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The New York Times' Strange Behavior in the Controversy Over Trump's Off-the-Record Comments Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29455"><span class="small">Glenn Greenwald, The Intercept</span></a>   
Friday, 04 March 2016 09:58

Greenwald writes: "The off-the-record ritual can have only two possible purposes: One, candidates can lie to NYT editors in order to induce them to think more favorably about their candidacy, or, two, they can secretly and honestly acknowledge that their public statements made to voters are false but have the editors be bound by the off-the-record agreement not to alert the public. Either way, what journalistic value is provided by agreeing to conceal parts of the interview with a presidential candidate from the public?"

The New York Times. (photo: Mario Tama/Getty)
The New York Times. (photo: Mario Tama/Getty)


The New York Times' Strange Behavior in the Controversy Over Trump's Off-the-Record Comments

By Glenn Greenwald, The Intercept

04 March 16

 

uzzFeed’s editor-in-chief, Ben Smith, yesterday created a campaign controversy when he suggested that Donald Trump told New York Times editors — in an off-the-record portion of his January candidate interview seeking the paper’s endorsement — that he would be willing to negotiate the more hard-line aspects of his immigration platform, including mass deportation. Trump’s rivals, Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio, immediately called upon Trump to demand the release of the recording of his off-the-record discussion with NYT editors, insinuating that Trump was deliberately misleading voters.

I’m not particularly interested in the campaign aspect of this controversy. Trump has repeatedly, and quite recently, said on the record that he regards key aspects of his immigration policies as negotiable, subject to the political process. Asked about this last night, Trump reiterated his oft-stated view that “everything is negotiable.” Without knowing exactly what he said to the NYT, it’s impossible to say for certain, but it seems likely he simply told NYT editors some version of that. As Vox’s Matt Yglesias put it, “Trump is hardly the first politician to suggest off the record that his real views are closer to what he thinks journalists want to hear.” I’m more interested in the journalistic questions raised by this controversy.

To begin with, why do New York Times editors automatically deem parts of their candidate interviews “off the record”? What is the purpose of doing that? If, as a journalist, you were making decisions about which candidate to endorse, why would you want to take into account things the candidate was willing to tell only you but not have the public know? And, if you’re purporting to tell the public which candidate they should support, why would you want to base your decrees on views the candidate is unwilling to have voters hear?

The off-the-record ritual in this context can have only two possible purposes: One, candidates can lie to NYT editors in order to induce them to think more favorably about their candidacy, or, two, they can secretly and honestly acknowledge that their public statements made to voters are false but have the editors be bound by the off-the-record agreement not to alert the public. Either way, what journalistic value is provided by agreeing to conceal parts of the interview with a presidential candidate from the public? Doing so virtually ensures that the journalists become the candidate’s collaborator in deceiving the public. How is that journalistically justified in the context of candidate endorsements?

Then there’s the more significant issue raised by all of this: Having agreed to keep these parts of their discussions with Trump off the record, how can the NYT possibly justify its slinking around in the dark, trying to disclose what Trump said through leaks, insinuations, and winks? It certainly stands to reason that NYT editors who gave Trump their assurance that this portion of the discussion would be off the record subsequently broke their promise: either by telling other NYT editors and reporters who then started gossiping about it, or by directly leaking it to people like Ben Smith.

For purposes of Smith’s article, NYT editors refused to comment on their discussions with Trump, citing the off-the-record agreement, but someone told people outside the meeting about it or else Smith wouldn’t know about it. The only other possibility — that the Trump campaign leaked it — is extremely unlikely for obvious reasons: It has zero incentive to do so and every incentive not to. And Smith explicitly stated that New York Times reporters and columnists have been talking about Trump’s off-the-record comments for some time, and suggested that a recent Gail Collins column specifically referenced those off-the-record comments.

Regardless of what one thinks of Trump, journalists shouldn’t be promising people to keep their discussions off the record only to then violate that vow through gossip or deliberate disclosures. Doing so is wildly unethical, and is guaranteed to destroy the trust between sources and journalists that is vital to good reporting. That’s true no matter who is the subject of the agreement: even Donald Trump.

