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Obama's Deadly Cold War Legacy Print
Monday, 13 July 2015 08:17

Parry writes: "President Obama is endangering his legacy by letting neoconservatives still set his foreign policy, including the creation of a new and costly Cold War with Russia that could have been easily avoided and that now risks spinning off into a nuclear showdown."

Obama meets Ukraine's president, Petro Poroshenko, at NATO summit in Wales. (photo: CBS)
Obama meets Ukraine's president, Petro Poroshenko, at NATO summit in Wales. (photo: CBS)


Obama's Deadly Cold War Legacy

By Robert Parry, Consortium News

13 July 15

 

President Obama is endangering his legacy by letting neoconservatives still set his foreign policy, including the creation of a new and costly Cold War with Russia that could have been easily avoided and that now risks spinning off into a nuclear showdown, writes Robert Parry.

hatever positive legacy that President Barack Obama might point to – the first African-American president, the Affordable Care Act, the changed social attitudes on gay rights, etc. – his ultimate legacy may be defined more by his reckless stewardship guiding the United States into a wholly unnecessary new Cold War.

The costs of this Cold War II will be vast, emptying out what’s left of the U.S. Treasury in a new arms race against Russia, assuming that the new East-West showdown doesn’t precipitate a nuclear war that could end all life on the planet. Already, the United States military has altered its national security policies to treat Russia as the principal foreign threat.

“If you want to talk about a nation that could pose an existential threat to the United States, I’d have to point to Russia,” said General Joseph F. Dunford Jr., at Senate hearings on his nomination to be the new chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. “And if you look at their [the Russians’] behavior, it’s nothing short of alarming.”

Dunford also recommended shipping U.S. weapons to the post-coup regime in Ukraine so it can better prosecute its war against ethnic Russian rebels in the east who have resisted the overthrow of elected President Viktor Yanukovych and have been deemed “terrorists” by the U.S.-backed government in Kiev.

“Frankly,” Dunford said on Thursday, “without that kind of support, they [the new powers-that-be in Ukraine] are not going to be able to defend themselves against Russian aggression.”

Which may prove that no one in Official Washington grasps the concept of irony any more. While Dunford sticks to the propaganda line about “Russian aggression” and the Kiev regime wages its “anti-terror operation” against the ethnic Russians in the east, we now know that Kiev has dispatched a military force spearheaded by neo-Nazis, who are eager to ethnically cleanse those ethnic Russians from Ukraine, and Islamic jihadists with links to Islamic State terrorists.

So, if you want to talk about “aggression” and “terrorism,” you might start with the inconvenient truth that the U.S.-beloved government of Ukraine – which supposedly “shares our values” – is the first European state since World War II to dispatch Nazi storm troopers to kill other Europeans – and arguably the first ever to create a combined military force of Nazis and Islamic militants (described as “brothers” of the Islamic State). [See Consortiumnews.com’s “Ukraine Merges Nazis and Islamists.”]

Yet, when Russia helps these endangered ethnic Russians, who saw their elected president illegally ousted from office in a coup supported if not sponsored by the United States, that’s “Russian aggression.” And, when the ethnic Russians resist the new order, which has now sent Nazis and jihadists to kill them, it’s the ethnic Russians who are the “terrorists.”

To push the irony even further, while Dunford decried “Russian aggression” in connection with a civil war on Russia’s border, he openly declared that the U.S. military stands ready to bomb Iran — halfway around the world — to destroy its nuclear facilities. Asked if the U.S. military had that ability, Dunford said, “My understanding is that we do, senator.”

An Up-Is-Down World

In the up-is-down world that is now Official Washington, such extraordinary and profoundly dangerous statements draw only nodding approval from all the Important People. In part, that’s because President Obama has allowed so many false narratives to take hold regarding Russia, Iran and other nations that there is a Grimm’s Fairytale quality to it all.

But the most serious false narrative today is the one about “Russian aggression.” Whatever one thinks of Russian President Vladimir Putin, he did not initiate the Ukraine crisis; he reacted to a provocation by neoconservatives in the U.S. government, especially Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs Victoria Nuland, who sought a “regime change” on Russia’s border.

