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The Most Important Legacy of the Black Panthers Print
Sunday, 06 September 2015 13:55

Harris writes: "From 1962 to 1964, the years just before the Watts rebellion, there were sixty-five people killed by the L.A.P.D., including twenty-seven who had been shot in the back. Only one of those deaths was deemed murder. In this context, it is not surprising that four years after the Black Panther Party was founded."

In 1969, when this photograph of Black Panther Party members was taken, outside a courthouse in New York City, the organization had begun to fracture due to clashes with the authorities and internal dissent. (photo: David Fenton/Getty Images)
In 1969, when this photograph of Black Panther Party members was taken, outside a courthouse in New York City, the organization had begun to fracture due to clashes with the authorities and internal dissent. (photo: David Fenton/Getty Images)


The Most Important Legacy of the Black Panthers

By Brandon Harris, The New Yorker

06 September 15

 

elations between police and Negroes throughout the country are getting worse,” a mid-sixties newscaster intones over images of police arresting young black men, which appear at the outset of Stanley Nelson’s “The Black Panthers: Vanguard of The Revolution.” Perhaps this assertion is as true today as it was then, but for the subjects of Nelson’s documentary, the answer to police brutality was one that we don’t hear from many contemporary #blacklivesmatter activists: meet force with force, fire with fire.

This credo meant a lot to beleaguered black communities in California, in the mid-sixties. They were full of African-Americans who had left the South to find better opportunities and the rule of law, only to discover that laws were malleable things that could be shaped to ignore or brutalize them. From 1962 to 1964, the years just before the Watts rebellion, there were sixty-five people killed by the L.A.P.D., including twenty-seven who had been shot in the back. Only one of those deaths was deemed murder. In this context, it is not surprising that four years after the Black Panther Party was founded, in October of 1966, by a loose and very young assortment of Bay Area radicals (their initial mission was to legally follow and monitor police officers with unconcealed weapons), the organization grew to one with headquarters in sixty-eight cities. The Panthers also had a newspaper that reached one hundred and fifty thousand readers, and popular social programs that provided breakfast, clothing, and health care to many without it. Yet something like the Panthers still seems far-fetched, impossible in our time.

The story of the organization’s rise and fall is told lucidly, in great detail, and without much adornment by Nelson’s documentary. Interviews with former Panthers dominate, but Nelson also talks to retired policemen who harassed and raided the group, as well as to several journalists who covered them. In this way, Nelson’s film provides a corrective to the stereotype-driven portrayals of Panthers and their ideology that one finds in popular movies like Lee Daniels’ ”The Butler.” Nelson also eschews the narrative of unbridled heroism prescribed to the group in Mario Van Peebles’s once influential “Panther,” a highly fictionalized and haphazardly truncated account, released twenty years ago.

The initial furor that the Panthers caused cannot be overstated. Less than a year after the armed Panther Patrols emerged, the California governor Ronald Reagan signed the Mulford Act, put forward by the California State Assembly with the explicit desire to prevent the Panthers from carrying loaded firearms in public. In protest, on May 2, 1967, twenty-six armed Panthers, led by the co-founder Bobby Seale, invaded the State Assembly chamber, with shotguns and pistols drawn. The group’s ranks and prestige exploded in the wake of the incident. The nascent notion of “black power,” first coined two years before by the S.N.C.C.’s Stokely Carmichael, on the back of a truck in the Deep South, had its most visible standard bearer yet.

The Panthers, in the second issue of their newspaper, laid out a ten-point program, one which called for full employment, decent housing, historically conscious education, as well as the end of black imprisonment, service in the armed forces, subjugation to police brutality, and “the robbery by the white men of our Black Community.” Although the men who delivered these messages to the public, largely Huey P. Newton and Eldridge Cleaver, were mocked by white conservatives such as William F. Buckley and Tom Wolfe, a look at the 1972 Democratic Party platform tells you that their ideas were taken far more seriously by the political establishment (and were far more concrete) than those of the Occupy Movement, two generations later.

