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It's Time to Accept That School Won't Be Normal in the Fall Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=47307"><span class="small">Anna North, Vox</span></a>   
Monday, 09 August 2021 12:37

North writes: "Not too long ago, it seemed possible that the 2021-22 school year would be a 'normal' one for American kids."

A student enters Heliotrope Avenue Elementary in Maywood, California, on April 13, 2021. (photo: Brittany Murray/MediaNews Group/Long Beach Press-Telegram/Getty Images)
A student enters Heliotrope Avenue Elementary in Maywood, California, on April 13, 2021. (photo: Brittany Murray/MediaNews Group/Long Beach Press-Telegram/Getty Images)


It's Time to Accept That School Won't Be Normal in the Fall

By Anna North, Vox

09 August 21


But we can still make this pandemic school year better than the last.

ot too long ago, it seemed possible that the 2021-22 school year would be a “normal” one for American kids. Parents and experts alike hoped that vaccination rates among adults would drive down community spread of Covid-19 to manageable levels. There was talk that vaccines for younger kids would arrive, giving them the same protection as adults.

But now fall is upon us, and neither of these things has happened. A combination of lagging vaccination rates and the spread of the delta variant means that a majority of counties in America are considered to be at “substantial” or greater risk of Covid-19 transmission, according to the CDC. Vaccine approval for kids under 12 could still be months away. All of that poses big challenges for school districts that are planning to welcome students back in person, five days a week.

The challenges aren’t insurmountable, though. Perhaps the biggest feat is for lawmakers, school officials, employers, families — indeed, everyone involved — to accept that the pandemic is not over, and act accordingly.

Many public health experts say masking, virus testing, and other mitigation factors can make a return to in-person school safe and feasible, but the problem is many districts are not requiring masks this year — and some states are even forbidding mask mandates in schools. Add to that the fact that vaccinations lag far behind the rate experts say is necessary to curb spread, with rates especially low in some of the same places that won’t be requiring masks.

Then there is the concern for children’s health and the ongoing disruption to family life. While most children are not at high risk for severe Covid-19, and the availability of vaccines for adults — which dramatically reduce the risk of hospitalization and death from the virus — may blunt the impact of school outbreaks, parents are still understandably concerned about their kids getting sick. The constant quarantines if caseloads are high in schools also place a big burden on working parents, many of whom lack paid sick leave and have spent much of the past 18 months trying to manage remote school while holding down a job.

That’s especially true for mothers, who have borne the brunt of child care and homeschool duties throughout the pandemic. “I’m hearing a lot of moms panicking,” Robin Lake, director of the Center on Reinventing Public Education, a research organization at the University of Washington, told Vox.

There are solutions that could make schools safer and family life more livable this fall — from masks in schools to employer policies that allow flexibility to care for a child. As Kanecia Zimmerman, a professor of pediatrics at Duke University who has studied Covid-19 in schools, told Vox, “We can do this, and we can do this safely.” But these solutions will require a level of coordination, political will, and acceptance of the reality of the situation that, during the many months of this pandemic, haven’t always been in evidence.

Here’s what experts say schools need in the delta era

The delta variant has thrown a wrench into everyone’s plans for this school year. But the good news about delta, if there is good news, is that strategies developed for older variants of the virus should still be effective to fight it. The most effective, experts say, are vaccines.

For teachers, staff, parents, and children 12 and over, vaccines are important for Covid-19 safety in all settings. “Everyone, regardless of whether they’re in school or not, who is eligible for the vaccine, should just be getting the vaccine,” Yvonne Maldonado, a professor of global health and infectious diseases at Stanford University, told Vox. “This virus is not going to go anywhere until we have a highly, highly vaccinated community.”

For children under 12, though, vaccines may not be available until mid-winter, so for now, the best protection is masking. Schools that used masks well were still able to keep transmission low last year, Maldonado emphasized. And masks still work against delta, Zimmerman said, but with the variant more transmissible, it’s more critical than ever for schools to be meticulous about compliance. “It can’t be that there’s a slippage, or it’s hanging down at your chin for 10 minutes.”

