RSN Fundraising Banner
FB Share
Email This Page
add comment
Politics
FOCUS: David Letterman, Revolutionary Print
Wednesday, 20 May 2015 10:15

Nussbaum writes: "Now that Letterman’s a flinty codger, an establishment figure, it’s become difficult to recall just how revolutionary his style of meta-comedy once felt. But back when I was sixteen, trapped in the snoozy early eighties and desperate for something rude and wild, Letterman seemed like an anarchist."

David Letterman at the First Annual Comedy Awards on March 26, 2011. (photo: Dimitrios Kambouris/Getty Images)
David Letterman at the First Annual Comedy Awards on March 26, 2011. (photo: Dimitrios Kambouris/Getty Images)


David Letterman, Revolutionary

By Emily Nussbaum, The New Yorker

20 May 15

 

n May 7th, two weeks before the end of “Late Show with David Letterman,” on CBS, the host delivered one of his final lists, “Top Ten Surprising Facts About Sesame Street.” The entries, every one a harsh gem, riffed on a documentary about the actor who played Big Bird, but they also satirized the way that the media had recently been strip-mining Letterman’s decades on television, seeking revealing nuggets. No. 9: “The earliest Muppets were made from hollowed-out animal carcasses.” No. 2 got a huge, rolling, in-on-it laugh from the audience: “Oscar the Grouch slightly nicer since announcing May 20th retirement.” The No. 1 fact about “Sesame Street”? “There’s also a guy working the puppeteer.”

For more than thirty years, David Letterman has been the guy working the talk-show host. But he’s never hidden how tricky it is to move those levers, which has been his appeal to fans: in a job made for smoothies, he’s kept showing us his flaws, those spikes of anger and anxiety, almost despite himself. Now that Letterman’s a flinty codger, an establishment figure, it’s become difficult to recall just how revolutionary his style of meta-comedy once felt. But back when I was sixteen, trapped in the snoozy early eighties and desperate for something rude and wild, Letterman seemed like an anarchist. His manner suggested that TV could puncture the culture, rather than prop it up. My friends, particularly the guys, became his acolytes, quoting his catchphrases (“They pelted us with rocks and garbage”) and copying his deadpan affect. All of us imprinted like ducklings on his persona, the nice guy with the mean streak, making the world safe for smart comedy.

The truth is, the show that Letterman oversaw in those early years was a far lighter, freer, more strange and cerebral and surreal project than it eventually became. It began as the brainchild of Dave and his girlfriend at the time, the comedy writer Merrill Markoe, who was the show’s first head writer. She invented one-offs, like Dog Poetry, and perennial segments, like Stupid Pet Tricks. (They considered doing Stupid Baby Tricks, but worried about the legal implications.) The pair, who were together for a decade, met at the Comedy Store, in Los Angeles. Their aesthetics were different—Markoe was a Berkeley art-school graduate, while Letterman was an Indiana frat boy who had majored in television and radio—but they shared an ironic mind-set, a suspicion of show-biz sycophancy, and a desire to break formulas, during a period when the medium had hardened, and taken on a Vegas-y, old-Hollywood heaviness. In 1980, pulling from earlier experimentalists, like Ernie Kovacs and Steve Allen, they built a daytime talk show on NBC, full of oddball pranks, which bored housewives but won over college kids. When it flopped, the network was nevertheless eager to keep Dave on the schedule, so it bumped Tom Snyder and gave him Snyder’s slot, at 12:30 a.m.—this was before TiVo and Hulu, when you had to stay up late to catch the funky stuff. Within two years, he was a hero to wiseacres everywhere.

On the surface, the early Letterman resembled his mentor, the icy superstar Johnny Carson: he was apolitical, he was Midwestern, he had a repressive manner and lanky college-boy looks. (Don’t let the gap-toothed grin fool you. Squint, and Letterman is Harrison Ford.) But he vibrated with a contradictory charisma: he had a discomfort with back-patting and schmoozing, an odd characteristic for a man whose longtime dream job was TV host.