Newton and Cleaver were both involved in gun battles with police officers in the late sixties. Cleaver, a literary celebrity for his 1968 memoir “Soul on Ice,” fled to Algeria after his shoot-out, which followed in the wake of the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., and was largely seen as a foolhardy ambush on the police, one which left one of the youngest and earliest members of the Panthers, Bobby Hutton, dead. Newton was initially jailed for his gun battle, which grew out of a mysterious traffic stop, and in short order he became a cause célčbre for much of the American left. (“Free Huey!” is still, just barely, part of the national nomenclature.)

As Nelson tells it, the early-seventies decline of the Panthers was brought about by the outright war waged against them by the F.B.I.’s COINTELPRO unit, which frequently raided Panther headquarters and, as in the case of Fred Hampton, the chairman of the Illinois chapter of the Panthers, assassinated group leaders. Yet decadence and dissension amongst the party’s leadership, and the ascendance of a black middle class with more access to the economic and social mainstream, are perhaps equally to blame for the Panthers’ decline. While the documentary doesn’t give as detailed account of these matters as it does the F.B.I.’s dirty tricks, Nelson doesn’t shy away from the less heroic elements of the Panther story nearly as much as Van Peebles’s “Panther” does. That film places the blame for the group’s demise almost solely on the intransigence of the F.B.I., who allegedly colluded with the mafia and local law enforcement to flood the black community with drugs, necessitating the drug violence and addiction that Van Peebles saw as the real reason behind the continued malaise of black communities in 1995, the year the film was made.

In the early seventies, while Newton advocated for doubling down on food and educational programs and leaving the threat of armed insurrection behind, Cleaver continued to argue for outright armed confrontation with the white man. Their disagreements spilled into public, coming to a head when the two both appeared as guests on a radio program in 1971. Newton claimed that he was expelling Cleaver (and the international wing of the Panthers that he ran in exile) from the group; according to Bobby Seale, the group’s rank and file became demoralized, unsure of whom the follow. Soon, those ranks began to thin for the first time since 1966.

Cleaver’s more militant faction, joined by white radicals such as those in the Weather Underground, continued to preach revolutionary rhetoric, but such an uprising remained impossible. The incidents of political violence that punctuated the era—shootings, bombings, and the occasional robbery—remain unconvincing markers of a larger revolution that never came. Meanwhile, Newton’s wing of the party, focussed on “survival programs pending revolution,” became more circumspect. In Joshua Bloom and Waldo Martin’s celebrated history of the Panthers, “Black Against Empire,” they estimate that sixty-five per cent of the editorials found in the organization’s newspaper in 1970 promoted “revolution now” as an attainable goal, but by 1973 less than one per cent continued to do so. Despite this change in focus, Newton proved to be an increasingly unstable leader, prone to drug abuse and violent, unhinged behavior.

A political moment in which the Panthers’ most salient ideas would have been given a thorough vetting by our country’s legislature has never existed, but the ten-point program remains as incendiary and intellectually defensible today as it was then, especially in our era of mass incarceration and structural joblessness. In “Panther,” a movie that knows no subtlety it is not willing to discard, J. Edgar Hoover (Richard Dysart) has the ten-point program read to him by one of his agents, and then complains that the nation’s Negroes are calling for “reparations,” before giving the go-ahead on a violent crackdown of the Panthers. It’s no small irony that so much of the scholarship that went into Ta-Nehisi Coates’s celebrated essay on the subject, last summer, focussed on the housing discrimination of the era in which many of the Panthers came of age. Reparations for Housing-Wealth Usurpation doesn’t quite have the same ring as Reparations for Slavery, but it might make a more compelling case for future generations of black radicals seeking remunerative justice for the sins of the past.


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Gaza Is Already Unlivable Print
Sunday, 06 September 2015 13:53

Munayyer writes: "The United Nations said on Sept. 1 that the Gaza Strip could become unlivable by 2020 without critical access to reconstruction and humanitarian supplies. For Gaza's beleaguered residents, none of this is surprising."