I personally think, as I’ve written before, that there are very narrow circumstances where it is justified for a journalist to disclose the identity of a source who has been promised anonymity, or to report on discussions conducted pursuant to an off-the-record agreement: namely, where the source has deliberately and knowingly used the journalist to disseminate falsehoods to the public (as an example, I’ve cited the case of the anonymous government sources who falsely told ABC News’ Brian Ross in late 2001 that chemical tests revealed that Saddam Hussein was behind the anthrax attacks on the U.S.; see more on that controversy here from NYU journalism professor Jay Rosen). My colleague Dan Froomkin argued yesterday that Trump’s immigration comments could be such a case: “If someone admits, off the record, that they’re lying to you, on the record? I say that’s cause for burning them.”

But that’s not what the NYT editors have done here. They’re not arguing that it’s justified for them to disclose Trump’s off-the-record comments. To the contrary: They’re invoking off-the-record principles to justify their refusal to publish the relevant recording of their discussions with Trump. They’re claiming that they still regard their off-the-record agreement with Trump as valid and binding.

Rather than candidly disclose Trump’s off-the-record comments and then expressly justify why they’ve done so, the NYT editors are instead causing those comments to leak through some combination of negligence and subterfuge. That’s actually worse than doing it the direct, honest way. They’ve now put the person to whom they promised confidentiality in the position of either having to demand that they disclose what was discussed off the record, or have the public assume that it was something bad and shameful. None of this should have been off the record in the first place, but once the NYT made the bad decision to make that promise, it’s bound to honor its own commitment.

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Trump to Face Three Rivals and His Media Nemesis, Megyn Kelly, in Thursday's GOP Debate Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=33217"><span class="small">David A. Fahrenthold, The Washington Post</span></a>   
Thursday, 03 March 2016 14:52

Fahrenthold writes: "Republican presidential front-runner Donald Trump will face his three remaining challengers - and his nemesis in the news media, Fox News's Megyn Kelly - on Thursday evening in Detroit in the 11th GOP candidates' debate."

Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump speaks on Super Tuesday primary election night at the White and Gold Ballroom at the Mar-A-Lago Club in Palm Beach, Florida, on March 1. (photo: Andrew Harnik/AP)
Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump speaks on Super Tuesday primary election night at the White and Gold Ballroom at the Mar-A-Lago Club in Palm Beach, Florida, on March 1. (photo: Andrew Harnik/AP)


Trump to Face Three Rivals and His Media Nemesis, Megyn Kelly, in Thursday's GOP Debate

By David A. Fahrenthold, The Washington Post

03 March 16

 

epublican presidential front-runner Donald Trump will face his three remaining challengers — and his nemesis in the news media, Fox News’s Megyn Kelly — on Thursday evening in Detroit in the 11th GOP candidates’ debate.

The debate will begin at 9 p.m. Eastern time on Fox News Channel.

It comes at a crucial point in this entirely unexpected GOP primary. Trump dominated the primaries of Super Tuesday this week, and now he has a significant lead over his top rival, Sen. Ted Cruz (Tex.) in the race for Republican convention delegates.

But in a divided field, Trump has still won less than half of all the delegates awarded so far. That leaves his opponents with a viable — but risky and destructive — strategy. The only way to stop Trump from winning the nomination may be to stop anyone from winning it: dividing up the delegates so that no one has a majority.

Then, the theory goes, the party would head into a chaotic convention — the first true “floor fight” for any party in decades — and hope that a candidate other than Trump would emerge.

For Trump’s rivals, the next step in that battle will come Thursday.

The front-runner is likely to come under furious attack from Cruz and Sen. Marco Rubio (Fla.), who have sought to portray Trump as a “con artist” hoodwinking voters with promises he can’t keep. They frequently mention “Trump University,” which was not a school but a series of real-estate seminars and now is the subject of three lawsuits in which students say Trump bilked them with misleading promises.

Rubio and Cruz had given Trump a pass for months before turning on him at the last debate a week ago. A few days later, on Super Tuesday, Rubio said that those last-minute attacks had worked, and that they had cut into Trump’s leads in states such as Virginia.

The problem was that Trump still won Virginia. And six other states.

Cruz, by contrast, won three of the states up for grabs that night. Rubio won just one.

“Donald Trump is a phony, a fraud,” he will say, according to a speech prepared for delivery Thursday morning at the University of Utah’s Hinckley Institute of Politics. “His promises are as worthless as a degree from Trump University. He’s playing the American public for suckers: He gets a free ride to the White House, and all we get is a lousy hat.”

