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I Went to Flint, Drank the Water, and Saw the Future of Civil Rights Print
Saturday, 05 March 2016 15:31

Browne writes: "'I've never been very good at giving speeches,' Stevie Wonder said to the crowd. 'Before coming here today, I had a lot of things on my mind. A lot of things that you don't have to see to understand.'"

LeeAnne Walters shows water samples from her Flint home. (photo: AP)
LeeAnne Walters shows water samples from her Flint home. (photo: AP)


I Went to Flint, Drank the Water, and Saw the Future of Civil Rights

By Rembert Browne, New York Magazine

05 March 16

 

’ve never been very good at giving speeches,” Stevie Wonder said to the crowd. “Before coming here today, I had a lot of things on my mind. A lot of things that you don’t have to see to understand. We are in a very troublesome time in the world. A time in which a man can get life in prison for stealing 50 cents. And another man killed four human beings and is freed. A time in which a man can get 12 years in prison for possession of marijuana and another who can kill four students at Kent State and come out free. What kind of shit is that?”

This was on December 10, 1971, at the John Sinclair Freedom Rally in Ann Arbor, Michigan. It was a protest and a concert, with activists, members of Hollywood, and musicians present, all there to sing songs and make speeches on behalf of a man (Sinclair, a white anti-racism activist from Flint, Michigan) who was imprisoned for having two joints on his person. After the speech, Stevie — seething with disgust at the government and the laws and inequality — went into an impassioned version of “Heaven Help Us All.”

This was 1971. Forty-four years later and 54 miles up the road, I stood side stage left at the Whiting Auditorium in Flint, as the evening’s rumor had just been verified. Stevie Wonder had just shown up and was standing about ten feet away, and it looked as if he was going to join Janelle Monáe onstage. And because this is Stevie we’re talking about, there would be singing, but also some talking because Stevie always has something to say.

The night was billed #JusticeForFlint. On Oscars Sunday, celebrities from both the worlds of music and Hollywood made their way to Flint, to raise awareness and money for those in the city impacted by the city’s contaminated water. Even after a year or two of ever-more-remarkable political responses to civil-rights crises, it was a remarkable event. We tend to be skeptical of celebrity activism — it’s easy to question the real commitment of somebody who goes home to lavish comforts, especially when the rallying is so often of the fly-by kind. But there is a new generation of black celebrity activism happening in this American moment, many of the actions partially guided by black celebrity activists of the past. And that continuity is bracing, especially for someone with any reflexive skepticism, since it’s a sign of not just the lifelong commitments of elder statesmen and women but the aspiration of new activists to match that commitment, extend it across generations, and measure their own work on the scale of acknowledged giants. So seeing someone like Stevie, standing shoulder to shoulder with a Janelle Monáe, is a sight to see, yes, but also a lesson about what’s changed and what hasn’t, for politics, for activism, and for the constant need for black art and expression to help people push through the hardest of times. This night in Flint, because of the city’s water crisis, was no different. And it felt to me, truly, that the new crew was up to the task.

Calling the Flint water issue a “crisis” does stress something serious, but it almost gives the impression that a natural occurrence happened, like when there’s a drought. Like when you live in the South and there’s a heat wave and you’re only supposed to water your lawn every other day.

Instead of crisis, a more accurate descriptor would be the thing in Flint when the government actively poisoned the residents for two years and the only reason the cycle is slowly being reversed now is because they got caught, but they probably never thought they'd get caught because so many of the residents are poor and black, but, news flash, it's not just black people getting sick; it's everyone in Flint, but unfortunately that's what happens when you exist near black people. 

In 2014, a decision was made on the grounds of cost-cutting to switch the Flint water source to the local river water. But all water isn’t the same, and a new source can potentially have a terrible impact on the pipes that the water flows through, which is exactly what happened. It can cause lead to then leach into the water, which is exactly what happened. And when consumed, that contaminated water can have grave effects on people, which is exactly what happened.

The residents of Flint have been poisoned by their own government. People are sick. People have died. It’s affecting children at an alarming rate, with as many as 12,000 identified as being exposed to the lead so far. And all of it could have been prevented.

Justice was the only appropriate word to tag to the event, because the actions are criminal. But like so many terrible, unfair, inequitable things that happen in heavily black areas of the country (Chicago, Ferguson), the narrative would have you believe that it’s happening in a faraway land, a place so inaccessible you could never go see and learn what’s happening for yourself. And when this narrative is attached, as it has been with Flint, the average person learns about it, is sad, wishes their best, and then goes on with their life.

The goal of this activism is to stress the severity of the situation, but also to let it be known that this is happening in all of our backyards. Leading up to the night, there was a movement to try to pit the Oscars against what was happening in Flint, as if it were this Sunday night showdown: white people in Hollywood versus black people in Flint. One of the organizers, Selma director Ava DuVernay, shut that down, suggesting that they didn’t want to turn down the event simply because it was an important night in her world of Hollywood. Grey’s Anatomy actor Jesse Williams went further, however, saying, “They really worked hard to try and make it about the Oscars. It’s like, you guys really don’t think we exist outside of the white gaze. We exist when you aren’t in the room. We make decisions. How about we just made a choice to do something.” That sentiment from the organizers was echoed during the event, because no one in that room cared about the Oscars. And no one talked about the Oscars. The word was only mentioned once onstage. Because the way the event was very compassionately organized, it never got too far away from what was happening in Flint, because nothing on that night was more important than Flint. As George Peters, a member of Monáe’s Wondaland collective, said, “There wasn’t any other place to be.”