Palestinians sit on a couch, which was destroyed in an Israeli offensive in Gaza City. (photo: Suhaib Salem/Reuters)
Palestinians sit on a couch, which was destroyed in an Israeli offensive in Gaza City. (photo: Suhaib Salem/Reuters)


Gaza Is Already Unlivable

By Yousef Munayyer, Al Jazeera America

06 September 15

 

The tiny Palestinian enclave is likely to experience a major humanitarian catastrophe long before the 2020 UN estimate

he United Nations said on Sept. 1 that the Gaza Strip could become unlivable by 2020 without critical access to reconstruction and humanitarian supplies.

For Gaza’s beleaguered residents, none of this is surprising. Gaza is already uninhabitable and has been on a fast track to a complete collapse. The U.N. issued similar warnings three years ago, even before last summer’s 50-day war, which left more than 2,200 Palestinians dead and countless others injured — most of them civilians.

“Three Israeli military operations in the past six years, in addition to eight years of economic blockade, have ravaged the already debilitated infrastructure of Gaza,” the latest U.N. report said. “The most recent military operation compounded already dire socioeconomic conditions and accelerated de-development in the occupied Palestinian territory, a process by which development is not merely hindered but reversed.”

Among many things, the report cited the degradation of basic water, energy, sanitation and education facilities and the region’s intense overcrowding as factors that may render the tiny enclave uninhabitable by 2020.

But is anyone listening?

In October 2014, a donor conference hosted by Egypt and Norway pledged nearly $5.4 billion to the Palestinian Authority — $1 billion more than some estimates of the damage from the war. But just $3.5 billion was for Gaza, and more than 25 percent of that sum was committed to prewar projects. Only 8 percent, or  $338 million, of the new funding has been disbursed. (Two of the biggest donors, Saudi Arabia and Qatar — which pledged $1.5 billion for Gaza — disbursed only 10 percent of their share.)

Donor fatigue has left Gaza’s reconstruction at a standstill, and there is no political solution on the horizon. After three wars in the tiny strip, one of the few certainties in Gaza is another war within a few years.

Nearly 80 percent of Gaza’s approximately 1.8 million people rely on aid agencies for daily sustenance. Unemployment is at 40 percent, more than double the level 15 years ago. Before last year’s war, nearly 60 percent of the population was food insecure, 95 percent of Gaza’s water is unfit for drinking and electricity is available for only a few hours a day.

This is why 2020 is a generous estimate. Gaza may experience an unprecedented humanitarian catastrophe long before that date. However, despite the absence of any imaginable political solution, no one is paying attention to the desperation in the Gaza Strip. Media attention remains focused on a diplomatic agreement with Iran and the refugee crisis in the Mediterranean. This ensures that residents of the besieged territory will have to find other ways to garner the world’s attention again, including militancy.

The Gaza Strip is an international social experiment testing the limits of human misery. Global actors appear to be watching from afar to see how much pressure a society can endure before total collapse. Every time you think they have hit rock bottom, another round of despair is visited upon them.

The recent agreement between Iran and world powers on Tehran’s nuclear program offers some hope for the people of Gaza. International attention may now return to other issues in the region, including the impoverished Palestinian strip. The movement toward normalization of U.S.-Iran relations may serve as a building block upon which the two countries can work together toward regional stability. Other key regional players may devote more energy toward the plight of Palestinians, since the issue remains a focal point for Arab publics and has the potential to drive regional instability.

For the people of Gaza, this hopeful development might be too far off in the future. Most people are unable to plan their lives beyond a few days, let alone five years. Unfortunately, many in Gaza will find Gaza’s projected uninhabitability and their current destitute existence a distinction without a difference.

Gaza needs an urgent political and humanitarian response. One without the other is not enough. The international community has a role to play in ending Israel’s continued siege of Gaza, which has only led to recurring bouts of belligerency and fed the desperation in Gaza that fuels it. Donors must come through with their pledges and send a clear and strong message to Israel that this will be the last time Gaza is rebuilt. Ultimately, a political solution to the question of Palestine must replace the corrupt policies that have brought nothing but recurring, indecisive wars to Gaza.