Schools should practice distancing — the CDC recommends 3 feet, if possible — but not at the cost of keeping kids on hybrid or remote schedules, Zimmerman said. “It’s better to have people in the school building than not.” If schools can’t adhere to distancing, masking compliance becomes even more important.

Proper ventilation can be helpful too, though there’s not yet perfect data on exactly what that means, Zimmerman said. Experts do know that Covid-19 transmission is much less likely outdoors, so schools should do what they can to mimic an outdoor environment, such as opening windows. But even some urban schools in North Carolina with decades-old ventilation systems still managed to keep transmission low, she said. Their secret: “They were very adherent to masking.”

Overall, schools will need to be vigilant about face coverings until their surrounding communities achieve a combination of high vaccination rates and low rates of community spread, Zimmerman said. Before delta, “we were talking over 70 percent” as a vaccination threshold; now, she said, “we may be talking over 80 percent.” Measures of community spread are a little harder to pin down, but the CDC’s standard for “lower” transmission — less than 20 new cases per 100,000 people over the last 14 days — could be one benchmark. “The combination of those two things is likely a scenario where things would be safe enough to eliminate masking,” Zimmerman said.

Where we actually are as we head into fall

Unfortunately, the country isn’t where it needs to be when it comes to vaccines or masks. Vaccination rates have picked up across the country in recent days, likely in response to fears about delta, but many areas remain far off target. In Missouri, for example, just 41 percent of people are fully vaccinated. Rates like that coupled with the transmissibility of the delta variant have led to high levels of community spread across much of the US.

Schools can stay open even in areas of high community spread, experts say — if everyone wears masks. But mask policies in schools remain a mixed bag. Of the 100 school districts tracked by CRPE, about a third plan to require masks, a third will make them optional, and a third have yet to announce a policy, Lake said.

Many of the same areas with low rates of vaccination also lack mask mandates in schools — and eight states outright ban such mandates. In Arkansas, for example, just 37 percent of people are fully vaccinated, and cases are surging. But a state law passed earlier this year bans districts from requiring masks.

That leaves parents worried for their kids’ safety. “I just feel like they have taken away the only tool they have for the younger kids who can’t get vaccinated,” Arkansas mom Jennifer Carter told NBC News. (The ban has been challenged in court, and last Friday, a judge temporarily blocked it.)

For families who don’t feel confident in their school’s mitigation measures, it’s not clear if remote options will be available. Many districts, like New York City, have said they will not allow students to choose full-time remote learning in the fall, even though a large number of families, especially in communities of color, have said they prefer remote learning for now.

Quarantines and testing protocols are another big unknown. With community rates of Covid-19 high going into the fall, cases are bound to pop up in schools. In the past, that’s meant quarantines and closures of classes, grades, and even whole schools for up to 10 days — a move that aimed to reduce the spread of the virus but also caused disruption for parents and students alike. The CDC now says that as long as all students are masked and maintain 3 feet of distance, students do not need to quarantine from school if exposed to an infected student. However, some districts, such as Los Angeles, are still planning to require quarantines regardless of masking, Zimmerman said.

And in districts that don’t offer a remote option, it’s not clear how students will be able to learn if they’re sent home to quarantine. “There is no contingency plan in most places as far as I can tell,” Lake said.

Across the country, planning for the fall remains a patchwork, with guidance from state governments limited and issues like masks highly politicized. Advice from the CDC, too, “has been pretty slow in coming and fairly hands-off,” Lake said.

Despite more than a year of experience with pandemic learning, this summer looks a lot like last summer, she added, when many districts rushed toward normalcy without adequate plans for how to backtrack. “It is shocking to me that we’re in the situation that we’re in,” she said. “But on the other hand, it feels very, very familiar.”

Here’s what that means for families

It’s not yet clear whether the delta variant causes more severe disease in children than earlier versions of the virus, Zimmerman said. In general, delta’s impact on severity is still being studied. But since it’s more transmissible, more children are catching it, and some of them will become severely ill. “Kids get sick” from Covid-19, Zimmerman said. “That has never been a question.”