In a sense, Letterman was a bridge between two eras of male superstars. Like the white-guy comedians of the seventies, Bill Murray and Chevy Chase and Steve Martin, he was a smart-ass, a trickster. And yet, even in 1982, when “Late Night with David Letterman” premièred, he presaged something else, an obsession with what was authentic, the kind of preoccupation that would dominate the nineties, inflecting figures like David Foster Wallace and Kurt Cobain, famous men who were desperate for rock-star fame and then flamboyantly and publicly hated the stuff once they got it. Like Holden Caulfield, Letterman was on the defense against looking like (or being) a phony, looking like (or being) a sellout, and curdling into a Hollywood jerk. In 1984, in a Playboy interview, Letterman talked about what a drag it was to meet Andy Rooney and realize that his act wasn’t an act: Rooney “doesn’t just appear to be a nasty curmudgeon, he is a nasty curmudgeon.” Already, Letterman had a melancholy vision of what fame could turn you into, if you let your guard down: “I hate the notion that celebrities deserve to be treated with some kind of deference.”

The early “Late Night” included stars, but they were never the point. The charge came from the bits, the “remotes,” the pranks—a circus of eccentricity, from the monkey-cam to Chris Elliott climbing out from beneath the bleachers. Regulars included Larry (Bud) Melman, an elderly character actor who was both mocked and adored. One episode was filmed, for no reason, with a camera that rotated three hundred and sixty degrees. The goal was surprise, which often involved Letterman doing slapstick with a proto-“Jackass” bent. My primal memory of the show is of Dave, in a Velcro suit, getting tossed up onto a wall from a catapult—although, when I looked at a clip recently, I saw that my fond memories had exaggerated a mere mini-trampoline. The suit wasn’t the joke, though. The joke was Letterman, who isn’t zany but polite, asking the Velcro representative questions about this revolutionary substance. On the wall, immobilized, he quietly deadpans, “There’s very little I can do from this position.”

It was a prescient zinger. Once Letterman became truly famous, the captain of a giant machine that demanded ratings, it was harder to stay nimble. Over the decades—through the bruising “late-night wars” with Jay Leno, past a sex scandal (handled with refreshing bluntness) and a heart attack, and into his late-curmudgeon era on CBS—Letterman has occasionally seemed at risk of dissolving, Cheshire Cat style, into his grin, glasses, and cigar. His influence spread so wide that his innovations became clichés. Once the Internet arrived, he never mastered the viral clip. Pop culture often seemed to bore him. He stayed inside more. Fame made it harder to play games with strangers, the way that a niche cable host, like the latter-day Lettermans Billy Eichner and Eric Andre, might. But, even as his teen acolytes grew up to become his cable competition, Letterman retained an itchy, mercurial self-consciousness, and an inability to fake it with strangers—in a genre devoted to snake-oil synergy, he remained a lousy salesman.

Long before Letterman labelled himself Oscar the Grouch, Cher famously called him an “asshole,” sensing, not incorrectly, his bias against her kind of glitz. But when you watch the whole interview, which aired in 1986, Cher is the one who comes off like a jerk, jabbing the host before he’s done anything wrong. Then Letterman reacts beautifully. He shifts his jaw, he grins, he runs his hand over his forehead. He rattles his page of questions, saying, “No, we’ve got a lot of great stuff here”—rattle, rattle—“really good stuff here. A lot of really interesting, provocative kind of things.” He continues, “What do you mean, ‘Is this as good as it gets?’? Like, what would have been a better thing to say to you?” Cher doubles down: if Letterman doesn’t like a guest, it shows, she says. What flares up between them feels like chemistry, something amazing—and this was the quality he had with many of his more eccentric guests, from Andy Kaufman and Pee-wee Herman to the funny women whom he clearly appreciated, like Amy Sedaris. Even with Cher, Letterman doesn’t get ruder; instead, his voice softens, as he tries to bond over their age (both were around forty). Somewhere in there, he proves her wrong: there’s value, and there’s dynamism, in a host who can’t quite hide what he hates and what he loves.