In recent days, Trump has hit back against both of his top challengers, calling Rubio a “little senator” and calling Cruz a liar. He has also dismissed Romney, blaming him for the GOP’s 2012 loss to President Obama.

In Thursday’s debate, Trump will also face Kelly, one of the three moderators. In the first GOP debate in August, Kelly asked Trump a question about unpleasant comments he had made about women: “How will you answer the charge from Hillary Clinton, who was likely to be the Democratic nominee, that you are part of the war on women?”

Trump answered: “What I say is what I say. And honestly, Megyn, if you don’t like it, I’m sorry. I’ve been very nice to you, although I could probably maybe not be, based on the way you have treated me. But I wouldn’t do that.”

Afterward, Trump complained that the question was too harsh, and he seemed to blame it on Kelly’s menstrual cycle. “You could see there was blood coming out of her eyes, blood coming out of her wherever,” he said. The next time Fox News hosted a debate, in Iowa, Kelly was again a moderator — but Trump boycotted the event, holding a fundraiser for veterans’ charities instead.

In the lead-up to this debate, Kelly told the Associated Press that she thinks Trump — now a veteran candidate — is better prepared for the hard questions of a presidential debate.

“I think at this point in the game he understands better how these things go. He knows he can handle me. He can handle any interviewer,” she said.

Also in the debate will be Ohio Gov. John Kasich, a relative moderate whose best showings in this primary season have been second-place finishes in New England states: Massachusetts, Vermont and New Hampshire.

In the last debate, Kasich did not participate in the attacks on Trump.

Instead, he seemed to be holding his own private event at the side of the stage, ignoring the fighting next to him and trying to speak directly to voters. “Shoot for the stars. America’s great, and you can do it,” he said in his opening statement.

Now, however, Kasich is under increasing pressure to fight or flee the race.

His best hope for the nomination was that he could win Midwestern states such as Ohio and Michigan, and begin a last-minute comeback. But now, polls show him trailing badly in Michigan, where Trump is leading with the Republican primary looming March 8. One recent poll showed Kasich losing to Trump even in his own home state, which will hold its vital, winner-take-all primary March 15.

If Kasich wants to win those states, he may have to enter the fray against Trump.

If he doesn’t want to enter the fray, he may come under increasing pressure from other Republicans to drop out so that his voters might flow to another Trump challenger.

This will be the first GOP debate without retired neurosurgeon Ben Carson, who said Wednesday that he did not see a “path forward” for his campaign. Carson — a Christian conservative who last year briefly challenged Trump for the lead in national GOP polls — has not yet formally suspended his campaign.

Instead, he said he would not attend Thursday’s debate. Then, on Friday, Carson will make a speech about his future at the Conservative Political Action Conference, a major gathering of conservatives at a hotel in the Maryland suburbs of Washington.

Carson’s departure may not change the dynamics of the GOP race much: He has won a total of eight delegates, far behind Trump’s 319.

But it will change the Republican debates, where Carson had been the anti-Trump: a low-key, cheerful presence on a stage full of big, loud egos. He didn’t fit, and was often proud to point that out.

“I’m .?.?. the only one to operate on babies while they were still in a mother’s womb, the only one to take out half of a brain,” he said in the first GOP debate, in one of the most memorable lines of the primary season. “Although you would think, if you go to Washington, that someone had beat me to it.”

For those who remain in the race, there is no time for mistakes: This is the most vital two weeks of their campaign so far.

The next states to vote will be Kansas, Kentucky, Louisiana and Maine, all on Saturday. After that, the next primaries will be March 8, when Republicans vote in Hawaii, Michigan, Mississippi and Idaho.

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FOCUS: Military 'Censors' Book Exposing Poisoning of Troops Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=34512"><span class="small">Ken Klippenstein, Reader Supported News </span></a>   
Thursday, 03 March 2016 12:34

Klippenstein writes: "Skyhorse Publishing's new imprint Hot Books, created to publish investigative books on controversial issues, has indeed touched off controversy with a new book that the Department of Defense refuses to carry in its stores relied upon most heavily by service members."