Onstage, Monáe had just finished the triumphant “Cold World,” then prepared to introduce Wonder. People were actually gasping backstage as Stevie, draped in maroon, walked by. But then he just stopped. There were probably 40 of us less than ten feet away. He was just standing there. Stevie fucking Wonder. It didn’t matter who you were, whether a small kid or singer Jazmine Sullivan, you could not stop looking at Stevie Wonder. It’s one thing to see peers, heroes of your generation, crusading for your causes — but the sense of purpose is amplified when they’re seemingly getting their actions co-signed by the heroes of your parents’ generation, the ones who fought so that events like this could happen, that we could exist.

When Monáe walked over to the side stage and brought out Stevie Wonder in Flint, Michigan, the room of 2,000 went insane.

Stevie was the event’s clear pinnacle of fame, but throughout the night many other celebrities came to the stage, too, all of them younger, of a different generation. The first to speak was the main organizer, Creed director Ryan Coogler. There was also Williams, Empire’s Jussie Smollett, pianist Robert Glasper, rapper Vic Mensa, actor Hill Harper, singer Estelle, singer Musiq Soulchild, and many others. But it wasn’t just them. It so wasn’t just them. The night never became too entertaining. When the new mayor of the city, Karen Weaver, took the stage in the beginning of the night, she mentioned that Flint deserved a night of fun like this. And they did. But throughout the night, we also heard over and over from residents onstage. And they made it clear that this was not like most other disasters — a bad storm that destroys things and moves on. This problem was ongoing. There was the woman who came out to talk about how she miscarried twins, the tragic event tied to the contaminated water. There were the three kids who came out and talked about how their school was making them purchase bottled water from the vending machine if they wanted non-contaminated water, causing an angered howl from the audience. There was Flint pediatrician Dr. Mona Hanna-Attisha, who was instrumental in making the lead poisoning a known issue, talking about how strong the children of Flint were. There was the Latino resident who spoke about how many of the people in her community didn’t know about the contaminated water for much longer than most in Flint, because all of the notifications were in English. There were the four young boys — brothers — who took the stage and told stories of how getting lead poisoning had impacted them. And there was perhaps the performance of the night, the Flint Youth Poets, who took the governor to task, spoke about what was happening to their city, with the confidence of fed-up adults who weren’t going to take it anymore.

What did they think of all these celebrities parachuting into their city? Many were thankful that they’d come, and for raising awareness, but what about when they left? There was some clear bitterness that they got to get some good publicity from the city’s dire situation and then could leave. That was especially true in the beginning of the night, and rightfully so. But as the evening continued, there was that shift that never happens, with individuals increasingly responding to the famous people as if they were there less to entertain and more in solidarity. You could feel the distrust fade in the room. And, yes, Stevie’s presence at the end solidified that, the man representing what it means to be both peak entertainment and peak consciousness.

As Stevie took his position and Janelle began to walk away, he referred to her as his “she-ro.” And then he began to talk. “I was in Detroit for a homegoing celebration,” Stevie said, “and I heard about this, and I said, 'You know, I’m too close to be so far away.'”

This is the kind of deep commitment the residents of Flint — and everyone — needed to hear. You knew it was genuine. Stevie doesn’t need any “good press.” Stevie doesn’t need to do anything to prove he’s a socially conscious celebrity. He told the people in the room — a room of residents who have been knowingly poisoned by their own government — that he was there because he couldn’t miss it. “The reality is we all need water. That’s a human right,” Stevie said. “And it should be clean water,” he punched.

Stevie said, “Protect the human family. Protect all of your children, whatever ethnicity they are. That’s what I have to say about that. And if some of you don’t agree, I’m sorry, but I love you anyway.” The way he said it, it was almost as if he was letting it be known that he would not play the semantical game of being a “Black Lives Matter” versus “All Lives Matter” person, because on this night what Flint needed was unity and love, not arguments over crew affiliation. And that was echoed throughout the venue, with many residents and performers wearing “Flint Lives Matter” shirts. Though he did describe at least one villain, Governor Snyder. “If you come to my show and the musical director is off, he has got to go. He must be fired.” The crowd roared. Stevie brilliantly described the example as “different song, same key,” a clear allusion to his classic double album, foreshadowing the song he was about to sing, track one from Songs in the Key of Life, “Love’s in Need of Love Today.” Much like it was when he sang it at Whitney Houston’s funeral, this is a song that feels the best when you’re at your lowest. Because that’s what Stevie has always done: He shows up when people need a prayer the most.

My flight to Flint that morning had been via Chicago, but that first flight was delayed two hours. When I arrived at O’Hare, I walked up to the board to look for the location of my Flint gate. There was no Flint. I stared at the F's for three minutes — still no Flint. The flight to Flint had already left, but customer service told me not to worry, there was one that left at 9 p.m. At the time of this conversation, it was 2 p.m.

There was nothing about driving to Flint that was appealing. But I still started walking toward the car-rental shuttles, mainly because this would be the second event of this nature organized by the group Blackout for Human Rights. The first was in Harlem’s Riverside Church on Martin Luther King Day, and on that day it was the first real sign I’d seen that some things were beginning to change — that people with blossoming careers, at the height of being in the good graces of the public, were beginning to put their glossy reputations on the line to stand up for what they believed. It was a conscious throwback — a tribute — that was also, in a way, a throw forward. It’s a moment you’re waiting on, because if they can do it, there’s a trickle down, giving others the confidence to do it.

On that Monday holiday, I put on a suit and went to Riverside to sit in a pew, purely as a spectator. I had no plans to cover the proceedings; I didn’t have much of an idea of what to expect, but what I’d gathered was that Coogler, a founding member of the Blackout organization, had rounded up some people to do a unique celebration. Like Flint, this event was livestreamed, and there would be celebrities doing things outside of their normal comfort zone, in the name of activism and awareness.