And, while there’s plenty of evidence to support the fact that the U.S. intervened in Ukraine, there is no evidence that Putin sought out this crisis or had any designs to recreate the Russian Empire, two key elements of the U.S. propaganda campaign. The truth is that by encouraging and instigating the violent Ukraine coup on Feb. 22, 2014, the Obama administration struck first.

Putin, who had been preoccupied with the Sochi Winter Olympics at the time, was caught off-guard and responded with an emergency national security meeting on Feb. 23 to decide on what steps were needed to protect the Russian strategic interests in Crimea, including the historic naval base at Sevastopol. He was reacting, not instigating.

It may be that President Obama was also surprised by the political crisis in Ukraine, since he also was preoccupied by a variety of other international hot spots, especially in the Middle East. Possibly, he and Secretary of State John Kerry had given too much leeway to Nuland to press for the destabilization of the Yanukovych government.

Nuland, the wife of arch-neocon Robert Kagan who famously promoted “regime change” in Iraq as a founder of the Project for the New American Century, pushed the envelope in Ukraine in the cause of achieving her own “regime change.” She even passed out cookies to anti-government protesters in Kiev’s Maidan square in fall 2013.

In December 2013, Nuland reminded  a group of Ukrainian business leaders that the United States had invested $5 billion in their “European aspirations.” Then, in early February 2014, Nuland was caught in a pre-coup phone call with U.S. Ambassador Geoffrey Pyatt discussing which Ukrainian politicians should be elevated in the new government.

“Yats is the guy,” Nuland said, referring to Arseniy Yatsenyuk, who indeed would become the post-coup prime minister. Dismissing the less aggressive European Union approach to the crisis, Nuland exclaimed, “Fuck the EU!” and pondered how to “glue this thing.” Pyatt wondered how to “midwife this thing.”

Based on this and other evidence, the reality of what happened in Ukraine was never hard to figure out. It was a coup with President Yanukovych forced to flee for his life on Feb. 22, 2014, and extra-constitutional steps then used to remove him as the nation’s leader. It was reminiscent of similar U.S.-orchestrated coups – Iran, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, etc.

But the increasingly unprofessional mainstream U.S. news media had already ditched even a pretense of journalistic objectivity. The media stuck white hats on the coup-makers and black hats on Yanukovych (and his ally Putin). The word “coup” became virtually forbidden in the U.S. news media along with any reference to the neo-Nazis who spearheaded the coup.

Any deviation from this “group think” opened you to charges of “Moscow stooge” or “Putin apologist.” Yet, there were a few people who still spoke frankly. George Friedman, the founder of the global intelligence firm Stratfor, described the overthrow of Yanukovych as “the most blatant coup in history.”

Why the Coup?

The motive for the coup was also not hard to divine. It was to deliver a powerful blow to Russia by forcing Ukraine out of Russia’s economic orbit and thus undermine popular support for Putin, all the better to build toward another “regime change” in Moscow.

The plan was laid out on Sept. 26, 2013, by National Endowment for Democracy President Carl Gershman, a major neocon paymaster who distributes more than $100 million a year in U.S. taxpayers’ money to undermine governments disfavored by the U.S. — or in Official Washington speak to engage in “democracy promotion.”

On the op-ed page of the neocon Washington Post, Gershman called Ukraine “the biggest prize” and an important interim step toward toppling Putin, who “may find himself on the losing end not just in the near abroad but within Russia itself.”

It’s also important to remember that in 2013 Putin had offended Washington’s powerful neocons by working with President Obama to avert a U.S. military strike against Syria over the mysterious sarin gas attack on Aug. 21, 2013, and by helping to bring Iran to the negotiating table over its nuclear program. In both cases, the neocons wanted to bomb those countries to provoke more “regime change.”

So, Putin’s peacemaking made him the new target – and especially his cooperation with Obama to reduce international tensions. Ukraine, with its neuralgic sensitivity for Russians as the historic route for bloody invasions, was the perfect wedge to drive between the two leaders.

Obama could have directed the confrontation in a less hostile direction by insisting on a more balanced presentation of the narrative. He could have recognized that the violent right-wing coup in Kiev provoked an understandable desire among the ethnic Russians of Crimea to secede from Ukraine, a sentiment reflected in the 96 percent vote in a referendum. The ethnic Russians in south and east Ukraine also had reason to fear the extreme Ukrainian nationalists in Kiev.