Most television shows—even dark or cynical ones—find a way to go out warmly. But in the final weeks of “Late Show with David Letterman” the approach was to resist, at every turn, any hint of sentiment. The show featured a cavalcade of wry, dry introverts and cerebral performers, from Steve Martin to Barack Obama; outrageous types, like Martin Short and Nathan Lane, satirizing Hollywood smarm; and Don Rickles and Howard Stern, lobbing put-downs. Letterman remarked to Martin that their friendship dated back to the daytime show. “I was on the show,” Martin responded. “But that doesn’t make us friends.” The conversation went on like that, a knife fight with icicles, the insults indistinguishable from parodies of insults. Four days later, Lane sang a corrosive ditty with lines like “I get no joy from all the joy I provide. I’m just like you, Dave—yeah, I’m dead inside.”

The most successful of these self-designed roasts came from Tina Fey, who honored Dave’s anti-show-biz aesthetic with a bridge-burning rant about the “jerk parade” at the Met Gala, and then responded to Letterman’s compliments on her looks by tugging off her glittery blue gown. “The next time you see me, I’ll be playing charades in a Slanket,” she joked. “This is my last time wearing a fancy dress on a talk show and conforming to gender norms out of respect for you.” Beneath her dress were elaborate Spanx and a leotard, reading “Bye Dave!”

Irony can be as cloying as gushiness, in excessive doses. And, truthfully, for a fan seeking closure, the harsher of these routines were sometimes hard to watch. (“They pelted us with rocks and garbage.”) It was a relief when Ray Romano showed up, weepy and grateful, comparing Dave’s retirement to “the day the music died.” Romano shared pictures of his family, including three dogs, to which Letterman cooed, sweetly, “Doggies!” Romano said, “They’re all rescue dogs, so if it’s not for you: dead, dead, dead.” Sentimental, you bet. But a welcome taste of sweetness, after so many decades playing defense.

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
Journalists' Attacks on Seymour Hersh Are Deceiving, Hypocritical and Unjustified Print
Tuesday, 19 May 2015 14:28

Hickman writes: "Journalists critical of Hersh's story often state that he uses too many anonymous sources, and even question whether they exist. This claim is not only deceiving to their own readers or viewers, but it is also extremely hypocritical."

People in the western Indian city of Ahmedabad burn a photograph of al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden as they celebrate his killing, May 2, 2011. (photo: Reuters)
People in the western Indian city of Ahmedabad burn a photograph of al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden as they celebrate his killing, May 2, 2011. (photo: Reuters)


Journalists' Attacks on Seymour Hersh Are Deceiving, Hypocritical and Unjustified

By Joseph Hickman, Reader Supported News

19 May 15

 

ast week, Seymour Hersh published an incredible article in the London Review of Books (LRB) titled “The Killing of Osama bin Laden.” In his article Hersh rebukes the US government for its official version of the events surrounding Osama bin Laden’s death and gives a completely different narration of what happened that day, and in the months leading up to the event. Since the release of his article, the government has adamantly denied Hersh’s claims, and he has come under a volley of attacks by many journalists and media outlets. Oddly, in most of these attacks it is Hersh’s credibility that is questioned, rather than the issues he laid out in his article. One can come to the conclusion that the only reason for such attacks against a legendary journalist like Seymour Hersh is that what he says in his article is plausible.

The journalists critical of Hersh’s story state that he uses too many anonymous sources, and they even question whether the sources exist. This not only amounts to misleading their own readers or viewers, but is extremely hypocritical. The journalists who are continually attempting to make an issue out of this know Hersh has the sources. They know because they are very familiar with the editorial process that goes on at reputable media outlets like the LRB. They know the editors at the LRB are made aware of who Hersh’s sources are, and those editors verify the statements from Hersh’s sources. It is ironic that the same journalists who are questioning Hersh’s use of anonymous sources constantly quote and rely on anonymous sources themselves in many of their own articles and books. These journalists also know for a fact that people in the intelligence community who are in sensitive positions almost always insist that journalists not use their names. So unless a journalist has documents or photographs to support his story when it deals with national security issues, he almost always relies on anonymous sources. Why is it okay for these journalists but not okay for Sy Hersh?