That’s not a reason to keep schools closed, Zimmerman said. Shutting school buildings again “should be the absolute last thing that people do.” But failing to use the tools we know work, like masks, puts kids — and adults — needlessly at risk. As Zimmerman put it, delta shouldn’t change the calculus around schools unless “people are not going to do the things that are necessary to protect children and protect staff.”

And while kids getting sick is a major worry on parents’ minds, it’s not the only one. They also have to contend with the uncertainty inherent in another year of pandemic schooling. For students, another year of subpar planning for quarantines and remote options could mean more instruction time lost, already a big concern among education experts. After two school years impacted by Covid-19, “the academic losses are really high,” Lake said.

For parents, meanwhile, another year of quarantines means another year when they may be unable to work for days or even weeks at a time because a child can’t go to school. Known Covid-19 exposures aren’t the only issue. The ordinary coughs and colds that are part of children’s lives have taken on a new seriousness, with parents often needing to pull kids out of school for multiple days until they can get a negative Covid-19 test.

And the burden of these pandemic-era school disruptions tends to fall disproportionately on moms. In one survey last October, 63 percent of mothers said they were primarily responsible for their children’s online schooling, compared with just 29 percent of dads. Over the last 16 months, “Who was figuring out the schooling situation? Moms. Who were the main communications going to? Moms,” Susannah Lago, a mother of two and founder of the group Working Moms of Milwaukee, said. “That’s really hard.”

Women have disproportionately dropped out of the workforce over the last year, with child care likely a factor. After all, mothers with kids under 12 spent an average of eight hours a day on child care last year, the equivalent of a full-time job. And many say that ongoing uncertainty over school in the fall is keeping them from going back to work. “I can’t ask in an interview: ‘Do you mind if I take off two weeks with no notice,’” Bee Thorp, a mother of two in Virginia, told the New York Times.

For those still working, meanwhile, the delta variant and schools’ inconsistent policies just mean even more of the juggling, stress, and confusion that some hoped they’d left behind when the vaccines arrived. Parents are saying, “I can’t do this again,” Lake said.

Making the coming school year safer starts with letting go of “normal”

The situation this fall isn’t what anybody hoped for. But there are still ways for district officials and other decision-makers to help students, staff, and families have the best school year possible. The first is, very simply, to follow the science.

For now, that means masks in schools, Maldonado said. In places where state or city officials haven’t mandated masks, districts may need to take the lead. “If they go beyond what the states or the counties are mandating, then so be it,” Maldonado added. “They may need to be the guardians of the safety of their children.”

That could be a challenge in places where mask mandates are banned. But at least four school districts in Florida have said they will require masks in the fall, in defiance of the state’s ban, according to the Washington Post. “Now is a good time for folks to kind of dig deep and really think about what are student interests and what do we have to do to protect those interests,” Lake said.

Promoting vaccines — not just in schools but around the country — is also crucial, public health experts say. So far, few districts are planning to mandate vaccines for students or staff, and some teachers’ unions have opposed mandates. But even without a mandate, parents can help protect themselves and their communities by making sure they and any eligible older children get the vaccine. “Get everyone in your family who can be vaccinated vaccinated so that you can, at least, protect your bubble as much as you possibly can,” Zimmerman said.

Beyond mitigation measures, districts need to communicate with parents clearly and with as much notice as possible about what they can expect for the fall, Lake said. “As the pandemic has shown us, they’ve got to be able to respond to changing conditions quickly and communicate to families how that’s going to work.”

Meanwhile, employers will need to be understanding of the fact that for working parents, this fall won’t be back to normal. They need plans in place to make sure workers can take time off if their kids are home from school, and they need to offer mental health support to parents who are dealing with the stresses of a pandemic for yet another year. More than anything, they need to demonstrate the same level of flexibility that families are being asked to show in dealing with the uncertainties of school in the Covid-19 era.

“That goes two ways,” Lago said. It’s “not just families being flexible for Covid; it’s employers being very flexible to support the people that make their company run.”