Instead, Obama bowed to the neocon storyline and bought into the rhetoric about a “Russian invasion.” Obama also could have told the American people that there was no credible intelligence suggesting that Putin had aggressive designs on eastern Europe. He could have tamped down the hysteria, but instead he helped fuel the frenzy..

Before long, the full firepower of U.S. propaganda arsenal was blasting away, enflaming a new Cold War. That effort was bolstered by the U.S. government pouring tens of millions of dollars into propaganda outlets, often disguised as “bloggers” or “citizen journalists.” The U.S. Agency for International Development alone estimates its budget for “media strengthening programs in over 30 countries” at $40 million annually.

USAID, working with billionaire George Soros’s Open Society, also funds the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, which engages in “investigative journalism” that usually goes after governments that have fallen into disfavor with the United States and then are singled out for accusations of corruption. The USAID-funded OCCRP also collaborates with Bellingcat, an online investigative website founded by blogger Eliot Higgins.

Higgins has spread misinformation on the Internet, including discredited claims implicating the Syrian government in the sarin attack in 2013 and directing an Australian TV news crew to what was clearly the wrong location for a video of a BUK anti-aircraft battery as it supposedly made its getaway to Russia after the shoot-down of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 in 2014.

Leveling with Americans

Obama could have neutralized much of this propaganda by revealing details about what U.S. intelligence agencies know about some of these pivotal events, but instead he has withheld any information that undercuts the preferred propaganda theme.

Regarding Ukraine, for instance, Obama could disclose what the U.S. government knows about whether the coup-makers, not Yanukovych, carried out the bloody sniper attack on Feb. 20, 2014, that killed dozens of police and protesters and set the stage for the coup on Feb. 22.

Obama also could release what the U.S. intelligence community knows about the Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 shoot-down on July 17, 2014, an incident that killed 298 people and further escalated tensions. In the first five days after the crash, Obama let his administration put out sketchy information implicating the ethnic Russian rebels and the Russian government.

However, as the CIA collected and analyzed more detailed data, the administration shut up. One source briefed on the findings told me that the reticence resulted from the intelligence analysts seeing evidence implicating a “rogue” element of the U.S.-backed Kiev regime, not the rebels. The source said that if Obama let the full story out, the entire Ukraine narrative might collapse.

So, by staying silent on these key questions – and preventing the U.S. intelligence community from telling the public what it knows – Obama has protected the earlier narratives that put the ethnic Russians and Moscow in the worst possible light. That propaganda has fed the fires of a new Cold War and exacerbated dangerous tensions between the two biggest nuclear powers.

Unless Obama somehow decides to change course – and level with the American people, rather than manipulate them – he will leave behind a grim legacy of a bloated military-industrial complex and a new Cold War.


Investigative reporter Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories for The Associated Press and Newsweek in the 1980s. You can buy his latest book, America’s Stolen Narrative, either in print here or as an e-book (from Amazon and barnesandnoble.com). You also can order Robert Parry’s trilogy on the Bush Family and its connections to various right-wing operatives for only $34. The trilogy includes America’s Stolen Narrative. For details on this offer, click here.

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Grexit May Have Been Avoided, but Divisions in Europe Are Growing Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=32907"><span class="small">Mary Anne Hitt, EcoWatch</span></a>   
Monday, 13 July 2015 08:12

Dejevsky writes: "While the Greece deal has averted an open split, old-fashioned geopolitics is pulling even longstanding EU members in different directions."

German chancellor Angela Merkel (right) demands greater austerity policies from Greece. (photo: Getty Images)
German chancellor Angela Merkel (right) demands greater austerity policies from Greece. (photo: Getty Images)


ALSO SEE: Stiglitz: 'Asking Even More From Greece Would Be Unconscionable.'

Grexit May Have Been Avoided, but Divisions in Europe Are Growing

By Mary Dejevsky, Guardian UK

13 July 15

 

While the Greece deal has averted an open split, old-fashioned geopolitics is pulling even longstanding EU members in different directions

hen European leaders emerged from more than 16 hours of talks to announce a deal that would keep Greece in the eurozone, three elements stood out. The first was the bleary-eyed appearance of almost everyone who took the platform, which was understandable, as talks expected to last a few hours had gone on right through the night.