The event was called #MLKNOW, and for the amount of fame in the room, the atmosphere was shockingly casual. All of the performers walked down the aisle with little fanfare, Coogler eventually taking the microphone onstage and welcoming everyone. He endearingly offered the “bear with us” disclaimer, since a lot of things had come together quickly and the point of the day wasn’t to just be shiny. But he could do that because of who he’d brought in the building and what they were about to display. The tone of the day wasn’t protest — it was awareness. And more than anything, connecting the dots between powerful figures of the past and the present, showing that being a minority and having a platform automatically cements you as part of a lineage.

Hamilton’s Lin-Manuel Miranda began, reciting King’s “Beyond Vietnam” speech (given in that very church, in 1967). Actress Condola Rashad did Shirley Chisholm’s 1972 presidential-campaign announcement. Michael B. Jordan channeled Fred Hampton, performing the very church-unfriendly “Power Anywhere Where There’s People.” Before the next person, Coogler ran back onstage and alerted the room that he’d just met one of his heroes, Chris Rock, further adding to the very elite talent-show vibe of the day. Rock, having just been at Madison Square Garden for a double-overtime Knicks game, took the lectern and did James Baldwin’s “My Dungeon Shook — Letter to My Nephew.”

There was a moment in each speech where the room got its collective wind knocked out, by way of the words, matched with the delivery. It was like being punched by the past, the words still so relevant in the present. With Rock, it was this moment:

Any upheaval in the universe is terrifying because it so profoundly attacks one's sense of one's own reality. Well, the black man has functioned in the white man's world as a fixed star, as an immovable pillar, and as he moves out of his place, heaven and earth are shaken to their foundations.

I’d read this piece in The Fire Next Time many times, but something different happens when you hear it. And something completely different happens when someone you admire for his contributions to your life reads the words of the man who has arguably contributed more than any other artist to your life.

I remember hearing this, listening to the room cheer, and bowing my head. I put my hand on my neighbor’s knee, George, the same George from Monáe’s band. He wasn’t there to perform — like me, the event simply felt unmissable. And at that moment, I knew I was where I was supposed to be. And then Harry Belafonte showed up.

It could not have meant more to me. Not only was he an elder, but he was the famous black activist archetype. He represented institutional memory, what someone with a platform once did and can still do. What it looks like to put your short-term career and success on the line for what is long-term importance. He was the living example that these celebrities taking the stage could strive toward, should they be up to the task. He was proof that you could leverage fame to affect society.

Hearing Rock do Baldwin and seeing Belafonte in attendance is what got me in the car to drive to Flint. I had a responsibility to go. Livestreams were great, but livestreams didn’t tell the whole story.

Writer Rachel Kaadzi Ghansah once said, “The stakes are high. I’m not just writing this to write. I’m writing because I think there’s something I need to say. And there’s something that needs to be said.” Heading to Flint for me was that. There’s a responsibility that goes with being black and having a platform. It was my duty to be here, to show support, and to tell all the stories packed into this one venue, on this one night. And to some extent, if you have one and you don’t use it properly, you’re openly mocking a Belafonte, a Stevie Wonder.

I woke up Monday morning completely exhausted. Still half-sleep in the hotel room, I stumbled to the bathroom, found a cup, turned on the faucet, filled up my cup, and chugged it in two big gulps. Right when I finished, I remembered where I was.

I’d just drunk water contaminated with lead from a Holiday Inn Express hotel room that I paid for. At any other moment, I would have been terrified, paranoid. But not after the previous night. Because no matter what, in two hours I was leaving Flint today, to drive to Detroit, to take a shower and then fly home. I had that luxury. The people I met that night, whom I heard speak, the helpless children who would never have normal childhoods, they didn’t.

I looked at myself in the mirror and knew, in some sick way, I deserved a little bit of that poison. We all did. If the people of Flint had to go through this, so did all of us.

Gathering my things, I couldn’t help but think about how the night had ended. The last 20 minutes of the show were essentially a revival, creating a rolling sense of urgency and passion that made me want to keep the night going as long as possible. Monáe and her band closed out the night with their drum-heavy protest anthem “Hell You Talmbout.” It was originally conceived as a song about police brutality, but that night it was for Flint. With Stevie in tow at the front of the stage, she instructed the crowd on how the call-and-response would go.

“Flint lives … matter.”

“Clean water … matters.”

“Fix the pipes … right now.”

As the song started, the stage began to fill. Performers, residents, and people involved in the event crowded the stage, and the intensity of the song only grew throughout the hall. Next thing I knew, I was onstage, behind the band, screaming and dancing with everyone else. And as it wrapped up, a circle had formed in the middle of the stage, with Coogler at the center jumping up and down and yelling the song’s lyrics. As Smollett had said earlier in the night, “We may not be residents of Flint, but we are Flint.”

When I eventually made my exit, a gigantic pile of water-bottle crates that sat by the entrance were half-gone. As I walked to my car, I saw a father and his kids standing on the curb, clearly waiting for someone to come pick them up with the car. They had six crates of water with them, enough to probably take care of drinking, cooking, and showering for a week or two. On a night in which the event had raised over $100,000, seeing some impact up close felt good. But it was also a sobering reminder that it was temporary, because the city’s problems very much were not.

I had so much on my mind, and all I wanted to do was talk it out. And I wasn’t the only one. Thankfully, earlier in the night, I’d reached out to both Jesse Williams and the event’s host, comedian Hannibal Buress, to talk after the event, and an hour after it concluded, the three of us, along with my friend Ken and Buress’s tour DJ Tony Trimm, were at the one bar in the area we found that stayed open past midnight.

Nothing about the next two hours in the bar felt odd. These two men, famous black men, had come to Flint because they felt compelled to and now were both at a bar — decompressing, laughing, shaking their head at how terrible the world is — with no one in the room having the first clue who they were. Buress had previously provided aid to Flint by way of Big Sean’s foundation, and Coogler reached out to him, asking if he would host. “I think it went really well,” Buress said. “But there’s still lots of work to do, though.”