Many of Hersh’s critics also claim that a cover-up of the bin Laden raid would have required the involvement of hundreds of people. That is simply not true. US Intelligence works on a compartmentalized information basis. Meaning that even when someone has a top secret clearance and works for the CIA, FBI, or even the White House, information is passed specifically on a need-to-know basis. With that fact in mind, it is clear that the operation could have been conducted with far less than a few hundred people knowing the details. Even if it did take secrecy on the part of hundreds of people, the government has accomplished such things in the past. One example is the case of Pat Tillman: The government said he died in a blaze of glory fighting the enemy in Afghanistan. Later we learned it was a complete lie. Tillman was a victim of fratricide, and the government covered it up. That cover-up took, at the very least, a company of US Army Rangers (about 120 men), the battalion commander, the General of US Central Command and his staff, and the Secretary of Defense.

It seems Hersh’s critics also forget that after the raid, even though there were at least a dozen people in the room witnessing the operation as it was broadcast from a live satellite feed, government officials couldn’t get their stories straight, but were constantly contradicting themselves as to the events surrounding bin Laden’s death.

So the big question is: Why are so many journalists attacking Hersh in this way? More than likely it’s because they took the government’s official version of the events as factual without questioning it. Many of them have written several articles and books analyzing the government’s official version of the events. To call the official story into question, they may feel, jeopardizes their own reputations and credibility, and maybe it does.

While most journalists go with the flow, accepting and reporting on whatever government officials tell them, Seymour Hersh has made a living by questioning the authorities and exposing government corruption and cover-ups like the My Lai Massacre and Abu Ghraib.

In no way am I defending Sy Hersh – and knowing him, he wouldn’t want me to. His work defends itself. I am simply pointing out the current state of our government and the media.


Joseph Hickman is a former non-commissioned military officer and author of the book “Murder at Camp Delta.” He is an Adjunct Professor at Seton Hall University School of Law and a Senior Research Fellow for the Center for Policy and Research. You can follow him on twitter at @josephhickman0

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
Is There Anyone Who Won't Run for the Republican Nomination in 2016? Print
Tuesday, 19 May 2015 14:21

Lund writes: "If you are over 35 and a Republican, you are allowed one (1) free presidential campaign announcement. It's like the coupon for a free waxpaper cup of Pepsi at a church picnic: you just get one for showing up."

America's got talent, but the 2016 Republican field doesn't... (illustration: DonkeyHotey/Flickr)
America's got talent, but the 2016 Republican field doesn't... (illustration: DonkeyHotey/Flickr)


Is There Anyone Who Won't Run for the Republican Nomination in 2016?

By Jeb Lund, Guardian UK

19 May 15

 

From old reliables like Sarah Palin to one-time darlings like Bobby Jindal, everyone seems to think this is their year ... to earn a Fox News contract

f you are over 35 and a Republican, you are allowed one (1) free presidential campaign announcement. It’s like the coupon for a free waxpaper cup of Pepsi at a church picnic: you just get one for showing up. These are the rules, which is why, in the next few weeks, everyone else in the Republican Party will launch their campaign to not become president of the United States, because it is their right.

But after all the legitimate major contenders for the nomination (if not the presidency), we’re now left with the unappealing oddments, the candidate-shaped things that make you go, “What the fuck is that?” This section of the Republican presidential candidacy spread is like the items at the salad bar that you’ll never put on your plate, but there they are, at the end, between the baskets of Saltines and the plastic jugs of ranch, Thousand Island and whatever-turned-into-bleu-cheese dressing.

Who or what the hell are these people? And why?

If you at any point in your life took a civics course, you are probably tempted to say that these are serious people who see the challenges facing America and are committed to making a positive difference for everyone. I was once like you. Now I just want to pet your face and look sad. In fact, that would be your thought process if you were to run for president, because you are a good person who feels normal things. I love you, and it’s going to be OK.

Unfortunately, here is an updated, realistic list of reasons why these remaindered-bin people from the Republican Party are running for president:

  • They’re auditioning for a seven-figure commentator’s contract at Fox News.

  • They’re going through an elaborate, performative book tour for a ghost-written paperweight they spent all of three hours dictating vague material for, to be sold at $24.99 a pop.

  • They’re auditioning for a senior cabinet position.

