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'Where to Invade Next' Is the Most Subversive Movie Michael Moore Has Ever Made Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=35798"><span class="small">Jon Schwarz, The Intercept</span></a>   
Thursday, 11 February 2016 09:51

Schwarz writes: "Where to Invade Next is the most profoundly subversive thing he's ever done. It's so sneaky that you may not even notice exactly what it's subverting."

Screen Shot from Michael Moore's film 'Where to Invade Next.' (photo: Dog Eat Dog Films)
Screen Shot from Michael Moore's film 'Where to Invade Next.' (photo: Dog Eat Dog Films)


'Where to Invade Next' Is the Most Subversive Movie Michael Moore Has Ever Made

By Jon Schwarz, The Intercept

11 February 16

 

can't claim this is a neutral review of Where to Invade Next, Michael Moore’s latest movie. Beyond the fact that I worked for Moore for six years, including on his previous documentary Capitalism: A Love Story, I may literally owe my life to the high-quality, zero-deductible health insurance he provides employees.

What I’ve lost in objectivity, I’ve gained in knowledge of Moore’s career. I even know his darkest, most closely guarded secret: the original name of the 1970s alternative newspaper he started in Flint, Michigan. So I can say this for sure: Where to Invade Next is the most profoundly subversive thing he’s ever done. It’s so sneaky that you may not even notice exactly what it’s subverting.

On its surface, Where to Invade Next seems to be a cheerful travelogue as Moore enjoys an extended vacation, “invading” a passel of European countries plus Tunisia to steal their best ideas and bring them back home to America. For instance, French public schools have chefs who serve students hour-long, multi-course lunches on china, featuring dishes like scallops in curry sauce. I haven’t laughed harder at any movie this year than when the French 8-year-olds stare in perplexed horror at photos of American school lunches.

It’s all so upbeat in such an un-Michael Moore way that he considered calling it Mike’s Happy Movie. Certainly it’s the only time I’ve walked out of one of his documentaries and said, “Wow, everything is fantastic!” But what made me feel this way is the secret message hidden in Where to Invade Next — and if you see it, you’ll feel that way too.

Moore’s biggest foe ever

To understand what I’m talking about, look at the trajectory of Moore’s major films, and how he consistently became more ambitious. With every movie he’s raised the stakes, each time aiming at a bigger institution and its claims that it knows best and is totally serious and in control and definitely nobody should laugh at it. Here’s the progression:

  • Roger & Me in 1989 was an attack on General Motors when it was the largest corporation on earth, and suggested that GM’s decision to brutalize its workers, customers, and hometown might not be the greatest long-term strategy. (You’ve probably noticed this turned out to be true.)

  • Bowling for Columbine’s target in 2002 was even larger than GM: It wasn’t just about America’s constant gun massacres, but our omnipresent culture of fear that makes us hostile to any possible solutions.

  • Fahrenheit 9/11 in 2004 aimed higher again: It was about the reality that the president of the United States might be illegitimate, definitely had no idea what he was doing, and everyone was terrified to point any of this out.

  • In 2007 Sicko critiqued something even more important than the presidency: healthcare, America’s biggest, cruelest industry.

  • Finally, in 2009, Moore reached what seemed like the logical summit of his career with Capitalism: A Love Story, pointing out that our entire economic system seems to be broken.

So where could anyone go from there? Once you’ve done capitalism, it’s hard to imagine there’s any larger nemesis. But as Where to Invade Next demonstrates, there is.

America’s real ideology

About halfway through Where to Invade Next, Moore visits an island prison in Norway that houses inmates who’ve committed violent crimes but are being rewarded for good behavior. It looks less like Oz and more like a frugal resort, with prisoners in regular clothes doing wheelies on bikes, fishing, and sunbathing.

In the prison’s kitchen, Moore talks to Trond, a convicted murderer with a huge tattoo on his face. Looking past him, Moore says: “Uh, I can’t help but notice that behind you are a whole bunch of very sharp knives.” And in fact there are a dozen of them, including a gigantic cleaver.

There also appear to be zero guards. Trond explains how many guards are at the prison on weekends: four. That’s for a prison population of 115. Plus, he says, the guards generally all stay in another building, leaving the prisoners to supervise themselves.

For most Americans, including me, this looks completely insane. But the prison warden, sitting at a park bench with birds chirping in the background, explains: “I don’t understand why you think this is a strange idea. … The main idea is just to take away their freedom. That’s the only punishment we are giving them. We are trying to help them back to society.”