Williams is a member of the hosting Blackout organization, so he was much more involved in the event taking place. A self-proclaimed activist before he ever considered being an actor, he mentioned while sitting at the bar that he could tell we were in a moment, one where people are getting more comfortable with what he called “being black in public.” “We’ve always been told that the ice was very thin and that you will fall in if you fuck with it. But we’re seeing people do it and survive. And in some instances, continue to thrive. And people are now just seeing us step out and be ourselves. Fire off a tweet that doesn’t just let that go. Or respond to a person who is bashing you and not just letting that go. Pushing back on a project and not just letting the mistreatment or dismissiveness go.”

He was right. This was a moment, and social media has been a training ground for black people (and any historically disenfranchised group) to have that true moment of confronting the fear that comes from dipping that toe in, disrupting your own personal status quo — your bosses, your colleagues, your friends, your family members — and making them think twice about who you actually are. And then, after the toe, gaining the confidence to dip in the entire foot. And so on.

After a good deal of fried food, drinks, and conversations, we all went our separate ways. Without articulating it, I could feel how things were changing, just by the sheer fact that we’d gathered at a bar in Flint, Michigan, on the same night as the Oscars. I knew that the more people from all walks of life began to know each other and talk about these things out loud, the more confident we all got in making the leap from dipping the foot to doing what we knew to be true all long: needing to just jump in. It’s a power-in-numbers situation, regardless of what you do.

It's why it’s important to see people like Coogler, DuVernay, Williams, and Monáe understand the connections they have to people like Stevie, like Belafonte. They remind you that you're not the first person to put it on the line. Both men were at the funeral of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968. When Stevie found out that his local congressman John Conyers introduced a bill for a national holiday in the slain leader’s honor soon after, it was Wonder who began to round up the troops to try to help make this happen. He led rallies and got people across the full spectrum of influence to raise awareness, in the hopes of making this dream a reality. Fifteen years later, it happened. That’s much longer than it should have taken, but it happened. And it never happens if black people with the unique black gift of a platform don’t put something on the line, for the long-term gain. A peer of Stevie's, Donny Hathaway, sang, “Take it from me, someday we’ll all be free,” in 1973. It’s sad to know we’re still not there. They’re still killing us, poisoning us, making us feel lesser than. But in these moments, even more than politics or the traditional idea of leadership, it’s always been art that’s kept us believing that one day it’ll get better. Some of our best black art has been inspiring songs of liberation, but inherent in liberation is the reality of still not being free. Our most important songs stem from bad times — the juxtaposition of black frustration and black hope — that hopefully will lead to a better tomorrow. Because when it comes to being black in America, it’s still not about pushing us into the black — it’s more just trying to lift us out of the red.

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FOCUS: GOP Candidates Promise Four Major Ground Wars, Murder of Innocents, and Large Genitalia Print
Saturday, 05 March 2016 13:19

Cole writes: "At yet another GOP debate, there was a foreign policy section, which Fox News predictably put under the heading of 'terrorism.'"

The Republican debate in Detroit, Michigan. (photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)
The Republican debate in Detroit, Michigan. (photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)


GOP Candidates Promise Four Major Ground Wars, Murder of Innocents, and Large Genitalia

By Juan Cole, Informed Comment

05 March 16

 

t yet another GOP debate, there was a foreign policy section, which Fox News predictably put under the heading of “terrorism.”

Brett Baier asked Marco Rubio about Daesh (ISIL, ISIS), noting that Rubio has proposed “sending a larger number of American ground troops to help defeat ISIS in Syria and Iraq…”

Rubio was annoyed that Baier only thought Rubio would invade two countries. Rubio replied, “That’s correct, and Libya.”

Rubio went on about Daesh:

“So they need to be targeted wherever they have an operating space. They do need to be defeated on the ground by a ground force made up primarily of Sunni Arabs themselves. This is a radical Sunni movement. They can only be defeated if they are driven out and the territory is held by Sunni Arabs. But it will require a specific number of American special operators, in combination with an increase in air strikes. And that will include, if necessary, operating spaces in Libya, which, in fact, they are using to project into the Sinai against Egypt and ultimately into Europe, as well.

So Rubio wants US ground troops wherever there is a Daesh cell– now he is adding Libya and Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula. That’s 4 wars he is pledging. There will be US casualties in these wars.

Rubio’s notion of a Sunni alliance against Daesh shows ignorance of the region. No Sunni state sees Daesh or ISIL as the primary threat, the way Washington does. Turkey obsesses about the Kurds. Saudi Arabia is focused on Iran and Shiites. The most effective fighters against Daesh so far have been Shiites and leftist or secular Kurds.

Rubio can’t admit he needs the Shiites, including Iran, because his backers forbid him to make nice with Iran.

Then Baier turned to Kasich:

I will say, look, let me tell you what happened with Libya. And I pointed out in the last debate — Hillary Clinton worked aggressively to depose Moammar Gadhafi. We had no business doing it. He was working with us. He was cooperating with us. He denuclearized. And now they pushed him out, and now we have a fertile ground for ISIS.

So the “moderate” GOP candidate supports a dreadful dictatorship guilty of massacring its opposition and of planning to commit genocide in Benghazi. That the Middle East was more stable under murderous dictators is also a Trump theme. If they were so stable, why did their people rise up and overthrow them? (It wasn’t NATO that fought off Gaddafi’s tanks in Misrata, it was the people of Misrata).

Then, having castigated Sec. Clinton for involving herself in Libya, Kasich urged a multinational invasion of that country in which we, the US, “have to be there on the ground in significant numbers. We do have to include our Muslim Arab friends to work with us on that. And we have to be in the air.” His model for this new ground war in North Africa is the Gulf War, when George H. W. Bush sent hundreds of thousands of US troops into Kuwait along with hundreds of thousands of allied troops. That war was a major one, in which there were larger tank battles than any time since the end WW II.