  • They’re driving up their speaker’s fee for corporate conferences.

  • They’re raising a giant war chest for some other future project.

  • They’re trying to drive the presidential election discussion further toward the fringe.

Those last two probably apply to Lindsey Graham, the senior senator from South Carolina. There are many reasons he will not become president: that his name is Lindsey is as good as any, but there are also those persistent rumors that the lifelong bachelor is still in the closet (for the record, he told The New York Times “I ain’t gay”). Graham might also fancy himself the more reasonable candidate for Secretary of State (or Defense) than mustachioed war walrus John Bolton. He doesn’t have a chance at the nomination – not just because his “persistent bachelorhood” will send values voters reeling toward the fainting couches and not just because he seems to think climate change isn’t imaginary. What’s most damning is that even Republicans think he has no chance, and he doesn’t seem to be trying hard organizationally to roll back that assumption. Instead, he’s doing what he always does, drive American bellicosity further right into blood-streaming-down-the-walls crazy. Sunday morning, for instance, Graham said that if you’re even “thinking about joining al-Qaida or Isil, I’m not gonna call a judge. I’m gonna call a drone and we’re gonna kill you.” Graham has always been someone who gives you the impression that the name he asks the barista to put on his cup at Starbucks is just a unilateral statement of American military aggression, but this most recent pronouncement was an insane first for him: we reserve the right to murder you for your thoughts.

From the self-promotional wing of the party come the OGs of political brand leveraging, Sarah Palin and Donald Trump. Palin periodically emits the proper harrumphing noises about getting back into the campaign game to set America straight, but she hated campaigning the last time she did it, then quit her job as governor before her term was up and now mostly delivers the same speech at CPAC and the Values Voter Summit every year with some laugh lines changed. Look for her to keep harrumphing about running until she can roll out a new patriotic cookbook or something called Memorial Day Moose Burrito: This Hot Tamale Stirs the Melting Pot with a Gun Barrel and tries to get a few more subscribers to her vertically integrated online empire in order to cover Bristol’s wedding reception. The Donald, on the other hand, will try to increase his negotiating leverage with NBC by pointing to all the people who tune in to see him “tell it like it” is on a fake show and will probably try to sell a few more seats in his scam college, assuming the whole thing isn’t in a joint FBI/SEC warehouse by now.

Bobby Jindal is running. Bobby Jindal is also polling worse in the (very) red state of which he is governor than Barack Obama. You’d expect better from a man who’s toed the line of every birther assertion since 2009, aped the conservative “kill ‘em all” foreign policy, come to the defense of corporate discrimination against gays, demanded we repeal Obamacare and anything like a graduated income tax and farmed out the state educational system to anyone with a Bible and two sticks to rub together at the base of a stake a woman is tied to. The best thing you can say about Bobby is that he fails to meet even low expectations. Bobby is probably angling very hard for a six-figure consultant salary from a think tank named The Values Liberty Tradition Foundation for America, USA.

Chris Christie and Rick Perry would both like that job, if only because it will offset the legal fees they will incur from their current jobs as man-whose-political-career-is-over-because-he-testifies-in-court-for-a-living. Perry will go further in the primary season because Christie is walking around in a sad tornado of potential indictments, like Pig Pen from Peanuts surrounded by clouds of blue paper left by process servers. Also, Perry is an attractive man from a large red state and benefits from the virtue of ignorance; Christie’s know-it-all bully schtick prevents him from getting away with claiming he was unaware of what was happening among his own advisors. Perry, however, is such an affable-seeming twit that it would surprise nobody if he got tricked into signing over the deed to his house to a wisecracking cartoon rabbit. In fact, he’s so thoroughly dumb that the national press actually discussed his wearing glasses as a sign of seriousness. If he’d worn a pocket protector, Joe Scarborough might have argued that we should have Perry build America “a cooler space shuttle.”