Indeed, everyone involved may need to acknowledge that, yet again, school isn’t going to look the way it did before the pandemic, and everyone needs to plan for that. “Let’s not pretend that things are back to normal,” Lake said. “We’re not out of this yet.”

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The Fight for Palestine's Sheikh Jarrah Isn't Over Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=60424"><span class="small">Hamza Alli Hamza, Jacobin</span></a>   
Monday, 09 August 2021 12:37

Hamza writes: "The Israeli Supreme Court's verdict on the Sheikh Jarrah evictions, which set off huge protests in Palestine earlier this year, was deferred this week. But the deal offered to Palestinians shows that Israel is still intent on dispossessing them."

Demonstrations in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood demand an end to Israeli settlement activity and displacement on July 30, 2021. (photo: Ahmad Gharabli/AFP/Getty Images)
Demonstrations in the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood demand an end to Israeli settlement activity and displacement on July 30, 2021. (photo: Ahmad Gharabli/AFP/Getty Images)


The Fight for Palestine's Sheikh Jarrah Isn't Over

By Hamza Alli Hamza, Jacobin

09 August 21


The Israeli Supreme Court’s verdict on the Sheikh Jarrah evictions, which set off huge protests in Palestine earlier this year, was deferred this week. But the deal offered to Palestinians shows that Israel is still intent on dispossessing them.

n May this year, the Israeli Supreme Court threatened to uphold the eviction of six families from the Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood of East Jerusalem in favor of Israeli settlers.

This injustice had a galvanizing effect among supporters of the families, giving rise to mounting protests in the local region, in pockets of the occupied Palestinian territories, and, later, around the world. The court postponed the hearing as a result.

When the anger intensified and the demonstrations increased, the Israeli security forces reacted with the language of aggression in which they have become proficient. Israeli forces stormed Jerusalem’s Al-Aqsa Mosque — a sacred site in Islam — during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan, firing tear gas and stun grenades at stone-throwing Palestinians.

When Hamas fired retaliatory rockets, Israel embarked on an eleven-day pounding of the isolated Gaza enclave. A Human Rights Watch investigation concluded that Israel’s violence amounted to war crimes. At least 248 Palestinians were killed and many more injured as homes and vital infrastructure in the impoverished territory were obliterated, compounding a paralyzing state of affairs for its residents, who have already spent fourteen years under Israel’s blockade.

Fast forward a few months and a court hearing regarding the small Palestinian neighborhood in East Jerusalem is again at the center of spiking tensions.

On Monday, a final verdict on the expulsion of Palestinian families was deferred. However, Israel’s highest court proposed an offer whereby the Palestinian residents would be granted a form of protected tenancy and avoid being evicted on the condition that they relinquish any claims of ownership over the homes and land in the district. Simply put, Palestinian people living in Palestinian houses are being told by the Israeli court that to avoid being evicted they must effectively become paying tenants to Israeli settlers.

The Times of Israel newspaper referred to the court decision as a “compromise.” The reality is that the proposal corroborates the consensus of an increasing number of human rights organizations that Israel is an apartheid regime which seeks to monopolize control over the Palestinian demographic.

When Palestinians are not forcibly displaced, their experiences are made deliberately punishing. Today, Sheikh Jarrah remains under blockade, with endless restrictions intended to suffocate the lives of the Palestinians who reside there. Armed settlers roam freely, often using their privilege to stoke violence. In June, Israeli settlers injured at least nine Palestinians, including four girls, sparking further disorder which then injured at least another twenty Palestinians. Local Israeli police joined in, using stun grenades and rubber-coated bullets and spraying skunk water.

Their experience is not an anomaly. The situation in Sheikh Jarrah is a microcosm of the experience of all the Palestinians living under Israel’s uncompromising settler-colonial project — and these events take place at the behest of the authorities, not despite them.

In fact, a common theme in areas with a big settler presence is the Israeli state working in tandem with the settlers to make the lives of Palestinians uncomfortable and humiliating. A new report has shown that Israel’s security forces are complicit in a “drastic surge” of violence committed by settlers against Palestinians in the occupied West Bank.