I don’t understand Kasich’s plan. If Hillary was wrong to get involved in Libya, why is Kasich right to? And, is he really proposing a war on Libya on the scale of the Gulf War? Doesn’t that lead to a quagmire?

Mr. Baier then asked Trump what would happen if the US military refused to obey his ilegal orders to murder the innocent women and children of terrorists.

“TRUMP: They won’t refuse. They’re not going to refuse me. Believe me.

BAIER: But they’re illegal.

[Trump] … that’s the way I feel. Can you imagine — can you imagine these people, these animals over in the Middle East, that chop off heads, sitting around talking and seeing that we’re having a hard problem with waterboarding? We should go for waterboarding and we should go tougher than waterboarding. That’s my opinion.

BAIER: But targeting terrorists’ families?

(APPLAUSE)

TRUMP: And — and — and — I’m a leader. I’m a leader. I’ve always been a leader. I’ve never had any problem leading people. If I say do it, they’re going to do it. That’s what leadership is all about.

BAIER: Even targeting terrorists’ families?

TRUMP: Well, look, you know, when a family flies into the World Trade Center, a man flies into the World Trade Center, and his family gets sent back to where they were going — and I think most of you know where they went — and, by the way, it wasn’t Iraq — but they went back to a certain territory, they knew what was happening. The wife knew exactly what was happening.

They left two days early, with respect to the World Trade Center, and they went back to where they went, and they watched their husband on television flying into the World Trade Center, flying into the Pentagon, and probably trying to fly into the White House, except we had some very, very brave souls on that third plane. All right?

TRUMP: I have no problem with it.

Trump is hinting that the families of the 9/11 hijackers were Saudi and that they had been vacationing in the country their men were about to attack, but then abruptly returned to Saudi Arabia. But none of the family members of the hijackers were in fact in the US. The Bush administration more or less evacuated prominent Saudi families for fear of popular reprisals against them. It isn’t plausible that these Saudis knew that the 9/11 attacks were coming (they could have vacationed elsewhere) or that Saudi mainstream people were involved (they have big investments in the US stock market, and took a bath after the attacks).

But to be clear, Trump appears to believe that the US should have tortured and killed those Saudi vacationers, in reprisal for Daesh, which did not exist in 2001.

“BAIER: Senator Cruz?

CRUZ: … As president, I will do the exact same thing with radical Islamic terrorism. We will rebuild this military so that it remains the mightiest fighting force on the face of the planet. And then, when I am commander-in-chief, every militant on the face of the Earth will understand that if they go and join ISIS, if they wage jihad against the United States of America, they are signing their death warrant.

(APPLAUSE)

The US already has by far the best military in the world, and there are only 25,000 or so Daesh fighters. Cruz’s power fantasies can’t change the fact that conventional armies face obstacles in fighting small groups of guerrillas on unfamiliar terrain. Bankrupting us all by increasing an already bloated Pentagon budget is not going to change that.

Finally, Kasich took a swipe at Cruz saying he’d rebuild the US military the way Reagan had.

KASICH:

And you know, we hear about Ronald Reagan rebuilding the military. I was there when Ronald Reagan rebuilt the military. I worked with him. I was there when Ronald Reagan rebuilt the economy. I was there, and I worked with him. I knew Ronald Reagan.

And I’ll leave it right there with what comes after that. You can figure that one out.

I don’t understand why they keep talking about the 1980s when the Soviet Union still existed. The US now has no peer conventional power. Why would you bankrupt the country with military spending when the US is the sole hyperpower? That there are small fringe terrorist threats has nothing to do with Department of Defense spending. Terrorism is a different kind of challenge, and you can’t defeat it with an F-35.

I count 4 wars they are promising us, with US troops on the ground in each. They have some imaginary Sunni military coalition in mind, which doesn’t exist and won’t. And, Trump promised more torture and murder of innocents and no one else on the stage even demurred, except for Mr. Baier (who won’t be making those decisions).

Oh, and yes. Donald Trump replied to Marco Rubio’s allegation that Trump has small hands and a small dick. Trump assures us that both are yuuuje.

That discussion took up as much time as foreign policy.

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FOCUS | Michael Moore: Bernie Sanders "Beats Every Republican When They Go Head to Head" - Hillary Doesn't Print
Saturday, 05 March 2016 12:33

Fragoso writes: "After a six-year hiatus, Michael Moore - the gleefully polemical documentarian from Flint, Michigan - is back on the silver screen with Where to Invade Next, a jovial European excursion that propels Moore into various countries with ingenious ideas for managing a variety of societal constructs, from prison and education systems to parenting."

Michael Moore. (photo: AFP)
Michael Moore. (photo: AFP)


Michael Moore: Bernie Sanders "Beats Every Republican When They Go Head to Head" - Hillary Doesn't

By Sam Fragoso, Vox

05 March 16

 

A conversation with the controversial documentarian.

fter a six-year hiatus, Michael Moore — the gleefully polemical documentarian from Flint, Michigan — is back on the silver screen with Where to Invade Next, a jovial European excursion that propels Moore into various countries with ingenious ideas for managing a variety of societal constructs, from prison and education systems to parenting.

The grand idea? Moore will travel to these foreign lands in hopes of stealing (or borrowing) the concepts that make them great. In Norway it’s the prison system, which fosters creativity and personal growth by respecting its inhabitants; as a result, the recidivism rate is in the low 20th percentile. In France, children consume healthy and gourmet school lunches that are inexplicably produced for less money than in the United States.