Rick Santorum, whose last name became a contest-winning term for post-sexual anal discharge, will declare his candidacy May 27. You might remember him from his low lusty dog-whistling on the 2012 campaign trail, where he likened Obama to “Islamism” and synonymized “people on welfare” with “black people” – an unsubtle tactic he’s updated for 2015 by talking about “unwed fathers” as “sexual predators”. Though he’s careful not to affix a racial identity to these baby daddies, he doesn’t have to with his audience. Santorum is actually a gifted public speaker, able to connect emotionally with his audience, and he’s much smarter than the average member of the Republican field. The problem is what he does with that talent. He talks a good game about economic populism, but as a committed free-marketer, he can’t advocate doing anything to create it. He is probably the smartest Republican candidate on foreign policy, but his solution is to “bomb Isis back to the seventh century,” which happens to be where his sexual politics stopped evolving. Also, despite being a solid runner-up in 2012, he’s emerged in 2015 not as the presumptive nominee but polling in ninth place (out of nine) in the state he represented in the US Senate before being clobbered by a 18-point margin. Who knows, maybe a few weeks on the campaign trail and he can get some more investors for his movie-making empire.

I could also get into the reputed interest of former New York governor George Pataki, but the fact that I forgot about George Pataki for nearly an hour after finishing the first draft of this should tell you everything you need to know about George Pataki’s chances.

Lastly, there’s Ohio governor John Kasich. After flirting with it early in his tenure, Kasich has backed away from what you might call the George W Bush/Sam Brownback theory of governance which is that, once elected, you are the representative of only the citizens who voted for you, and everyone else can take a hike. In backing away, Kasich not only accepted the Medicaid expansion under the Affordable Care Act, bringing healthcare to over 300,000 people, he framed his decision as part of a Christian imperative to aid the sick and the poor. In the modern Republican Party, it is generous to merely describe his political generosity to his poorer constituents as a slight problem for the conservative base – and that’s before they realize that the one-time union buster even won union endorsements in his last race.

Kasich probably has zero chance of winning the Republican nomination, and, all things considered, the Republican Party probably wants to find any excuse to keep him a minimum of 1,000 feet from a debate stage at all times. Then he can slink back home to run a large state in a semi-responsible manner.

In the meantime, we can watch every other presumptive nomination failure use their appeals to public service to leverage their multi-platform public/private identities into a monetized national thinksperience. God bless us, every brand.

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
FOCUS | Ten Ideas to Save the Economy #4: Bust Up Wall Street Print
Tuesday, 19 May 2015 11:08

Reich writes: "The only sure way to stop excessive risk-taking on Wall Street so you don't risk losing your job or your savings or your home, is to put an end to the excessive economic and political power of Wall Street."

Economist, professor, author and political commentator Robert Reich. (photo: Richard Morgenstein)
Economist, professor, author and political commentator Robert Reich. (photo: Richard Morgenstein)


Ten Ideas to Save the Economy #4: Bust Up Wall Street

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

19 May 15

 

hen Americans think of how the economic rules are stacked against them, they naturally think of Wall Street. 

When the Wall Street bubble burst in 2008 because of excessive risk-taking, millions of working Americans lost their jobs, health insurance, savings, and homes.

But The Street is back to many of its old tricks. And its lobbyists are busily rolling back the Dodd-Frank Act, intended to prevent another crash.

The biggest Wall Street banks are also much larger. In 1990, the five biggest banks had 10 percent of all of the nation’s banking assets. Now, they have 44 percent – more than they had at the time of the 2008 crash.

They have a virtual lock on taking companies public, play key roles pricing commodities, are involved in all major U.S. mergers and acquisitions and many overseas, and responsible for most of the trading in derivatives and other complex financial instruments.  

And as they’ve gained dominance over the financial sector, they’ve become more politically potent. They’re major sources of campaign funds for both Republicans and Democrats.

Wall Street banks supply personnel for key economic posts in Republican and Democratic administrations, and lucrative employment to economic officials when they leave Washington.

It’s a vicious cycle. The bigger they get, the more likely it is that government will bail them out if they get into trouble again. This, in turn, confers on them an ever-larger competitive advantage over smaller, community-minded banks that don’t have the implied guarantee – which gives the biggest banks even more economic and political power.

What should be done?

First, resurrect the Glass-Steagall Act that used to separate investment from commercial banking.

Second, put a small sales tax on every financial transaction. This would discourage speculation and slow down the casino. Not incidentally, such a tax could generate billions of dollars a year for, say, better schools.