US soldier works near a burn pit. (photo: Reuters)
US soldier works near a burn pit. (photo: Reuters)


Military 'Censors' Book Exposing Poisoning of Troops

By Ken Klippenstein, Reader Supported News

03 March 16

 

kyhorse Publishing’s new imprint Hot Books, created to publish investigative books on controversial issues, has indeed touched off controversy with a new book that the Department of Defense refuses to carry in its stores relied upon most heavily by service members.

The book, titled “The Burn Pits: The Poisoning of America’s Soldiers,” reveals a link between military service in Iraq and Afghanistan and serious illnesses ranging from respiratory complications to brain cancers. The illnesses affect at least 59,000 soldiers including, according to the book, Joe Biden’s son Beau, who died of brain cancer after serving in Iraq.

Though one would think a book on this topic would be helpful to service members, Chris Ward, public affairs official for the Defense Department’s Army & Air Force Exchange Service (AAFES), confirmed to me via telephone that they had decided not to carry “The Burn Pits.” Ward would not provide a clear reason for not carrying the book, despite its prominence – it is an Amazon bestseller with favorable reviews in major news media like The Guardian.

When I told the publisher, David Talbot, about the DOD’s response, he called it an “outrageous and blatant example of government censorship.” He argued that the DOD has a responsibility to “do everything within their power to inform returning veterans about these potential health hazards instead of covering it up.”

Talbot thinks the DOD’s refusal to carry the book represents “the military’s ongoing efforts to cover up a problem that is developing into the Agent Orange scandal of Iraq and Afghanistan.”

The AAFES (known colloquially by service members as the PX) is the primary location where soldiers shop for all of their goods. AAFES is a government-owned company and is the oldest and largest of the DOD’s exchange services, offering service members tax-free goods conveniently located on all Army and Air Force bases in the United States and around the world. AAFES’s refusal to carry the book keeps it out of the hands of military personnel who most need to read it. This may even violate the law.

As Joseph Hickman, the book’s author, told me, in 2013 the Senate passed legislation and the president signed into law The Burn Pit Open Registry Act, mandating that any new information or studies about burn pits must be shared with military personnel and veterans. Hickman is preparing a lawsuit against the DOD over their refusal to carry his book, alleging that this violates the law. For Hickman, the matter is personal: he himself is a former US marine and Army sergeant. In fact, Hickman dedicated his book to “all the military service members and veterans who served in Afghanistan and Iraq.” Hickman is donating a portion of the proceeds from his book to a burn pits advocacy group, Burn Pits 360.

I asked the publisher about his thoughts on Hickman’s forthcoming lawsuit against the DOD for not carrying his book. Talbot said, “I think the lawsuit has solid basis. It’s obviously not just censorship, it’s infringement of trade. They are trying to snuff out the book’s sales potential. This is obviously the key audience for this book: the people who have the most interest in this book are the members of America’s military services and their families.”

In Iraq and Afghanistan, massive open-air burn pits were used to dispose of waste, often including toxic materials like asbestos insulation, lithium batteries, pesticides, electronics, and medical waste. Jet fuel was frequently used to stoke the fires. The burn pits were located on military bases in close proximity to where soldiers were housed and worked.  

The burn pits were largely operated by KBR, Inc., formerly a subsidiary of Halliburton, a private military contractor for which former vice president Dick Cheney served as CEO. In the past, the DOD had managed waste disposal, but in the case of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, they decided to farm the work out to KBR. KBR’s use of open-air burn pits went against the EPA and DOD waste management guidance, the latter of which says that open-air burning of solid waste should be forgone in favor of incinerators.

Perhaps the greatest lapse in the DOD and KBR’s judgment was the fact that they constructed some burn pits on documented chemical weapons sites, where such weapons remained from Saddam Hussein’s Ba’ath regime and could have been released when the burn pits were set on fire. In fact, Hickman’s book reveals a statistical correlation between troops who served near these chemical sites and troops presenting with the most severe symptoms associated with the burn pits. One of those service members was Beau Biden.

I asked Hickman why he thinks KBR and the DOD were so careless. He didn’t mince words: “For KBR, it was corporate profits. For the DOD, it was penny pinching. Neither of them ever took into consideration environmental ramifications, or U.S. military members’ health and wellbeing.” Hickman believes that everything from the close proximity of the burn pits to military bases to the use of open-air pits instead of incinerators can be explained by KBR’s quest for quarterly profits and DOD stinginess.