Operating as a sort of lighthearted travelogue across seven different countries, the film briskly continues like this for two hours. Moore is our avatar, the naive traveler in Europe who inevitably discovers that a better life may exist away from America.

And it’s America that Moore appears to be a little less critical of in Where to Invade Next. In many ways, optimism has replaced the unruly skepticism for Washington's innumerable misdeeds that has long been present in his work. What’s hard to tell is whether this change in temperament signifies wisdom or simply a new outlook brought on by time.

Regardless, the filmmaker appears genuinely content — both in the movie and in conversation — especially when discussing his own success. This was clear when we sat down for an interview to discuss the new film (which is currently in theaters), when Moore also spoke candidly about Bernie Sanders’s presidential run, being attacked in the press by Republicans, and why liberals are slackers.

Sam Fragoso
It's strange to think about now, but the first time most people probably saw Bernie Sanders was in your 2009 movie Capitalism: A Love Story.

Michael Moore
It was probably the first movie he was in. Perhaps the only movie.

Sam Fragoso
When you were talking to Sanders for that documentary, was there any part of you that thought, "This man could be our next president?"

Michael Moore
Well, I think those of us who've known for him for a long time have always put that out there. Wouldn't that be cool if he won? But that's as far as it ever went. I remember flying up to Burlington [Vermont, Sanders's home state] in 1990, the second time he ran for Congress. And he has asked me — right after Roger & Me was released — to do a rally in support of his run.

Sam Fragoso
Are you surprised that he is doing as well as he is?

Michael Moore
I'm not surprised at all, because I feel like I have my finger on the pulse of this country. If you're just out there, you realize you can't throw millions of people out of work over these last two decades and evict people from their homes. The No. 1 cause of bankruptcy is medical bills. The list goes on. The people have been battered in a pretty brutal manner. So that someone like Bernie would rise up is not surprising at all.

Sam Fragoso
Do you think if Bernie — a man of the people — is not elected, the country will be inching closer and closer to a revolt?

Michael Moore
Well ... I don't think [that will happen], because he'll be elected. It's not a feeling. I look at the poll numbers. He beats every Republican when they go head to head. Hillary loses to one of them, ties another, and beats another by 5 points. She beats Trump by 5 points. Bernie beats Trump by 10 points. I'm optimistic that the person who is most popular will win the contest.

Sam Fragoso
Technically, yes. But for many people, it's hard to not be fearful of Washington's machinations.

Michael Moore
I'm not so worried about that. I'm more afraid that my side of the political fence is the slacker end of the fence. Getting people out to vote on Election Day is the big issue.

Sam Fragoso
You think liberals are slackers?

Michael Moore
I think liberals, Democrats, most of my friends, myself, yes. I think we have the slacker gene in us.

Sam Fragoso
And where does the gene come from?

Michael Moore
[laughs] I don't know. It's like in The Walking Dead, you know? The guy at the CDC tells them at the end of season one, "We all have it." On the other side of the political fence, the Republicans will be up at 6 in the morning voting on an election day. The only time [Democrats] see 6 in the morning is if we've been up partying all night. The other side is committed, disciplined, organized, lots of money. Democrats are stumbling into Starbucks at 10 in the morning.

Sam Fragoso
Do you think it's possible to change that?

Michael Moore
I don't know if it can be changed. Just like with any kind of disorder, medicine has been created for a lot of them. In our case, the medicine is going to have to be: You get up that day and go vote. And you gotta bring 10 people with you.

Sam Fragoso
Since the beginning of your career, you've been attacking big institutions from the position of the little man. However, your career has greatly ascended. You're more Goliath than David now.

Michael Moore
Isn't that incredible? Goliath implies you have power. Yes, I've been successful and have a very large fan base, but I don't have the kind of political power or the power in Hollywood where I actually can make something happen with the snap of my fingers.

Sam Fragoso
Sure, but you're not where you were when you made Roger & Me.

Michael Moore
I know, isn't that great? It's like, "Here I am." I have a high school education. When I made Roger & Me I was collecting $98 a week in unemployment, and now I have an apartment in Michigan and an apartment on the Upper West Side of New York. I can't believe how lucky I am.

Sam Fragoso
Well, I'm happy for you.

Michael Moore
I'm happy. And my friends are happy for me. They never knew if I would ever amount to anything. Now I could just make whatever movie I want.

Sam Fragoso
I can't tell if you're being a little sarcastic with me.

Michael Moore
It sounds sarcastic, but I really feel that way. I mean, c'mon! If you were me, wouldn't you feel that way?

Sam Fragoso
Do you ever regret not finishing school?

Michael Moore
I regret it mainly because there are great books that I know I would've read if I were forced to read them in a class. I wish I spoke languages other than English.

Sam Fragoso
Of all the ideas presented in Where to Invade Next, which one were you most excited by?

Michael Moore
The idea of no homework. I love that idea. Finland, they've got it made. When I think back to when I was in high school, if I didn't have to do homework, I know exactly how I would've used that time: doing more of the things I enjoyed doing. I would've spent more time on my underground newspaper that I put together. I would've finished a play that I was writing. I would've done a lot of things, probably, and that was back in a time when there wasn't much homework — especially compared to now. No one in my day was up till midnight doing schoolwork.

Sam Fragoso
What happened to your play?

Michael Moore
Exactly! What did happen to it? I actually finished it the year after high school, and I put on a production of it. It upset the community quite a bit. In fact, I was on the board of education — I had been elected when I was 18 — and they started a recall campaign that removed me from the school board because of this play.

Sam Fragoso
What was the play about?

Michael Moore
It was called The Tunnel, and you gotta remember this was 1973. I didn't know at the time what the word avant-garde meant, but I would say it would fall into that category. [It involves a play within a play, and] in the final scene, the actor playing Jesus is up on a huge cross on the stage. And the cross is wrapped in aluminum foil, and Jesus pulls the nails off his hands and decides he doesn't want to be crucified, and comes down off the cross.