Meanwhile, Israel’s government regularly plays down any state involvement on matters pertaining to eviction, working to portray the matter as a real estate dispute between private parties. But the state’s colonial dispositions are entrenched within all such actions — so even if the state is technically out of the equation, laws exist which keep the status quo in check, and other institutions singing from the same discriminatory hymn sheet assume responsibility. The outcome is usually the same: injustice.

Israel’s Absentees’ Property Law of 1950 is a case in point. It regulates the treatment of property belonging to the 750,000 Palestinians who were forcibly displaced in 1948, meaning they have no legal avenue for reclaiming property left behind. Jews, on the other hand, are able to regain property they owned prior to 1948, especially in East Jerusalem neighborhoods like Sheikh Jarrah. Israeli authorities are then more than happy to facilitate the process by evicting Palestinian residents and paving the way for settlers. Sometimes living neighborhoods are demolished to clear space for other types of facilities: as Leila Sackur recently wrote in Tribune, residents of East Jerusalem’s Silwan neighborhood recently received demolition orders — which require them to destroy their own homes or face fines of around $6,000 — to make way for a biblical theme park.

In healthy democracies, judiciaries are supposed to be independent from the government and have a constitutional responsibility to provide fair and impartial justice. But Palestinian justice is anathema to the Israeli courts — and those courts’ institutional discrimination and expansionist laws, coupled with their state’s propensity for violence, has instead fertilized and sustained an ecosystem of colonial domination.

The fight to save the homes of the families in Sheikh Jarrah has not yet been lost. Even if it is, we must continue to push for justice — for them and for all the Palestinians who have endured this pain for far too long.

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RSN: Corporate Liberalism Is No Match for Trumpism Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=48990"><span class="small">Norman Solomon, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Monday, 09 August 2021 11:44

Solomon writes: "Anti-democratic ducks are being lined up in Republican-run state legislatures to deliver the White House to the party nominee. Driven by Trumpian mindsets, it’s a scenario that could become a dystopian reality."

Donald Trump. (photo: Luca Bruno/AP)
Donald Trump. (photo: Luca Bruno/AP)


Corporate Liberalism Is No Match for Trumpism

By Norman Solomon, Reader Supported News

09 August 21

 

ane Mayer’s article in The New Yorker last week, “The Big Money Behind the Big Lie,” starkly illuminates how forces aligned with Donald Trump have been upping the ante all year with hyperactive strategies that could enable Republican leaders to choke off democracy, ensuring that Trump or another GOP candidate captures the presidency in 2024. The piece runs close to 10,000 words, but the main takeaway could be summed up in just a few: Wake up! Core elements of U.S. democracy really could disappear soon.

Anti-democratic ducks are being lined up in Republican-run state legislatures to deliver the White House to the party nominee. Driven by Trumpian mindsets, it’s a scenario that could become a dystopian reality.

In early June, the New America organization issued a Statement of Concern, signed by 199 eminent “scholars of democracy” in the United States, warning that “Republican-led state legislatures across the country have in recent months proposed or implemented what we consider radical changes to core electoral procedures in response to unproven and intentionally destructive allegations of a stolen election. Collectively, these initiatives are transforming several states into political systems that no longer meet the minimum conditions for free and fair elections. Hence, our entire democracy is now at risk.”

The statement included a sentence that flagged an ominous, even fascistic, cloud on the horizon: “Statutory changes in large key electoral battleground states are dangerously politicizing the process of electoral administration, with Republican-controlled legislatures giving themselves the power to override electoral outcomes on unproven allegations should Democrats win more votes.”

New America, which calls itself “a think and action tank,” deserves praise for issuing the statement. Yet, overall, the organization typifies a political establishment that arguably does more to fuel Trumpism than hinder it.

The CEO of New America, Anne-Marie Slaughter, did her part to oil the Democratic Party’s machinery of neoliberalism as the State Department’s director of policy planning for the first two years of the Obama administration. Later, she wrote and spoke widely to call for U.S. warfare in Libya and in Syria. Like Hillary Clinton, who was her patron as secretary of state, Slaughter has been a prominent promoter of what is sometimes glibly labeled a “muscular” foreign policy.