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FOCUS: Can't Sleep? Try Reading Hillary's Emails Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=21551"><span class="small">Carl Hiaasen, The Miami Herald</span></a>   
Sunday, 06 September 2015 11:37

Hiaasen writes: "The 7,121 pages of Hillary Clinton emails that were made public last week, here's a summary based on a modest sampling: Boring. I mean throw-away-your-Ambiens boring."

Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Rodham Clinton attends a news conference after a roundtable to discuss the health care crisis in San Juan, Puerto Rico. (photo: Ricardo Arduengo/AP)
Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Rodham Clinton attends a news conference after a roundtable to discuss the health care crisis in San Juan, Puerto Rico. (photo: Ricardo Arduengo/AP)


Can't Sleep? Try Reading Hillary's Emails

By Carl Hiaasen, Miami Herald

06 September 15

 

or those Americans who haven’t dived into the 7,121 pages of Hillary Clinton emails that were made public last week, here’s a summary based on a modest sampling:

Boring.

I mean throw-away-your-Ambiens boring.

The dreaded chore of slogging through every one of these messages falls to the staff of Congressional Republicans who are trying to bust Hillary for leaking or hiding sensitive information while she was secretary of State.

Material was withheld from about 125 of her emails because the State Department retroactively classified it as “confidential.” The rest of the emails (and this was just one batch) are being dissected page-by-page, line-by-line.

And you thought your job sucked.

Among the early highlights is a series of emails about Hillary’s struggle to operate a fax machine. Here, I swear, is the actual exchange:

Hillary: I’ve done it twice now.

Clinton aide: Just pick up the phone and hang it up. And leave it hung up.

Hillary: I did.

Aide: Yes but hang up one more time. So they can reestablish the line.

Hillary: I thought it was supposed to be off-hook to work?

Before getting too snarky about this, let’s admit that most of us have done battle with uncooperative fax machines. However, the average person wouldn’t take the receiver off the hook and then expect the device to start ringing.

Because, see, it’s a phone. You need to hang up first.

Another private email from a close assistant, recounted in the Washington Post, arrived on Hillary’s computer with the following “Subject” noted:

Since the Secretary of State likes to track such things — The Associated Press: Rocker Juanes’ wife gives birth to son in Miami.

Is Hillary really a fan of Juanes, or is this seemingly innocent email a cleverly coded message about Benghazi?

As the GOP’s crack investigators will undoubtedly figure out, the attack on the U.S. diplomatic compound took place three years after Juanes and his wife welcomed baby Dante into the world.

Evidently the email was nothing more than what it appeared to be — important breaking news that required the secretary of State’s immediate attention. She digs the man’s music.

There are plenty of emails to and from Hillary about heavy global situations, from Iran to Burma to Pakistan. These will, and should be, scrutinized. Some might even produce headlines.

Thousands of other emails won’t ever be seen. They were wiped from Hillary’s private server because, she said, they were strictly “personal” in nature.

Yet this one, from the secretary of State to then-Chief of Protocol Capricia Marshall, somehow squeaked through:

Hillary: Can you contact your protocol friend in China and ask him if I could get photos of the carpets of the rooms I met in w/POTUS [President Obama] during the recent trip? I loved their design and the way they appeared carved. Any chance we can get this?

Unless it comes out in the upcoming Congressional hearings, we’ll probably never know if Hillary ended up scoring a cool Chinese carpet. Possibly the answer was contained in one of those suspiciously erased emails.

The mysterious “private server” used by Hillary for contacting aides and officials was diabolically registered as @clintonemail.com. That’s called hiding in plain sight.

Yet, somehow, the State Department Help Desk didn’t know Hillary’s private email address. What should we make of this?

On the one hand, it’s kind of cute that the State Department actually has a Help Desk. On the other hand, someone who needs to contact the Help Desk to find the secretary of State isn’t necessarily someone the secretary of State should be talking to.