Then a bunch of Republicans in the audience are very upset that Jesus is not where he should be (up on the cross). He's now come off the cross and is speaking gibberish about how to treat poor people and how to take care of the world. So the audience of Republicans rush the stage and kick him and beat him, and a guy gets out a gun and shoots him. Then they drag him back up to the cross and get him back up there where they like him. That was the play.

Sam Fragoso
In a way, Michael, that's kind of you.

Michael Moore
The guy on the stage? I hope not! I'm still going. It’s the fifth day of Republicans talking about me now in the news, and it's like, geez, I haven't made a movie in six years. One day after the opening of my new movie and [Ted] Cruz and [Jeb] Bush are all talking about me. It's funny because they're trying to come up with the person that is the most opposite of what they believe in. And I'm the person that pops into their minds — which of course makes me very proud.

Sam Fragoso
I saw that Jeb Bush likened you to Donald Trump.

Michael Moore
They use my name as if it's an epitaph. To say Donald Trump is like Michael Moore is like telling the public a good thing. You want to compare Donald Trump to the devil, or Charlie Manson. If you're trying to attack Trump, don't use somebody who is beloved by tens of millions of people. That's only going to draw more people to Trump. And in fact, the day after they said that, he went up 3 points in the polls.

Sam Fragoso
Did you think this was how your life would pan out?

Michael Moore
Yeah, sort of, in a way. When I was a little kid — 5, 6, 7 years old — I had my own TV show. You get a big cardboard box and you cut out one end of it. That would be the TV screen, and I'd bring people inside the box to interview them. I had my own theme song. I remember at 6 years old my cousin made me memorize Kennedy's inaugural address. Somewhere between 6 and 9 I thought I'd be president someday.

Sam Fragoso
So being in front of the camera was always part of the plan?

Michael Moore
I just think I was enamored with the idea of interviewing people. I'd start with my sisters. They were always my guinea pigs. I was a curious kid and had a lot of questions.

Sam Fragoso
Have you ever found it difficult to stay curious?

Michael Moore
Oh, no. It's not something I work at. I'm just naturally that way. Most of us are, don't you think? When you go through life, a lot of it gets squelched, but hopefully not.

Sam Fragoso
What would you consider the most salient issue plaguing this country?

Michael Moore
I would say the state of journalism. I picked up a copy of Time, and I don't think there were more than 20 pages in the magazine. It's funny how thin it was.

Sam Fragoso
It's a sad reality.

Michael Moore
What happened?

Sam Fragoso
People don't enjoy paying for journalism, especially when most of it can be consumed for free. Do you ever feel that resistance with your movies?

Michael Moore
No, not really. I don't like to pay my mortgage. I don't like to pay the car payment. I think it's a normal thing that you don't want to pay for anything. If you want to go see my movie this week, you have to pay $10 to $12 to go do that. And I believe I make the kind of movies that you're not going to get on the internet. So people will pay for it.

Sam Fragoso
Is there a part of you that wants to be a journalist?

Michael Moore
Of course, but I don't know what I'm going to do when I grow up.

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Clash of Republican Con Artists Print
Saturday, 05 March 2016 09:43

Krugman writes: "So Republicans are going to nominate a candidate who talks complete nonsense on domestic policy; who believes that foreign policy can be conducted via bullying and belligerence; who cynically exploits racial and ethnic hatred for political gain."

Paul Krugman. (photo: Gawker Media)
Paul Krugman. (photo: Gawker Media)


Clash of Republican Con Artists

By Paul Krugman, The New York Times

05 March 16

 

o Republicans are going to nominate a candidate who talks complete nonsense on domestic policy; who believes that foreign policy can be conducted via bullying and belligerence; who cynically exploits racial and ethnic hatred for political gain.

But that was always going to happen, however the primary season turned out. The only news is that the candidate in question is probably going to be Donald Trump. Establishment Republicans denounce Mr. Trump as a fraud, which he is. But is he more fraudulent than the establishment trying to stop him? Not really.

Actually, when you look at the people making those denunciations, you have to wonder: Can they really be that lacking in self-awareness?


READ MORE

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Truth and Fiction in the Age of Trump Print
Saturday, 05 March 2016 09:39

Brenner writes: "The national disgrace that is the Republican contest for the Presidential nomination, carrying with it the potential for national tragedy, has been brewing for some time."

Donald Trump speaking at a rally in Phoenix. (photo: Charlie Leight/Getty Images)
Donald Trump speaking at a rally in Phoenix. (photo: Charlie Leight/Getty Images)


Truth and Fiction in the Age of Trump

By Michael Brenner, CounterPunch

05 March 16

 

he national disgrace that is the Republican contest for the Presidential nomination, carrying with it the potential for national tragedy, has been brewing for some time. The degradation of standards of public discourse along with the widespread tolerance for the abuse of truth in all its aspects has been the hallmark of 21st century politics in the United States. Responsibility lies with the country’s entire political class – broadly defined – not just the delinquents whose coarseness, dishonesty and calculated fostering of ignorance now dominate the headlines.

Acts great and small have combined to prepare the ground. Most obvious in the former category is promotion of persons for high office whose gross disqualifying traits were overlooked or slighted. John McCain’s selection of Sarah Palin as his running mate was the historic marker of a breakthrough that has opened the way for the Trumps, Caines, Santorums, Bachmanns, Forinas, Perrys, Sharptons, Jindals, and Carsons. All those among the Republican Establishment who went along with this insult to the Republic, all those apologists among the MSM and the punditocracy, all those who treated it as just another hilarious incident in the pageant of popular celebrity culture – they all share in the blame. Indeed, one could go further and argue that all those who voted for Ms Palin in awareness of the risks that act posed to the national welfare, too, are accomplices in this wound to our democracy.