But the most important thing we should do is bust up the big banks. Any bank that’s too big to fail is too big, period.

Antitrust law should be used the way it was against the big oil trusts and the telephone monopoly. The idea was to prevent too much economic and political power from concentrating in too few hands. And that’s precisely the problem with Wall Street.

The only sure way to stop excessive risk-taking on Wall Street so you don’t risk losing your job or your savings or your home, is to put an end to the excessive economic and political power of Wall Street.

It’s time to bust up the big banks.


e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
Forget What We Know Now: We Knew Then the Iraq War Was a Joke Print
Tuesday, 19 May 2015 08:11

Taibbi writes: "So presidential hopeful Jeb Bush is taking a pounding for face-planting a question about his brother's invasion of Iraq. Apparently, our national media priests want accountability from leaders on this issue."

Would Jeb Bush have invaded Iraq like his brother, George W.? His stumble to answer lit a media frenzy. (photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images)
Would Jeb Bush have invaded Iraq like his brother, George W.? His stumble to answer lit a media frenzy. (photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images)


Forget What We Know Now: We Knew Then the Iraq War Was a Joke

By Matt Taibbi, Rolling Stone

19 May 15

 

On the media's hypocritical hounding of Jeb Bush

o presidential hopeful Jeb Bush is taking a pounding for face-planting a question about his brother's invasion of Iraq. Apparently, our national media priests want accountability from leaders on this issue.

One of the first "gotcha" moments of the 2016 presidential race came about as follows: Reporters following Jeb Bush on a pre-announcement campaign tour smartly decided to badger him about his position on the Iraq invasion. "Knowing what he knows now," they asked, would he have done the same thing as his brother?

Jeb's answer was characteristically Bushian: yes, no, and maybe. Bush III somehow hadn't prepared for the one question he was most absolutely certain to face the moment he decided take a step in the direction of the White House.

It was a little bit like invading a country and having no plan at all for what you do after you seize the capital. In other words, the kind of thing that should disqualify a person not just from the presidency, but maybe also from having a driver's license. George W. specialized in these jaw-dropping oversights, and it seems his brother might have a similar talent.

Over the course of four or five very painful days Jeb pushed his Iraq position all over the board. First he said yes, he would have done the same thing as his brother (and so would have Hillary Clinton, he pointed out). Then he said he misunderstood the question. Then he said that even answering the question would dishonor the troops (which I thought was an impressively clever and Rove-ian response!).

Head by now turned all the way around, in the fashion of nature's magnificent owl or Linda Blair, he finally told Fox's Megyn Kelly, "Knowing what we know now ... I would not have engaged. I would not have gone into Iraq."

It was a no-win question for Jeb. He had two choices with this question: either send his brother up the river or set himself up for a general election campaign wearing a position that polls say could hurt him with 70 percent of voters.

The media quickly piled on. "Jeb Bush's Iraq Stumble" was the title of the Wall Street Journal's "Journal Editorial Report" on Fox. "On Iraq Question, Jeb Bush Stumbles and GOP Hopefuls Pounce," countered the Washington Post.

"Jeb Bush's Revisionist History of the Iraq War," wrote New York Times Editorial Page editor Andrew Rosenthal. "Yeah, Jeb Bush's argument that the Iraq War was right even in retrospect is insane," tweeted current New York and erstwhile New Republic writer Jonathan Chait early in the story cycle, when Jeb was still defending the war.

A few writers, like Steve Chapman at the Chicago Tribune, criticized Jeb for not disavowing the "reckless adventurism" of the Bush II era that led to the war in the first place. In other words, Chapman blasted Jeb for being wrong then and now.

But the substance of most of the media mockery in the last week was to whale on Jeb for not admitting quickly enough that the war, in hindsight, given "what we know now," was a huge mistake.

We can call this the "None of us pundits would have been wrong about Iraq if it wasn't for Judith Miller" line of questioning. This rhetoric goes something like this: since we invaded, the war has gone epically FUBAR, so it's obvious now that it was a mistake, and so we can mock you for not admitting as much.