The second was the absence from the formal press conferences of the man who was arguably the author of all the trouble, the Greek prime minister Alexis Tsipras. He spoke to journalists more informally a little later. But by then, it was clear that the symbolism had not lied.

Although couched in fairly careful language, subject to votes in the Greek parliament and with the proposed privatisation fund to be based in the country rather than – as originally suggested – abroad, the agreement reached deprives Greece of an enormous amount of its sovereignty. It may stop short of the “coup” mentioned at times overnight, but – unless the Greek parliament balks in coming days – Greece is no longer master of its own destiny.

And the third striking element was the recurrent use by EU leaders of the words “trust” and – still more indicatively – “unanimity”. The need for trust was easily explained: Germany, in particular, but not exclusively, has felt repeatedly let down by Greece and its failure to deliver on firm undertakings in the past. Angela Merkel was determined that this should not happen again, and was under pressure from both public opinion and her own MPs to return with cast-iron guarantees.

The emphasis on unanimity – by the president of the EU council Donald Tusk and the president of the commission Jean-Claude Juncker, among others, was more telling. On- and off-the-record statements before and during the overnight talks betrayed differences of opinion that went far beyond the longstanding duel between Berlin and Athens. Finland – which generally prefers a softly-softly approach to EU diplomacy – aligned itself publicly with Germany’s tough approach, as did Slovakia, another usually quiet eurozone state.

Far more significant, however, were differences that opened up between Germany and France. Until last night Angela Merkel and François Hollande had striven almost heroically to present a united front, visiting each other’s capitals for preparatory talks before almost every potentially contentious EU discussion on Greece. With Merkel rooted in the centre right and a staunch advocate of sound money, and Hollande in many ways an old-fashioned French socialist, less sympathetic to “austerity”, there was always room for differences in emphasis, but the two leaders appreciated the dangers in a rift at the heart of the eurozone and had been careful not to let them show.

With the “unanimous” agreement this morning, it would appear that the danger of an open split at Europe’s core has been averted, along with the risk of Grexit. But the tensions will remain, not only because philosophical instincts in northern and southern Europe on such matters as debt are so different, but because old-fashioned geopolitics is reasserting itself across the region, pulling even longstanding EU members in opposite directions.

The southern countries face the refugee crisis from across the Mediterranean; France has made a partial return to Africa, as a byproduct of the chaos in Libya. The countries to the north, and especially the east, are newly apprehensive about Russia, following events in Ukraine, but their fears are not entirely shared by the “new” Europeans further south, who are more concerned about their economic losses from anti-Russian sanctions.

The EU countries are suddenly looking outward in many different and divisive ways. Until now, though, the Franco-German alliance has remained constant, and the union, including the common currency, remains intact. Last night it was possible, if only fleetingly, to sense the perils that await if that centre cannot hold.


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The Bernie Sanders Moment Print
Monday, 13 July 2015 08:09

Gitlin writes: "The white-haired politician stands before 10,000 cheering supporters in Madison, Wis., and calls for 'political revolution,' denouncing a 'rigged economy' that produces 'a grotesque level of inequality,' returning to a theme that '60s radicals have long been trumpeting."

Vermont senator Bernie Sanders. (photo: unknown)
Vermont senator Bernie Sanders. (photo: unknown)


The Bernie Sanders Moment

By Todd Gitlin, The New York Times

13 July 15

 

he white-haired politician stands before 10,000 cheering supporters in Madison, Wis., and calls for “political revolution,” denouncing a “rigged economy” that produces “a grotesque level of inequality,” returning to a theme that ’60s radicals have long been trumpeting.

It may have seemed, only a few years ago, that the ’60s radical moment was consigned to documentaries on Woodstock, pushed out of the spotlight for Occupy Wall Street and a new generation of activists to enter stage left. But here it is again. And it is perfectly timed to crusade against what Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont, who is seeking the Democratic presidential nomination, calls an “oligarchy.”

In Mr. Sanders’s run — and in the absence of a White House bid from Senator Elizabeth Warren — progressives have found a candidate they can support wholeheartedly. To understand the moment that the 73-year-old Mr. Sanders is enjoying, we have to see how he got here, waiting for national politics to catch up.