The Norwegian philosophy is to create a normal environment with as few external controls as possible so that when prisoners get out, they know how to control themselves. It works so well that Norway has one of the world’s lowest murder rates, and its recidivism rate is about 20 percent, two to three times lower than in the U.S. (Moore also visits a standard Norwegian maximum security prison that’s less spa-like but totally free of the brutality and spiritual darkness of U.S. prisons.)

Moore’s visit to Portugal is also about its prison system, or rather its lack of one comparable to the U.S., thanks to its total decriminalization of drugs in 2001. Dr. Nuno Capaz, the Portuguese minister of health, classifies himself as a drug user: “Mostly alcohol, internet, a lot of coffee, some sugar.” When Moore points out that drug abuse may bring a lot of sadness to someone’s marriage, Capaz responds, “So? So does Facebook. Are we going to illegalize it?” The results in Portugal have been just as counterintuitive for Americans as Norway’s results, with drug use actually falling now that you can’t get arrested for it.

By the end of Where to Invade Next — after seeing working-class Italians with two months paid vacation, Finnish schools with no homework and the world’s best test scores, Slovenians going to college for free, and women seizing unprecedented power in Tunisia and Iceland — you may realize that the entire movie is about how other countries have dismantled the prisons in which Americans live: prison-like schools and workplaces, debtor’s prisons in order to pay for college, prisons of social roles for women, and the mental prison of refusing to face our own history.

You’ll also perceive clearly why we’ve built these prisons. It’s because the core ideology of the United States isn’t capitalism, or American exceptionalism, but something even deeper: People are bad. People are so bad that they have to be constantly controlled and threatened with punishment, and if they get a moment of freedom they’ll go crazy and ruin everything.

The secret message of Where to Invade Next is that America’s had it wrong all along about human beings. You and I aren’t bad. All the people around us aren’t bad. It’s okay to get high, or get sick, or for teenagers to spend every waking moment trying to figure out how to bonk each other. If regular people get control over their own lives, they’ll use it wisely rather than burning the country down in a festival of mindless debauchery.

Where to Invade Next is all the more powerful because it doesn’t tell you this, it simply shows you. It’s not speculation about how human nature will be transformed after the revolution so we’ll all be happy to share our ration of grass soup with The People. It’s all happening right now, with imperfect human beings just like us.

The movie ends with Moore visiting the remnants of the Berlin Wall, and remembering how he’d been there in 1989 and joined with all the German chiseling away at it. When he was growing up during the Cold War, he says, the one certain thing was that “This wall would never come down. Built to stand forever. Impenetrable.” But less than 30 years later it was gone. What America’s President of Documentaries is saying now is: Tear down these walls. We will be much better off without them.

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Governor Brown's Cozy Ties to Oil and Gas Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=15282"><span class="small">Robert F. Kennedy Jr., EcoWatch</span></a>   
Thursday, 11 February 2016 09:48

Kennedy writes: "It took Gov. Brown 40 days to declare a state of emergency to address the largest gas leak in history-one which has displaced 4,400 families, sickened hundreds of adults and children and drawn compelling comparisons to the BP oil spill. Residents wonder if Gov. Brown's cozy ties to petroleum and real estate interests inspired his lethargy."

Coast of California. (photo: Reuters)
Coast of California. (photo: Reuters)


Governor Brown's Cozy Ties to Oil and Gas

By Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., EcoWatch

11 February 16

 

he four California Coastal Commission members appointed by Gov. Jerry Brown have been maneuvering to oust its outspoken executive director Dr. Charles Lester. This campaign to unseat Dr. Lester is an unsheathed assault on the coastal commission’s integrity and a dire threat to the California coast. It is also an audacious display of industry power, which will come to a head Wednesday at the commission’s quarterly meeting in Morro Bayon.

The 12-member coastal commission has regulatory authority over all permits, licenses and funding approvals for projects impacting coastal resources, including offshore oil and gas development. For more than 40 years the coastal commission has brought balance to the struggle between advocates of clean water, healthy wetlands, unspoiled vistas, unpaved agricultural farms and broad public access against the real estate and energy tycoons who now seek Dr. Lester’s ouster. Dr. Lester has been the commission’s most vocal champion for safeguarding California’s public trust assets and preserving the coast from unwise and shortsighted development.

Industry launched its campaign to topple Dr. Lester shortly after he expressed skepticism over the proposed Banning Ranch development, which would place nearly 1,400 homes with resort and retail space on environmentally sensitive coastal habitat and wetlands. Aera Energy, a jointly owned affiliate of Royal Dutch Shell PLC and ExxonMobil Corp, is a leading project promoter.

