deal is going to get pushed up to 11 by the middle of the afternoon. I think Wildstein is likely to give up his mother at this point. It's not likely there's going to be a President Christie to help a brother out.

And, by the way, remember when it was all fun and games?

Christie initially dismissed suggestions that his aides may have played a role in the closures at the nation's most heavily trafficked bridge turning at first to humor to brush aside such suggestions at a Dec. 2, 2013, news conference. "I worked the cones," he joked. "Unbeknownst to anyone, I was working the cones."

Ho, ho. What a jolly fellow. A new phrase may be added to all his talking points today. Henceforth, they all will begin, "To the best of my recollection..." I mean, it's not like he's got any weight to throw around any more.


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YOU MUST TAKE ACTION NOW TO STOP TPP Print
Saturday, 02 May 2015 13:36

Reich writes: "The heinous Trans Pacific Partnership is now moving in Congress."

Robert Reich. (photo: Robert Reich)
Robert Reich. (photo: Robert Reich)


YOU MUST TAKE ACTION NOW TO STOP TPP

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

02 May 15

 

he heinous Trans Pacific Partnership is now moving in Congress. It’s not really about trade – most tariffs are now low – but about making the world safer for global corporations. It allows big global corporations to sue countries for health, safety, environmental, and labor protections that reduce corporate profits. Its so-called labor and environmental protections are unenforceable. And rather than strengthen America’s hand against China (as its proponents claim), it only strengthens the hands of giant American-based corporations – whose loyalty is to their shareholders rather than to the United States. (These corporations will do whatever China wants if it helps their bottom lines.)

It’s a bad deal for Americans. Please call your senators and your representative and tell them you don’t want the Trans Pacific Partnership, and you don’t want “fast-track” that allows it to speed through Congress without debate or amendment.

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