READ MORE


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Serena Williams: We're Lucky to Be Living in Her Time Print
Monday, 13 July 2015 08:04

Graham writes: "Racism and sexism are for real, but Serena has overcome this double burden with a grace and composure taught only in classrooms. She's a real American hero."

Serena Williams celebrates her sixth Wimbledon title on Saturday. (photo: Rex Shutterstock/BPI)
Serena Williams celebrates her sixth Wimbledon title on Saturday. (photo: Rex Shutterstock/BPI)


Serena Williams: We're Lucky to Be Living in Her Time

By Bryan Armen Graham, Guardian UK

13 July 15

 

Racism and sexism are for real, but Serena has overcome this double burden with a grace and composure taught only in classrooms. She’s a real American hero

t’s been said the black woman in American society has two strikes against her: being born a woman and being born black. No demographic has been more marginalized, oppressed and subjugated throughout the country’s 239-year history.

Which is why Serena Jameka Williams, now beyond any reasonable dispute the greatest ever women’s tennis player after capturing a sixth Wimbledon title and 21st major championship overall on Saturday, is transcending sport into a space we’re only beginning to reckon – past the Jordans, Gretzkys and Messis into the rarified air of Muhammad Ali and Jackie Robinson.

The 33-year-old now holds all four grand slam titles simultaneously, an achievement so rare it became eponymously associated with her – the “Serena Slam” – when she first managed it more than 12 years ago. Yet she remains the ultimate outsider, hardly less today than when she burst on the scene as a braided teenager nearly two decades ago: a black female Jehovah’s Witness from Compton re-writing the record book of a sport predominantly owned, played and watched by affluent white people.

This is the ultimate American folk tale – and it’s still being written in real time.

Those re-examining Williams’s extraordinary narrative from positions of privilege may be tempted to downplay the double burdens she’s overcome with the brand of grace and composure we’d only been taught about in classrooms. Not in 2015, they say.

Take a look around. Only this week did the Confederate flag come down in South Carolina. Bill Cosby is finally being investigated for serial rape after how many years? Racism and sexism are for real.

And it’s not just the white middle class that’s threatened by an unapologetically strong black female beating them at their own game. Just turn on the radio – For Everybody by Juicy J and Wiz, I Don’t Mind by Usher – for everyday instances of black culture hating on black women.

Let not the knee-jerk deluge of plaudits seduce us into slighting Serena’s struggle. She fought her way onto the stage amid resistance, derision and criticism from all corners. An open letter in Tennis Magazine from Chris Evert (white woman) in 2006 doubting her commitment, a 2007 eulogy by Pat Cash (white man) declaring her washed up, a breathtaking 2009 screed by Jason Whitlock (black man) that demeaned Williams in sexualized, animalistic language so wildly inappropriate it reads like satire. A federation official (white woman) one day, the sport’s broadcasting commentariat (almost exclusively white) the next.

Even on the morning of Saturday’s final, a New York Times story on women’s tennis and body-image issues – which couldn’t have talked around race more if it had tried – intimated that Serena’s competitors aren’t as good because they “choose” not to be, running with the presumption that being muscular makes you less than a woman.

More sinister are the nameless, faceless critics lurking on social media and comments sections, giving voice to a society’s most hateful impulses. What top champion in any sport has received a fraction of the snide remarks that Williams routinely weathers?

It’s never been just about tennis with Serena. Which makes her leverage of her twin burdens, while dominating three separate eras of conventionally attractive women from far more advantaged backgrounds, all the more heroic. How fortunate she was to find a binary platform – the ball is in or out – where not even the elemental forces aligned against her could deny her what’s rightfully hers, a justice not afforded far too many black women in society. They cannot touch her.

So on she goes, winning major titles with a metronomic efficiency, as self-assured today as the 17-year-old girl who fielded a congratulatory phone call from President Clinton after winning her first major title more than a decade and a half ago. And the most preposterous thought is, at 33, she’s better than ever.

Only Floyd Mayweather can offer an adequate, if unlikely, comparison to Serena’s sustained dominance and unapologetic blackness.