All those wretched, underpaid souls who have been assigned to grind through the Hillary emails get occasional light breaks in the monotony.

When a person wearing a Hillary Clinton mask robbed a Virginia bank, an aide dutifully notified the secretary of State.

“Should I be flattered?” she joked.

One of her lawyers soon weighed in via email, reporting that other bank robbers had used masks of Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush and Richard Nixon. “We appear to be the first Democrat, however,” he said.

That’s a genuine deadpan punch line, much appreciated by hard-working professional scrutinizers.

Unfortunately, the State Department has released only one-fourth of Hillary’s emails so far, which means there are many more thousands to come.

Stay tuned, America. Caffeine is your friend.


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FOCUS: Shortfalls of Political Reporting Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36361"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Sunday, 06 September 2015 10:38

Reich writes: "Political reporters know only four stories: (1) who's up and who's down, (2) how much money candidates have raised, (3) which candidates have made what gaffes, and (4) who's attacking whom."

Robert Reich. (photo: Getty Images)
Robert Reich. (photo: Getty Images)


Shortfalls of Political Reporting

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page

06 September 15

 

olitical reporters know only four stories: (1) who's up and who's down, (2) how much money candidates have raised, (3) which candidates have made what gaffes, and (4) who's attacking whom. They're not trained to report on what the candidates actually say, or the economic and social realities that are fueling what they say and why their candidacies are catching on (or not).

Yet even given these realities, I continue to be surprised at how little of what's reported about Bernie mentions widening inequality, flat wages, CEO pay, the depredations of Wall Street, and the flooding of our democracy with money from big corporations and the wealthy. Indeed, I'm appalled at how little Bernie's campaign is being covered at all.

Today, after delivering a major policy address calling for an investment of $1 trillion over 5 years to modernize our country’s physical infrastructure, thereby creating and maintaining at least 13 million good-paying jobs while making our country more productive, Bernie happened to mention to a reporter that the Clinton campaign is getting nervous about his rising poll numbers. His comment about Clinton was all that was reported.

Bernie's surge has nothing whatever to do with Hillary's campaign; and her campaign's supposed "nervousness" is completely irrelevant to Bernie's message or the enthusiasm it's garnering.

Your view?


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A Deflategate Slapdown of NFL and MSM Print
Sunday, 06 September 2015 08:18

Parry writes: "It's been my experience from nearly four decades in Washington journalism that it's increasingly rare when a powerful institution protects an individual from unfair and abusive treatment by another powerful institution."

New England Patriots quarterback Tom Brady leaves federal court following a hearing in New York. (photo: AP)
New England Patriots quarterback Tom Brady leaves federal court following a hearing in New York. (photo: AP)


A Deflategate Slapdown of NFL and MSM

By Robert Parry, Consortium News

06 September 15

 

To the surprise of the mainstream U.S. media, a federal judge threw out the NFL’s Deflategate suspension of New England Patriots quarterback Tom Brady, citing an arbitrary and unfair process that should have been obvious to any independent observer from the start, writes Robert Parry.

t’s been my experience from nearly four decades in Washington journalism that it’s increasingly rare when a powerful institution protects an individual from unfair and abusive treatment by another powerful institution. The U.S. District Court decision throwing out the National Football League’s kangaroo case against New England Patriots quarterback Tom Brady was one of those exceptions.

I realize that some readers feel that I should not have “wasted” time examining the scientifically flimsy case known as Deflategate or observing how the NFL’s supposedly “independent” investigation slanted what little evidence it had to support the league’s initial rush to judgment and harsh punishment of Brady. One reader joked it was just a case about men and their balls.

And I initially had no intention of writing about this topic. But I noted a disturbing haste in the conclusions about Brady’s guilt and I then read the Wells report last spring out of curiosity. What I found in it was what I had seen in so many other bogus investigations that start with a conclusion and make the “facts” fit.

My annoyance also didn’t stop with the NFL. It extended to the news media, where – from The New York Times to ESPN – the NFL’s case was accepted as unassailable and Brady was casually denounced as a cheater and a perjurer. Considering how much ink and time were devoted to this overblown Deflategate “scandal,” there was almost no serious examination of the actual evidence.