But because of Judith Miller, it wasn't obvious even to all of us geniuses back then, which is why virtually every media outlet to the right of Democracy Now! (MSNBC included, as old friend Alex Pareene wittily pointed out) got it wrong for years on end, back when this issue actually mattered.

Go back up a few paragraphs and look at that list of media outlets. All of them – the Washington Post, the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times obviously, the Chicago Tribune – they were all card-carrying Iraq war cheerleaders.

I get that many of the individual writers involved in bashing Jeb this week were not the same writers who whored for the Bush administration back in the day. (Although some of them were. Chait in March of 2003 went on Hardball and told the world, "I don't think you can argue that a regime change in Iraq won't demonstrably and almost immediately improve the living conditions of the Iraqi people." And Rosenthal, of course, was Judith Miller's editor.)

But the individuals aren't the issue. It's the general notion that the Iraq War issue was some kind of tough intellectual call that we all needed hindsight to sort out. It wasn't, and we didn't.

It was obvious even back then, to anyone who made the faintest effort to look at the situation honestly, that the invasion was doomed, wrong, and a joke. 

Do people not remember this stuff? George Bush got on television on October 7th, 2002 and told the entire country that Saddam Hussein was thinking of using "unmanned aerial vehicles" for "missions targeting the United States." 

Only a handful of news outlets at the time, most of them tiny Internet sites, bothered to point out that such "UAVs" had a range of about 300 miles, while Iraq was 6,000 miles from New York.

What was the plan – Iraqi frogmen swimming poison-filled drones onto Block Island?

This fantasy was silly when the scare story was Red Dawn and our enemy was the technologically advanced Soviet Union. But to have the president of the United States trot that one out about busted-down Iraq in a national address, and not have him immediately pilloried by the entire national press corps, was incredible.

The Iraq invasion was always an insane exercise in brainless jingoism that could only be intellectually justified after accepting a series of ludicrous suppositions.

First you had to accept a fictional implied connection between Saddam Hussein and 9/11. Then you had to buy that this heavily-sanctioned secular dictator (and confirmed enemy of Islamic radicals) would be a likely sponsor of radical Islamic terror. Then after that you had to accept that Saddam even had the capability of supplying terrorists with weapons that could hurt us (the Bush administration's analysts famously squinted so hard their faces turned inside out trying to see that one).

And then, after all that, you still had to buy that all of these factors together added up to a threat so imminent that it justified the immediate mass sacrifice of American and Iraqi lives.

It was absurd, a whole bunch of maybes piled on top of a perhaps and a theoretically possible or two. O.J.'s lawyers would have been embarrassed by it.

I don't believe that most of the otherwise smart people who supported the war back then, from Hillary Clinton to the editorial boards of our major newspapers, bought any of this. What did happen is that a lot of people got caught up in the politics of the situation and didn't have the backbone to opt out. They didn't want to look weak, un-American, or "against the troops," at least not in public, so they sat out the debate and got behind the president.

That's why the lambasting of Jeb Bush by all of these media voices grinds a little. At least plenty of Republicans sincerely thought the war was a good idea. But I know a lot of my colleagues in the media saw through the war from day one.

The bulk of them hid behind the morons in our business, people like Tom Friedman and David Brooks and Jeffrey "I trusted the Germans" Goldberg, frontline pundits who were pushed forward to do the dirty work, the hardcore pom-pom stuff.

Many others, particularly the editors, quietly sat by and let lie after lie spill onto their papers' pages, telling themselves that this wasn't wrong or a mistake until years later, when we found out for sure the WMD thing was a canard.

Now a lot of these same people are green-lighting stories about how wrong Jeb Bush is for not admitting to what is at last obvious, "knowing what we know now." But forget what we know now. We knew then, but we're just not admitting it.


e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
<< Start < Prev 2451 2452 2453 2454 2455 2456 2457 2458 2459 2460 Next > End >>

Page 2460 of 3432

THE NEW STREAMLINED RSN LOGIN PROCESS: Register once, then login and you are ready to comment. All you need is a Username and a Password of your choosing and you are free to comment whenever you like! Welcome to the Reader Supported News community.

RSNRSN