Both turned professional in the mid-1990s and almost immediately soared to the top of unforgiving individual sports, where competitors exist in an unsparingly exposed state and all but the strongest of mind and body wash out. Both have gone about their work with a rugged individualism, supplementing divine natural gifts with untold hours of hard work and dedication behind the scenes. Both have passed the litmus test of the greatest champions, winning titles when they’re young and keeping them till they’re old: Mayweather, a world champion for nearly half his life, while Williams has now won grand slam titles in her teens (one), twenties (12) and thirties (eight, a record).

And disproportionately broad segments of America, either privately or otherwise, want both to lose.

Yet the crucial differences between the two most dominant athletes of their generation show Serena’s getting a rawer deal. Mayweather is a serial batterer of women who actively embraces the role of race-baiting pantomime villain in the self-interest of souring the crowd to sweeten the gate, while Serena has done nothing even remotely criminal or even deliberately offensive. All she’s done is win and not be sorry for it. Those hell-bent enough to find character flaws could point to moments of iffy sportsmanship early in her career, especially after losses. Yet she’s made demonstrable strides in that area, which is even more admirable than if she’d been perfect all along because people generally don’t change. Today she’s the exemplar of grace and graciousness in victory or defeat.

Mayweather in recent years has embraced the hashtag-friendly honorific #TBE – The Best Ever – as a self-appointed talisman of his greatness. While such bluster may be more imperative in a trade that demands a greater degree of self-promotion than any other, it’s a superlative that Serena has managed to realize more comprehensively – and with inestimably finer tact.

We are lucky to be living in the age of Serena Williams. Only in time will it become stupidly obvious, a cultural truism, a trajectory not unlike Ali’s path from enemy of the state and champion of the disenfranchised to universally acknowledged icon. Only because the arc of history bends toward justice do we know that, years from now, everyone will act like they backed her all along. But you’ll know better. Because you were there.


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Willie Nelson And Jimmy Carter: Our Real American Heroes Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=35553"><span class="small">Malcolm Jones, The Daily Beast</span></a>   
Sunday, 12 July 2015 13:34

Jones writes: "If time has slowed either of these gentlemen, it would be hard to say how. Each man is clearly up and at it every day."

Willie Nelson and Jimmy Carter (illustration: Sarah Rogers/The Daily Beast)
Willie Nelson and Jimmy Carter (illustration: Sarah Rogers/The Daily Beast)


Willie Nelson and Jimmy Carter: Our Real American Heroes

By Malcolm Jones, The Daily Beast

12 July 15

 

Two new autobiographies by two inexhaustible men reveal a roadmap for the richest kind of life

or a couple of weeks now, I have been enjoying the easygoing and remarkably addictive pleasure of Django and Jimmy, the new album by Willie Nelson and Merle Haggard. The title cut celebrates a pair of formative influences, Django Reinhardt and Jimmie Rodgers, and I could have stood a few tracks covering the work of those artists (Willie did put Django’s “Nuages” on a recent album and frequently performs it in concert). But this isn’t really a concept album. Instead, it’s just two great musicians having fun. Or should I say, still having fun. Merle is 78. Willie is 82. They could do anything they like—including nothing at all—at this stage of their illustrious careers. But they’ve chosen to make music, writing songs and performing actively. And thank goodness for that.

At the same time, I’ve also been reading the latest Willie Nelson autobiography, It’s a Long Story: My Life (the first version, Willie, appeared in 1988), as well as the autobiography of former President Jimmy Carter, A Full Life: Reflections at Ninety.

Both Nelson and Carter have indeed led long, full lives, and both clearly believe those lives are far from over. Carter ends his book talking about spending more time on his painting and woodworking—things he can do, he says, when he slows down and can no longer build houses for Habitat for Humanity, or go skiing, or broker another peace agreement. Willie ends a little more poetically, noting that even coming home is the beginning of another journey.

(I know it looks awkward to call one man by his first name and the other by his last, but it just feels dead wrong to call Willie anything but Willie, and never mind that I don’t know him any better than you do. And calling Jimmy Carter Jimmy sounds presumptuous, if not disrespectful. So from here on it’s Willie and Carter, and consistency be damned.)