Californians are increasingly aware of the anti-democratic clout wielded by energy barons and developers.

The ongoing Porter Ranch gas leak offers striking parallels and strong cautions about Sacramento’s merger with corporate power. The Porter Ranch disaster is the offspring of a greedy company and its delinquent regulator who ignored a missing safety valve on a 62-year-old well for 31 years. When the inevitable blow out happened, it took Gov. Brown 40 days to declare a state of emergency to address the largest gas leak in history—one which has displaced 4,400 families, sickened hundreds of adults and children and drawn compelling comparisons to the BP oil spill.

Residents wonder if Gov. Brown’s cozy ties to petroleum and real estate interests inspired his lethargy. Brown has taken $1.1 million from real estate developers since 2011 and $2,014,570 from oil and gas barons since 2006. His sister, Kathleen Brown, sits on the board of Sempra Energy, whose affiliate, SoCal Gas, is the culprit in the Porter Ranch well collapse. Sempra paid her $188,380 in 2014 and $267,865 in 2013. Kathleen Brown also owns rights to Sempra stock worth $409,945. She is a partner at a law firm that represents the California Independent Petroleum Association (CIPA) and a defendant in a RICO—Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organization—lawsuit against Gov. Brown and the oil industry. CIPA and its members donated lavishly to Gov. Brown’s legacy ballot measure—Prop 30.

Beginning in 2011, CIPA joined with Occidental Petroleum to persuade Brown to approve a host of illegal injection wells of the kind that failed at Porter Ranch. In response to a direct request from Occidental’s attorney Gray Davis, Brown fired two diligent public servants—State Oil & Gas supervisor Elena Miller and her boss Derek Chernow, the acting director of the state Department of Conservation—when they refused to issue illegal well permits.

Two months later, on Jan. 9, 2012, Brown’s new State Oil & Gas supervisor, Tim Kustic, issued Occidental an illegal permit to drill a frack well in a Kern County almond orchard without the required environmental review designed to protect vital aquifers. Four days later, Occidental gave its first of two $250,000 contributions to the governor’s proposition to increase taxes. In a striking expression of fealty to the carbon czars, Brown pledged on the same day as the Occidental contribution that neither human health injuries nor the law would deter him from continuing to serve their interests. “There will be indictments and there will be deaths. But we’re going to keep going,” he said.

In total, grateful oil and gas tycoons contributed more than $1.2 million to Brown’s proposition to increase income taxes. Brown later boasted that firing Miller and Chernow facilitated oil development in Kern County. It also meant that millions of gallons of contaminated waste would be injected each month into the aquifers in the California San Joaquin Valley.

In her shocking new book, Dark Money: The Hidden History of the Billionaires Behind the Rise of the Radical Right, Jane Mayer reveals how a small cadre of oil titans have used their astonishing riches to game America’s political system, capture our regulatory agencies, corrupt our politicians in order to subvert democracy, defy our environmental laws and push American democracy toward a new Gilded Age for corporate kleptocracy.

California and a handful of other states have largely escaped this kind of hostile takeover of state government by corporate power. But California’s democratic values cannot flourish long with Sacramento politicians suckling at pipelines of oily cash. The move to oust the coastal commission director is a signal that public servants with courage and integrity that stand up to well-connected robber barons will be crushed and silenced by government officials on industry payroll.

As the coastal commission convenes tomorrow, the rest of the world will be watching California, not just for how she protects her coastlines, but how she safeguards her democracy.

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What New Hampshire Tells Us Print
Wednesday, 10 February 2016 14:36

Reich writes: "The 'extremes' are not gaining ground. The anti-establishment ground forces of the American people are gaining. Some are so fed up they're following an authoritarian bigot. Others, more wisely, are signing up for a 'political revolution' to take back America from the moneyed interests."

Robert Reich. (photo: Richard Morgenstein)
Robert Reich. (photo: Richard Morgenstein)


What New Hampshire Tells Us

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

10 February 16

 

ou will hear pundits analyze the New Hampshire primaries and conclude that the political “extremes” are now gaining in American politics – that the Democrats have moved to the left and the Republicans have moved to the right, and the “center” will not hold.

Baloney. The truth is that the putative “center” – where the Democratic Leadership Council and Bill Clinton’s “triangulation” of the 1990s found refuge, where George W. Bush and his corporate buddies and neoconservative advisers held sway, and where Barack Obama’s Treasury Department granted Wall Street banks huge bailouts but didn’t rescue desperate homeowners – did a job on the rest of America, and is now facing a reckoning.