Yet, here was the NFL, an institution with arguably as much integrity as the tobacco industry in how they deal with facts. The NFL has covered up the risks of concussions much as the cigarette makers hid the cancer implications of smoking. Why would anyone trust the NFL about anything? I have asked similar questions when news organizations fall on their knees and bow to U.S. government claims about foreign “enemies” as with Iraq and its non-existent WMD stockpiles.

Over the years, again and again, I have seen not only large institutions lie but the media side with those powers-that-be even when the institutions have a long record of dishonesty and high-handedness. As long as the corrupt are well-connected, they tend to get protected – given every break and benefit of every doubt – but the decent folks under attack are usually out of luck.

Real-life in modern America is seldom like one of those Hollywood movies when some honest person-on-high steps in at the last minute to set things right and prevent some abuse from being inflicted on an individual. Usually some backroom deal is struck to let the powerful win and leave some expendable citizen to suffer. In such cases, truth and justice are never a priority.

Just think of the U.S. government’s and mainstream media’s mistreatment of Gary Webb for reviving the Contra-cocaine scandal, or the 35-year sentence meted out to Chelsea Manning for exposing U.S. war crimes. Compare those cases to the failure to hold anyone from George W. Bush’s administration accountable for aggressive war and torture, or the absence of any prosecutions of the banks and bankers who blew up the world’s economy in 2008.

So, even though the four-game suspension of Brady and other punishments meted out by the NFL over Deflategate pale by comparison to some other injustices, the case had enough similarities to merit, in my view, several articles examining the multiple flaws in the NFL’s case.

The Judge’s Ruling

Though Judge Richard Berman’s 40-page ruling on Thursday focused mostly on the NFL’s arbitrary process – rather than the underlying facts of the case (all the better to survive the NFL’s legal appeal) – Berman clearly was underwhelmed by the substance, too. He put quotes around the word “independent” when referring to the report by the NFL’s outside counsel Ted Wells, noting the involvement of the NFL’s executive vice president and general counsel Jeff Pash in editing the report.

Berman also noted that there was no direct evidence proving that Brady did anything wrong. Berman puzzled over the NFL’s vague accusation that it was “more probable than not” that Brady was “generally aware” of alleged actions by two locker-room assistants — Jim McNally and John Jastremski — to deflate the footballs used in the Jan. 18 American Football Conference championship game.

“I am not sure that I know what in the world that means, that phrase [‘generally aware’]. … Did he [Brady] know that McNally took the balls unaccompanied into the bathroom? Did he know that in the bathroom, if in fact it happened, McNally deflated the balls? Did he know that McNally then went on to the field with the balls?”

In his ruling, Berman also noted the refusal of NFL Commissioner Roger Goodell to let Brady’s lawyers question Pash about his role, one of a number of capricious decisions that pervaded Goodell’s role as arbitrator on Brady’s appeal of a ruling that Goodell had authorized if not dictated in the first place. Berman, in effect, concluded that the process lacked anything approaching fairness.

Goodell’s arbitration finding that rejected Brady’s appeal even cited interference from the NFL’s Management Council, consisting of team owners whose clubs would benefit from Brady’s suspension. They weighed in on assessing evidence. It seemed there were no limits to the NFL’s biased behavior.

In retrospect, what appears to have happened in Deflategate was that the Indianapolis Colts didn’t understand why one of the Patriots footballs intercepted before the half showed an air pressure below the legal minimum of 12.5 pounds per square inch. They assumed that it must have been intentionally deflated, not realizing that a loss of air pressure is natural when a ball is taken from the warm, dry environment of the locker room and put in play on a cold, rainy night.

Apparently, the NFL officials involved in a chaotic effort to test the 11 other Patriot footballs during halftime didn’t understand the physics either. So, like some wannabe Sherlock Holmes, they jumped to the conclusion that they had uncovered wrongdoing. It turned out that the Colts’ footballs that were measured by the more accurate of the two gauges revealed them also to be under 12.5 psi.