Slaughter’s zeal for U.S. military intervention — boosting Pentagon budgets that enrich war contractors while shortchanging domestic social programs — fits neatly with an overall neoliberal model of reverence for maximizing corporate profits. It’s a sensibility that Slaughter presumably brought to her stint on the board of directors of the McDonald’s Corporation before getting to the State Department.

Members of New America’s board of directors, such as media foreign-policy darling Fareed Zakaria and ubiquitous pundit David Brooks, have long echoed pro-war conventional wisdom. But hawkishness from elites has worn thin for working-class communities in the wake of combat deaths, injuries and psychological traumas. Research indicates that Clinton’s militaristic persona helped Trump to defeat her in 2016, with “a significant and meaningful relationship between a community’s rate of military sacrifice and its support for Trump.” More than four years later, the liberal establishment’s support for endless war is unabated as the U.S. continues to routinely bomb several countries.

As for the ongoing class war at home, the current Democratic brand of mild liberalism still refuses to forthrightly answer a pivotal question: “Which side are you on?” The party’s usual answer, in effect, is “both sides” — or, more commonly, to pretend that class war isn’t really happening. (“Can’t we all just get along?”)

Certainly the Biden administration has taken some important steps — such as expansion of the child tax credit and regulatory moves against corporate monopolies — to reduce extremes of economic unfairness. And it’s true that Biden has turned to Keynesian public investment. But the structures of neoliberalism are still largely in place, and the inroads against it have been incremental. With a closely divided Congress and a very likely GOP takeover of the House in 17 months, the advances are temporary and precarious.

An affirmative program for progressive change — to substantially improve the economic and social conditions of people’s daily lives — will be essential for mobilizing voter turnout and preventing the Republican Party from seizing control of the federal government. GOP obstructionism on Capitol Hill is no excuse when Democratic leaders, as happens all too often, fail to clearly set imperative goals and go all-out to achieve them in tandem with grassroots movements. A prime example is Biden’s refusal to use his authority to cancel student loan debt.

Meanwhile, Trump and associates are raising plenty of cash. During the spring, some news reports claimed that Trump was losing his hold on devotees — a Washington Post headline in May flatly declared that “Trump is sliding toward online irrelevance” — but such wishful thinking has been eclipsed by recent information. Trump’s online fundraising brought in $56 million during the first half of this year, and his political committees report having $102 million in the bank. Those figures “underscore the profound reach of Trump’s fundraising power,” Politico reported as this month began. Trump is maintaining “a massive online donor network that he could lean on should he wage a 2024 comeback bid.”

A vital challenge for progressives is to not only block Republican agendas but also to effectively campaign for policy changes that go far beyond the talking points of current Democratic leaders offering to tinker with the status quo. Merely promising a kinder, gentler version of grim social realities just won’t be enough to counter the faux populism of a neofascist Republican Party.



Norman Solomon is the national director of RootsAction.org and the author of many books, including War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death. He was a Bernie Sanders delegate from California to the 2016 and 2020 Democratic National Conventions. Solomon is the founder and executive director of the Institute for Public Accuracy.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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RSN: How Hippies Won the Culture War...and Drove the Evangelicals to Fascism Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6004"><span class="small">Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Monday, 09 August 2021 11:01

Wasserman writes: "Back when Paul Weyrich partied like it was 1999, he made a monumental admission that explains the ferocity of today’s evangelical right."

Paul Weyrich. (photo: Amy Toensing/NYT)
Paul Weyrich. (photo: Amy Toensing/NYT)


How Hippies Won the Culture War...and Drove the Evangelicals to Fascism

By Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News

09 August 21

 

ack when Paul Weyrich partied like it was 1999, he made a monumental admission that explains the ferocity of today’s evangelical right.

In an open letter to his extreme conservative cohorts, he acknowledged that they “probably had lost the culture war.”

Yippie!!!

He was right. And today that reality means that American democracy – and the human race – may actually survive.