Asked what the Bush and Obama administrations have done to help burn pit victims, Hickman’s answer was no less candid: “Nothing.”

Susan Burke, an attorney, has filed a class action lawsuit against KBR on behalf of hundreds of ill veterans. Burke told me that she expects the class action to ultimately cover 3,000 veterans.

Asked about why she took up the lawsuit, Burke said she’s “seeking justice for all of those folks … who are injured. We have people who have suffered serious pulmonary injuries as well as cancer.”

KBR has insisted that everything it did was in keeping with laws and guidance governing waste disposal.

When I asked Burke if she thinks KBR’s policies were legal, she replied, “That’s not accurate. We have evidence that KBR failed to comply with the [DOD’s] contract.”

Asked how strong she thinks the link is between the respiratory illnesses, cancers, and the burn pits, Burke put it bluntly: “Very strong.” Burke reiterated that this link has been borne out by medical professionals and other experts.



Ken Klippenstein is an American journalist who can be reached on twitter @kenklippenstein or via email: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: If You Need to Understand the Stakes of This Election, Look to Today's Supreme Court Case Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Thursday, 03 March 2016 11:37

Pierce writes: "Everyone needs to pay attention right now. The Supreme Court heard its most important case since the death of Antonin Scalia, in what most people believe is a 4-4 tie on issues like abortion rights."

Supreme Court. (photo: Susan Walsh/AP)
Supreme Court. (photo: Susan Walsh/AP)


If You Need to Understand the Stakes of This Election, Look to Today's Supreme Court Case

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

03 March 16

 

Everyone needs to pay attention right now.

oday, the Supreme Court heard its most important case since the death of Antonin Scalia, in what most people believe is a 4-4 tie on issues like abortion rights. Whole Women's Health v. Hellerstedt is a test of a Texas law, which is of a piece with all the similar ones that popped up all over the country after Justice Anthony Kennedy opened the door in Carhart, that created the legal absurdity by which women still have the right to choose, but states have nearly unlimited options by which they can make that right impossible to exercise.

The Texas law—HB1—is the same legislation that led to Wendy Davis' vain but herculean filibuster in the Texas legislature. It placed certain restrictions on abortion providers that were designed to force most of them to close, especially those serving poor women and women in rural parts of the state.

In Whole Woman's Health, the Supreme Court will consider two provisions of HB 2: the requirement that abortions be performed only in ambulatory surgical centers, hospital-like facilities usually used to perform outpatient surgery, and the mandate that doctors performing abortions have admitting privileges at a nearby hospital. Medical groups, including the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, have repeatedly noted that these restrictions are not necessary to provide safe abortion care, while anti-abortion groups contend that the restrictions are crucial to protect women's health.

At issue is the concept of "undue burden," which was central to the 1992 Casey decision in which the Court first took the trimmers to Roe v. Wade. Thus did state legislators redefine "undue burden" so as to eliminate any roadblock they could throw up short of having the women walk a tightrope over a lake of fire. Were Scalia still alive, we probably could count on this redefinition being further expanded. Now, though, it seems from the oral arguments that the best the defenders of the law can hope for is that the case gets kicked back down the food chain, not only because it would seem to be Kennedy's preference that the whole thing go away for a while, but also because Justices Ruth Bader Ginsberg and Elena Kagan were not buying an ounce of Texas' argument that they only ever had the interests of the ladies at heart.

First, RBG caught Texas Solicitor General Scott Keller (and the law he was defending) making no distinction between medical abortions, which involve pills, and surgical abortions, and she was curious as to why a clinic specializing in the former would need to meet the standards of a surgical center.

GINSBURG: What is the benefit of the medical, the two pills that you take, what is the benefit of having an ambulatory surgical center to take two pills when there's no surgical procedure at all involved?

KELLER: Two responses, Justice Ginsburg. First, the complication rates are greater. When there's a complication rate from a drug-­induced abortion, then a surgical abortion is needed as a follow­up.

GINSBURG: On that complication, that complication is likely to arise near the women's home, much more likely to arise near her home, which the 30 miles has nothing to do with.

Then Kagan went to town, exposing even further the mendacity of the Texas legislature in masking its intention with mock concern for a woman's health.