After the game, which the Colts lost 45-7, the NFL opened an investigation by sending a letter to the Patriots that exaggerated how much the Patriots’ footballs were underinflated and falsely stated that none of the Colts’ balls had been found to be underinflated. Those two “facts” were then leaked to the press, creating a media frenzy and convincing many football fans that Brady and the Patriots had cheated.

Even after the NFL detected the errors, the league did nothing publicly to correct the letter, instead keeping quiet during what turned out to be a several-months-long investigation by attorney Wells. The false impressions congealed into conventional wisdom.

It now appears that the reason for the delay in the Wells report was that the case was recognized internally to be very weak and thus was rewritten to make some irrelevant points seem more consequential, such as playing gotcha with McNally’s recollection that he used a “urinal” in the bathroom on the way to the field when Wells noted there was only a regular “toilet” in the room.

Through such cheap tricks, the NFL believed it pushed the case over the relatively low threshold of “more probable than not” or a 51 percent chance that McNally had used his one-minute-40-seconds in the bathroom deflating footballs, not relieving himself before heading out to the field. The NFL then applied another 51 percent standard to conclude that if the footballs had been deflated that it was “more probable than not” that Brady was “generally aware” of the wrongdoing.

Another Media Failure

Beyond the prejudice displayed by the NFL, there also was the shoddy behavior of the mainstream news media, from the esteemed New York Times to the all-sports ESPN. Almost no one looked into the many holes that were obvious in the report. The NFL’s case was treated as gospel and many ESPN commentators opined about Brady’s guilt, mocking his claims of innocence.

ESPN added to the confusion by creating a boilerplate summary of the case that falsely claimed that text messages between McNally and Jastremski were about deflating the balls for the AFC Championship game when they actually were about Brady’s complaint that the NFL referees had illegally overinflated footballs used in an earlier game in October 2014. The upper limit is 13.5 psi.

Also, despite all the attention given to this story, no one in the mainstream press noted how the Jastremski-McNally text messages suggested that there was no scheme for deflating footballs. In those October text messages, Jastremski was, in effect, reprimanding McNally for not doing his job – which was to make sure the referees deflated the balls to Brady’s preferred legal level of 12.5 psi. Instead, Jastremski tested the balls after the game and found one at nearly 16 psi.

If there were a surreptitious scheme to deflate the balls after the referees finished with them, you would have expected McNally to explain why he had not done so. Perhaps something like, “the refs were keeping a close eye on me” or some other excuse. But there is nothing like that in McNally’s response, which mostly criticized Brady for being a complainer who might find the balls even more over-inflated in the next game.

Yet, instead of testing the NFL’s claims or interviewing scientists who found the NFL’s halftime measurements unreliable, the mainstream media just piled on Brady, serving as the enforcement mechanism for the conventional wisdom. There was not even criticism of the NFL when it filed the federal case first, handpicking a New York federal court considered extremely pro-management and almost certain to uphold Goodell’s ruling.

However, in this rare case – at least rare in my recent experience – Judge Berman looked at the NFL’s accusations and evidence with an objective eye – and sided with an individual against an arrogant and powerful institution. It almost had the feel of a Hollywood ending.

[For our previous stories on Deflategate, see “Rushing to Judge the NFL Patriots Guilty”; “Holes in NFL’s Deflategate Report”; “Why Write about NFL’s Deflategate”; “Tom Brady and Theoretical Crime”; “NFL’s Deflategate Findings ‘Unreliable’”; “The Tom Brady Railroad”; and “The ‘Two-Minutes Hate’ of Tom Brady.”]



Investigative reporter Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories for The Associated Press and Newsweek in the 1980s. You can buy his latest book, America’s Stolen Narrative, either in print here or as an e-book (from Amazon and barnesandnoble.com). You also can order Robert Parry’s trilogy on the Bush Family and its connections to various right-wing operatives for only $34. The trilogy includes America’s Stolen Narrative. For details on this offer, click here.

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