Weyrich was mourning …

… a cultural collapse of historic proportions, a collapse so great that it simply overwhelms politics … the United States is very close to becoming a state totally dominated by an alien ideology, an ideology bitterly hostile to Western culture.

The counter-cultural heathens against whom Weyrich ranted were shaped by the Vietnam war, rock music, LSD, and so much more … a ‘60s Boomer generation (76-million-strong) that utterly shattered the established mores on which the right wing depended.

The “alien ideology” Weyrich feared was feminist, LGBTQA+, post-White Supremacist, and at war with Trump misogyny, sexual Puritanism, imperial arrogance, fascist autocracy, and ecological insanity.

Weyrich died in 2008. A cohort said he was nasty enough to “get hate mail from Mother Theresa.” His Calvinist fervor helped inspire the bumper sticker “Mean People Suck.” Had he been alive, he would’ve loved Trump’s Brown Shirt assault on the Capitol.

His reincarnations are the likes of Donald Trump, Mike Pence, Mitch McConnell, Steve Bannon, Tucker Carlson, Laura Ingraham, and Ben Shapiro (the King of Lashon Hara).

Like them, Weyrich was a 1630s Puritan, a medieval relic. He demanded that rich, straight, white, male, evangelical theocrats run a “Christian” state … but without all that turn-the-other-cheek / love-thy-neighbor / feed-the-poor hippie stuff that Jesus was always spouting. In fact, if Jesus Himself had spoken up at any Weyrich-style rallies, he would have been immediately re-crucified.

Weyrich’s astounding surrender 22 years ago served notice that the pot-smoking, sex-loving, tree-hugging, Digger/Leveller egalitarian, feminist, LGBTQA+, pro-choice, rock ’n’ rolling, multi-ethnic/racial left had won the hearts and minds of two new generations: the Millennials (b. 1981-1997) and the Zoomers (b. 1998-2011).

The Millennials today are 72 million strong; their younger-sibling Zoomers are 67 million. Together they comprise more than a third of the American population. They are the most diverse generations in history, with strong predilections for social justice and for saving our democracy and our ability to survive on this Earth (after all, it’s THEIR future).

If just Millennials and Zoomers had voted in 2016 and 2020, they would have buried Trump both times by more than 400 Electoral ballots.

Which is exactly why the Republicans are trying to keep them from voting.

But there’s more. Since 2009, the aging evangelical movement has been losing strength … by some estimates as much as half their numbers. Similar polls are coming from the Catholic Church.

As the geezers die off, young people aren’t buying in.

Maybe it’s that evangelicals demand sexual abstinence and monogamy but produce a steady stream of predatory preachers and pederast priests … not to mention Trump himself.

Or that the evangelical movement loves the “unborn” at the same time as the death penalty and the military budget … while also hating birth control and sex education, which have peacefully prevented millions more abortions than the “Right to Life” movement has by shooting doctors and forcing women to act as Handmaidens.

Or that the evangelical movement sees vaccinations and masks to prevent the COVID as “government interventions into human freedom,” but demand that the government seize womens’ reproductive organs and control of their own pregnancies.

For whatever reasons, Weyrich’s culture war surrender two decades ago resonates today with the demographic declines of America’s extreme right wing, in both general population and evangelical troop strength. It helps explain the desperation of their assault on democracy.

Sometime in the 2040s or earlier, the US will become a majority non-white nation (many states are already there). The “un-churched” will dominate. So will women, whose 57% showing for Biden in 2020 ousted the Christian right’s beloved Titan of Testosterone (whose primary mobster function was to let the fascist priesthood launder big donor money without being taxed).

Thus the ferocity of the White Supremacist, straight male, “Christian” assault on the right to vote. Having lost America’s youth and culture, only a dictatorship can keep this Lost Cause minority in power.

Just ask Paul Weyrich.



Harvey Wasserman’s The People’s Spiral of US History is at www.solartopia.org. He co-convenes the Grassroots Emergency Election Protection zooms (www.electionprotection2024.org) every Monday at 5 p.m. EST.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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American Guns Are Flooding Into Mexico and Wreaking Havoc Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9643"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Monday, 09 August 2021 08:22

Reich writes: "Even as Republican members of Congress accuse Joe Biden of failing to secure the nation’s southern border, Mexico is facing a growing problem of securing its northern border."

Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)
Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)


American Guns Are Flooding Into Mexico and Wreaking Havoc

By Robert Reich, Guardian UK

09 August 21


Mexico has tried almost everything to stop US-made guns from fueling cartel violence. So now it’s doing what any litigious American would do: suing

ven as Republican members of Congress accuse Joe Biden of failing to secure the nation’s southern border, Mexico is facing a growing problem of securing its northern border. Guns from the United States are pouring into Mexico, arming violent drug gangs.

Mexico has tried just about everything to stop the flow of firearms from the north – passing strict gun control laws, imposing stiff penalties on traffickers and pleading with US authorities to stop the trafficking – but nothing has worked. So now it’s doing what any litigious American would do: it’s suing.

On Wednesday, Mexico announced that it is seeking at least $10bn in compensation from 11 major US gun manufacturers for the havoc the guns have wrought south of the border. The lawsuit alleges America’s gunmakers know their products are being trafficked to Mexico and are expressly marketing their weapons to Mexican criminal gangs – designing guns to be “easily modified to fire automatically” and be “readily transferable on the criminal market in Mexico”.

The deluge of firearms from the United States to Mexico – on average, more than 500 every day – is contributing to mayhem there. Killings have become a routine part of the Mexican drug trade. In Mexico’s recent midterm election campaign, 30 candidates were gunned down by criminal gangs. In 2019 alone, at least 17,000 homicides in Mexico were linked to trafficked weapons.

Yet Mexico’s lawsuit is likely to face tough going in the United States, where the easy accessibility of guns is also wreaking havoc but where gun ownership is considered a constitutional right and gun purchases are skyrocketing.

In addition, US gunmakers have erected a fortress of legal protections. In 2005, the gun lobby got congressional Republicans to enact the Protection of Lawful Commerce in Firearms Act, banning most lawsuits brought against gun manufacturers for marketing and distributing their products.

At a more basic level, American capitalism considers any market to be an opportunity to make a profit. After all, a buck is a buck (or, more precisely, 19.98 pesos, at today’s exchange rate). In the Unites States, buying and selling are hallmarks of freedom. To prohibit a sale is to intrude on the “free market”. For another government to bar its consumers from buying American goods is to violate “free trade”.

Alejandro Celorio, a legal adviser to Mexico’s foreign ministry, estimates the damage to the Mexican economy caused by trafficked guns totals 1.7% to 2% of Mexico’s gross domestic product. What’s left unsaid is that Mexico’s illicit drug business is also a boon to the Mexican economy, adding billions of dollars each year in foreign sales, mostly to American consumers eager to buy thousands of kilos of methamphetamines, heroin, cocaine and fentanyl each year.

Freedom of contract, it’s called. We sell them guns that kill them; they sell us drugs that kill us.

But this isn’t trade in goods. It’s trade in bads. There’s death on both sides.

The merchants of such death – American gunmakers like Glock, Smith & Wesson, Beretta USA, Barrett, Century International Arms and Colt; Mexican producers of methamphetamines, heroin and fentanyl; and the wholesalers and traffickers connecting buyers with sellers on both sides of the border – are making piles of money. Free market ideologues will argue that as long as everyone is getting what they want, these trades are efficient. Yet vast numbers of people are dying.

The Republicans who protect gun manufacturers and who are criticizing Joe Biden for failing to secure the southern border from migrants desperate to come to America should take note of this tragic irony.

The flood of guns from the US into Mexico is helping to sustain much of the crime, violence and corruption driving thousands of Mexicans to seek a better life north of the border.

It’s also enabling the flow of dangerous drugs from Mexico across the border that are killing hundreds of thousands of Americans, many in states and congressional districts represented by those same Republicans.

Guns, dangerous drugs and desperate migrants are inextricably connected. The answer to solving one of these problems lies in responding to all three.

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