The “extremes” are not gaining ground. The anti-establishment ground forces of the American people are gaining. Some are so fed up they’re following an authoritarian bigot. Others, more wisely, are signing up for a “political revolution” to take back America from the moneyed interests.

That’s the real choice ahead.

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Human Rights Watch: The Empire's Human Rights Group Print
Wednesday, 10 February 2016 14:25

Emersberger writes: "Human Rights Watch's latest World Report is filled with imperial assumptions and misinformation."

Executive director of Human Rights Watch Kenneth Roth. (photo: Reuters)
Executive director of Human Rights Watch Kenneth Roth. (photo: Reuters)


Human Rights Watch: The Empire's Human Rights Group

By Joe Emersberger, teleSUR

10 February 16

 

Human Rights Watch's latest World Report is filled with imperial assumptions and misinformation.

n its 2016 World report, Human Rights Watch shows how deeply it shares the U.S. government’s concern about its declining influence in Latin America.

Executive director Ken Roth does not see the U.S. and its EU allies as the most abusive and dangerous states in the world - something the ongoing destruction of Iraq, Libya, and Afghanistan should make clear to anyone. In Latin America, hundreds of thousands of lives have been lost due to U.S. backed coups and “counterinsurgency” in the past half century – all motivated by the U.S. government’s efforts to maintain a dominant role in the region. Last year, brushing aside millions of victims, Roth proclaimed the United States to be “the most powerful proponent of human rights.” He conceded that the United States has “faults,” and added that the world is “rightly suspicious of the U.S. government’s agenda, so Human Rights Watch is careful to maintain our independence from U.S. foreign policy.” In fact, it exerts negligible effort to be independent as showed by its response to a petition signed by over 100 scholars and activists (including a few Nobel Laureates).

In an essay that introduces the World Report, Roth harshly criticizes the U.S. government and other powerful states, stating “a polarizing us-versus-them rhetoric has moved from the political fringe to the mainstream. Blatant Islamophobia and shameless demonizing of refugees have become the currency of an increasingly assertive politics of intolerance.”

This is true and it’s to his credit that he wrote it. Human Rights Watch – like much of U.S. corporate media – is a liberal institution. Like the liberal end of the corporate media, it can point to criticism that is aimed at it from the left and right to falsely claim that it is free of political bias. But the liberal faction of the U.S. establishment has at least as much blood on its hands as the right. The CIA, for example, is despised in Latin America for excellent reasons, and it also has long recruited U.S. liberals very effectively. The renowned feminist Gloria Steinem was a CIA agent. She was impressed and relieved to find so many “enlightened” Kennedy era liberals in the CIA (watch the video clip provided here). A former CIA analyst named Miguel Díaz sat on a Human Right Watch advisory committee from 2003 to 2011 and then returned to work for the U.S. government as an “interlocutor between the intelligence community and non-government experts.” Other examples of a “revolving door” between Human Rights Watch and the Western establishment were provided in that petition I mentioned.

The shared assumptions between HRW and the liberal faction of the U.S. establishment are more important than the shared personnel. Roth deplores some of the abuses of world’s most powerful states in his World Report essay, but still describes them as the “strongest traditional allies of the human rights cause.” He fears that “as Western powers violate rights in addressing refugees or terrorism, their ability to uphold the broader set of rights is compromised.” It is up to western powers, in Roth’s view, to straighten out the rest of the world, but if those powers become too conspicuously bigoted and ruthless at home, he worries their influence may be easier to resist abroad. Roth devotes pages to his concern that nongovernmental organizations are being deprived of their “right to seek funding abroad when domestic sources are unavailable.” He sees western funded NGOs as essential to strengthening democracy in poor countries.

Roth defines “autocrats” in his piece as not simply dictators who have “dispensed with any pretense of democratic rule,” but also governments that maintain a “facade of democracy” and restrict or regulate foreign funding of NGOs. Roth calls out three Latin American governments in his essay with the clear intention of smearing them with the “autocrat” label: Ecuador, Venezuela, Bolivia – all left wing governments who have to contend with the threat of coups backed by Washington. Ecuador defeated a coup attempt in 2010, Bolivia in 2008, Venezuela in 2002. The last one was briefly successful and the U.S. State Department’s Office of Inspector General stated that the Bush administration had "provided training, institution building, and other support to individuals and organizations understood to be actively involved.”