KAGAN: General, could I ask—could I go back to a question that­­ something that you said earlier? And tell me if I'm misquoting you. You said that as the law is now, under your interpretation of it, Texas is allowed to set much, much higher medical standards, whether it has to do with the personnel or procedures or the facilities themselves, higher medical standards, including much higher medical standards for abortion facilities than for facilities that do any other kind of medical work, even much more risky medical work. And you said that that was your understanding of the law; am I right?

KELLER: Correct, in this Court's —in Simopoulos.

KAGAN: And I guess I just want to know why would Texas do that?

KELLER: When there are complications from abortion that's in the record, Texas can enact laws 17 to promote safety.

KAGAN: No, I know, but the assumption of the question, and I think you haven't challenged this assumption, is that there are many procedures that are much higher risk: Colonoscopies, liposuctions, we could go on and on. And ­­you're saying, that's okay, we get to set much higher standards for abortion. And I just want to know why that is.

Keller disappeared into a cloud of squid ink concerning the convicted murderer Kermit Gosnell from Philadelphia, which is a fine conjuring spell if you're sparring with Megyn or Greta or Sean, but which turned out to be sadly inadequate outside of the studios of the Fox News Channel.

KELLER: Justice Kagan, this bill was passed in the wake of the Kermit Gosnell scandal that prompted Texas and many other States to reexamine their abortion regulations.

KAGAN: But, of course, Texas's own regulations actually have made abortion facilities such that that can never happen, because you have continual inspections, I mean, to your credit. So that was really not a problem in Texas, having a kind of rogue outfit there. Texas has taken actions to prevent that. So, again, I just sort of—I'm left wondering, given this baseline of regulation that prevents rogue outfits of—like that, why it is that Texas would make this choice. And you say you're allowed to make this choice, and we can argue about that. I just want to know why Texas would make it.

As I said, my intuition is that the Court's going to punt on this one, but, at the very least, once again, the stakes of the upcoming presidential election are clear in this case, where there is no ideological majority any more and, therefore, no longer a constituency for ridiculous bad-faith arguments like the ones made in defense of this Texas law, which was passed to eliminate abortions. Period. Maybe the Court no longer is required to believe nonsense just because it has five votes.

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Why the Critics of Bernienomics Are Wrong Print
Thursday, 03 March 2016 09:50

Reich writes: "Not day goes by, it seems, without the mainstream media bashing Bernie Sanders's economic plan - quoting certain economists as saying his numbers don't add up. (The New York Times did it again just yesterday.) They're wrong."

Robert Reich. (photo: AP)
Robert Reich. (photo: AP)


Why the Critics of Bernienomics Are Wrong

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

03 March 16

 

ot day goes by, it seems, without the mainstream media bashing Bernie Sanders’s economic plan – quoting certain economists as saying his numbers don’t add up. (The New York Times did it again just yesterday.) They’re wrong. You need to know the truth, and spread it.

1. “Well, do the numbers add up?”

Yes, if you assume a 3.8 percent rate of unemployment and a 5.3 percent rate of growth.

2. “But aren’t these assumptions unrealistic?”

They’re not out of the range of what’s possible. After all, we achieved close to 3.8 percent unemployment in the late 1990s, and we had a rate of 5.3 percent growth in the early 1980s.

3. “What is it about Bernie’s economic plan that will generate this kind of economic performance?”

His proposal for a single-payer healthcare system.

4. “But yesterday’s New York Times reported that two of your colleagues at Berkeley found an error in the calculations underlying these estimates. They claim Professor Gerald Friedman mistakenly assumes that a one-time boost in growth will continue onward. They say he confuses levels of output with rates of change.”

My esteemed colleagues see only a temporary effect from moving to a single-payer plan. But that view isn’t shared by economists who find that a major policy change like this can permanently improve economic performance. After all, World War II got America out of the Great Depression – permanently.

5. “So you think Bernie’s plan will generate a permanent improvement in the nation’s economic performance?”

Yes. Given that healthcare expenditures constitute almost 18 percent of the U.S. economy – and that ours is the most expensive healthcare system in the world, based on private for-profit insurance companies and pharmaceutical companies that spend fortunes on advertising, marketing, administrative costs, high executive salaries, and payouts to shareholders – it’s not far-fetched to assume that adoption of a single-payer plan will permanently improve U.S. economic performance.

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