If time has slowed either of these gentlemen, it would be hard to say how. Each man is clearly up and at it every day. Upon leaving the presidency in 1981, Carter quickly founded the Carter Center in Atlanta, which was initially a forum for crisis mediation around the globe before becoming one of the foremost NGOs in the fight against diseases in the Third World. As he writes, “I was not interested in just building a museum or storing my White House records and memorabilia; I wanted a place where we could work.” He has also been a highly visible volunteer with Habitat, and written countless books on subjects including public policy, his childhood, women’s rights, and nature, as well as books of poetry and even fiction: The Hornet’s Nest, about the American Revolution, is the only novel ever written by a president, and it’s not half bad. Typically, after people asked him repeatedly if he ever just kicked back and had fun, he wrote a book about that (downhill skiing, mountain climbing, birdwatching, and fly fishing).

Hard work is a constant theme in Carter’s life, whether it be farming, political campaigning, or mediating some international dispute. The child who took shorthand in school is father to the man who undertook a speed reading course when he reached the White House. But work, in Carter’s life, is never separated from learning something new, and learning is never separated from purpose. Perhaps this comes from the way he grew up. In the Depression-era South, if you wanted food, you grew it. If you wanted furniture, you built it. Self-sufficiency was not an ideal, it was simple reality.

A Southern boy like Carter, Willie grew up in rural Texas doing his share of farm work, too. In his case, of course, music was a much bigger part of life right from the start (his grandmother, who raised him and his sister, Bobbie, was the town’s music teacher). But here again, the principle of self-sufficiency held sway: if you wanted music, you made it yourself.

So, while Willie may be everybody’s favorite poster boy for kicking back, don’t be fooled. In his golden years, the man who early in life almost singlehandedly upended the Nashville sound (countrypolitan strings and woowoo choruses) has become legal marijuana’s most visible and eloquent proponent and the driving force behind Farm Aid—the annual concert that raises money to help the nation’s family farms—all while pursuing a recording and performing career that makes me tired just reading about it. Since turning 80, he writes, he’s “written a couple of dozen new songs, recorded five new albums, and performed over three hundred live concerts.” He left out the part about writing a new memoir.

No surprise, Willie’s book is the more entertaining of the two, although Carter gets points for writing his all by himself (Willie had a ghostwriter). But both are worth anyone’s time, because both are such clear expressions of the men who wrote them. Willie is a loquacious storyteller with a disarming knack for self-effacement. Carter is more clipped, more reserved—the truth of the matter often lies in things he doesn’t say, perhaps because that’s the way he was raised (when his father was upset about something or disagreed with something someone said, he would silently get up and leave the room). When Carter is fond of someone, e.g., Jerry Ford or George H.W. Bush, he says so wholeheartedly. Of his more strained relationships with, say, the Clinton or Obama White Houses, he maintains a discreet if not icy silence.

He is more forthcoming, and more than once, about his sexist attitudes as a husband over the years, when he would unilaterally decide to, say, run for state senate without consulting his wife. Crossing Rosalynn Carter, one gathers, is not something you do unthinkingly, at least not more than once.  

The conventional wisdom denigrates Carter’s presidency and extols the man, but no one ever asks the obvious question: if a decent, hardworking, intelligent man can be great but can’t be a great president, isn’t there something wrong with the way we think about the presidency?

As for Willie, he may have led a messier life (four marriages, trouble with the IRS), but he’s the man who gave us “Crazy,” “Night Life,” and “Funny How Times Slips Away,” tunes that still remind us just how subtly artful—and how moving—good country songs can be.

At a time when genuine American heroes are hard to find, I’d say Jimmy Carter and Willie Nelson are as close as it gets and better than most. Neither man is falsely modest, but neither is full of himself. Both are still full of wonder—at the world and at what they’ve done in it. As Willie muses about his songwriting, “When songs fall from the sky … all I can do is catch them before they land. They are mysterious gifts [that] strip me bare and leave me amazed … Did I really write these songs, or am I just a channel chosen by the Holy Spirit to express these feelings?”

Men of faith, men of action, contemplative men who believe in getting things done and helping the downtrodden wherever and however they can—if I had to instruct kids coming along about where to look for heroes, I’d start with these books, which in their very different ways are like roadmaps for rich, useful lives.

And if an extraterrestrial were to approach me and ask, what does America have to show for itself, I wouldn’t hesitate. Ray Charles might be dead, I’d say, but Jimmy Carter and Willie Nelson still walk the planet. And if you think can do better than that, then let me introduce you to Dolly Parton.


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