It’s obvious, just relying on Human Rights Watch’s World Report alone, that Colombia, Mexico and Honduras - all close U.S. allies whom Roth did not mention in his essay – have vastly worse human rights records than the three Latin American countries he singled out. Colombia is truly in a class by itself, surpassed only by its patron, the United States. The World Report summary for Colombia says that “as of May 2015, the Attorney General’s Office was investigating more than 3,700 unlawful killings allegedly committed by state agents between 2002 and 2008.” Colombia also has “the world’s second largest population of internally displaced persons (IDPs) after Syria” – 6.8 million people. Colombia’s civil war was winding down before Bill Clinton’s “Plan Colombia” pushed it into its worst period, as Dan Kovalik recently pointed out.

The organization’s attacks on Venezuela and Ecuador have often focused on alleged limitations on “freedom of expression.” The World Report largely sticks to that line of attack on Ecuador and goes on at length depicting government critics as leaving in fear, facing unreasonable media regulations, and having minimal access to an audience. In reality, Ecuador’s media, which I have mentioned before (here and here), gives ample voice to very aggressive government critics. The World Report summary for Venezuela is even more dishonest. It states, “While criticism of the government is articulated in some newspapers and on some websites and radio stations, fear of government reprisals has made self-censorship a serious problem” – as if there were no TV broadcasters which are able to air criticism of government. During the height of violent anti-government protests in February of 2014, government critics appeared on the largest private networks (Venevision and Televen) to accuse the government of murder, repression and theft. Given Roth’s claim that foreign funds for NGOs are crucial to democracy in developing countries because government critics would otherwise be voiceless, Human Rights Watch’s lies and distortions about the media in these countries become easy to understand.

If foreign funded NGOs offered a path toward a vibrant democracy, then Haiti would be a democratic utopia by now. Instead, Haiti is the ultimate cautionary tale, a lesson in how foreign funded NGOs can help crush sovereignty and democracy. The World Report’s section on Haiti evades mentioning the U.S. perpetrated coup in 2004 that set the stage for Haiti’s current political crisis. That coup was consolidated by U.N. troops (MINUSTAH) whom have been in Haiti ever since and whom Human Rights Watch cynically credits with efforts to “strengthen the country’s democratic institutions.” The World Report does not denounce the U.N. for dismissing its responsivity for a cholera epidemic that killed 10,000 people, nor does it mention, much less deplore, that the Obama administration urged U.S. courts to dismiss a case against MINUSTAH brought by numerous victims.

As usual, while finding much to say about “freedom of expression” and “self-censorship” elsewhere, Human Rights Watch’s World Report is completely silent about the corporate media’s role in stifling public debate in the United States. However, if you really see western states as the “strongest traditional allies of the human rights cause,” then you are probably as much a victim of the West’s propaganda system as a contributor to it.

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FOCUS: The Clintons' Record Is Utterly Abysmal on Race Print
Wednesday, 10 February 2016 13:14

Alexander writes: "The Clintons' record is utterly abysmal on race, poverty and criminal justice. They are now headed to South Carolina to play their usual games with black people. Few things would bring me more joy than to see people of conscience organizing on a massive scale across the country to stop their madness, wake up the communities that that have been most harmed by Clintonism, and put a decisive end to the kind of politics that the 'New Democrats' and the Clintons have championed for 25 years."

Pres. Bill Clinton and Sec. Hillary Clinton (photo: AP)
Pres. Bill Clinton and Sec. Hillary Clinton (photo: AP)


The Clintons' Record Is Utterly Abysmal on Race

By Michelle Alexander, Michelle Alexander's Facebook Page

10 February 16

 

believe this is a moment in history when millions of people could be mobilized in a way that changes the course of Democratic politics -- perhaps forever.

I do not endorse Bernie Sanders, as a candidate, because I do not believe the Democratic Party can be saved from itself and therefore I will not endorse any Democratic candidate. BUT I believe it is critically important that he is helping to build a popular consensus in favor of political revolution. I endorse the revolution.

The Clintons' record is utterly abysmal on race, poverty and criminal justice. They are now headed to South Carolina to play their usual games with black people. Few things would bring me more joy than to see people of conscience organizing on a massive scale across the country to stop their madness, wake up the communities that that have been most harmed by Clintonism, and put a decisive end to the kind of politics that the "New Democrats" and the Clintons have championed for 25 years.

I just published this piece in The Nation which explains exactly why the Clintons do not deserve the black vote. I hope you will share it and help mobilize our communities to stop the effort by the Clintons to play us once again.

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