Setting aside partisanship when the stakes are so high is a civic duty.

Lying as an omnipresent fact of governmental and political life is another ingredient of the toxic diet that has brought low our civic health. Some of the lying is widely recognized: the calculated deceit used to whip the populace into a war frenzy that would carry the United States into the disaster of Iraq with all its deleterious follow-on consequences. What was the 9/11 Commission report other than a blatant bi-partisan whitewash whose staff director was in almost daily telephone contact with Condoleezza Rice at the White House?

President Obama did not help matters by his cavalier decision to sweep it all under the rug. Other lies, even very big ones, are less remarked upon. Responsibility for the great financial collapse, another event with deep lingering effects, never has been clearly and firmly placed on the perpetrators – the financial predators led by our largest banking organizations. Certainly, there has been no accountability of the individual and corporate culprits. Instead, leaders of both parties – assisted by the media – have managed to diffuse responsibility throughout the “system.”  Hence, in the minds of most we all are somehow to blame. Indeed, that was the line taken by Hillary Clinton in one of her highly profitable talks to financial barons that has been leaked.

Nor, for sure, is Bill Clinton burdened with responsibility for forcing through the deregulation that opened to way to casino finance. And it was Barack Obama who eagerly placed in all positions of power the very people who had promoted that deregulation and who had moved on to Wall Street to reap the ill-begotten benefits. That sell-out was followed by Obama’s spinning on a dime by converting to austerity economics, the permanent cutting of all government spending, and leaving in place the unconscionable tax breaks afforded the super-rich by his predecessor. All of these actions made a mockery of his campaign pledges. This represents a high order of dishonesty – whatever else one wants to call it.

Returning to the “war on terror,” which has been institutionalized now by two Presidents, it has been studded by a pageant of lies: Lies about the magnitude of the threat, lies about the political realities of Iraq and Afghanistan and Syria and Yemen, lies about clandestine American interventions in those and other places, lies about ending combat operations in Afghanistan, fabricated fictional tales about the killing of Osama bin-Laden peddled to Hollywood as the true inside story in a classic quid pro quo deal which exchanged corporate profits for electoral profit, endless lies about electronic spying on American citizens, lies about the White House hacking of Senate Intelligence Committee computers, lies about the bungled CIA mission that produced the Benghazi tragedy, lies about the al-Qaeda/al-Nusra “moderates” of Syria – and so on. So numerous have the lies been, that memory buckles under the weight of remembering them all.

As for Hillary, straight-talking never has had a place in the Clinton combine’s political repertoire. The ever-changing versions of the email server story and the vortex of excuses for hiding her compromising remarks to the generous Goldman Sachs bankers have become so convoluted as to leave us dazzled and dazed.

Sadly, this sorry record is largely ignored by serious media. Democrat leaning commentators in particular have seen criticism along these lines as tantamount to providing aid and comfort to the enemy. That has been true for seven years. More recently, we have been subject to more calculated, and concerted, campaigns to heap praise on the President – and to do so lavishly. That precludes any critical reference whatsoever to the issue of truthfulness under the Obama administration.

Lying, of course, is not a White House exclusive. The misrepresentations by heads of United States’ Intelligence agencies tops the list of those who are “truth-challenged.” Director of Central Intelligence John Brennan’s repeated lying, including perjury in public testimony before Congress, won him the singular dishonor of being so cited in a New York Times editorial.  Director of National Intelligence General  James Clapper similarly perjured himself before the Senate Intelligence Committee. On no occasion have they been held accountable by the President or Congress. Former Director of the NSA, General Keith Alexander, completed the trio of Intelligence dissemblers – repeatedly claiming that mass surveillance yielded actionable Intelligence that prevented at least 60 terrorist acts and then provided no supporting evidence before reducing the claim to “1” highly dubious case of a Los Angeles taxi driver sending a few dollars to a relative in Somalia.

Such is their reputation, and that of the Intelligence organizations they lead, that any statement they make should be taken to be as likely false as true. The same holds about any statement from a Central Command spokesman about our numerous military engagements in the greater Middle East (e.g. the serial lies about the assault on the Medecins Sans Frontieres hospital in Kunduz). As has been said, were any of these gentlemen to testify that Saudi air strikes in Yemen (guided by American Intelligence officers) struck hospitals and schools accidentally because the dawn flights approached targets from the West with the rising sun in their eyes, there would be a prime facie case for consulting with NOAA to determine if there had not been a change in the rotation of the Earth’s axis the night before.

As for the Republicans in Congress over the past seven years, as well as their Presidential candidates, truth has become something unspoken except by mishap. Many seem no longer able to distinguish truth from falsity   –  much less recognize the difference in what they say or do.

Commentators inside the MSM and outside it both have taken a permissive attitude toward all that encourages this misbehavior. Hence, it has become cost free for the mendacious. The methods for doing so are numerous. They include stenographic reporting of lies and contradictions; ignoring them whether through intent or sheer laziness; joining forces without admitting it to the viewing/listening/reading audience; or camouflaging the whole sham with the supposedly reassuring bromide that “they all do it” or “it’s just part of the game.”

With this magnitude of dishonesty, responsible and accountability governance is impossible – and so, too, the political process that sustains it.

We also might note that the removal of all inhibition on the use of obscene language, such as the “f word,” has given free rein to politicos to do the same. Every time some smart-ass TV host mouths off this way – smirking in self-satisfaction like a delinquent 11-year old – added encouragement is given to public figures to take similar liberties. Moreover, it prompts people generally to think in terms of vulgarities. And that is the language of crude emotion – not the language of thinking.

More consequential is the related pattern that has legitimized racist speech. The appearance of a “black” man in the White House has irritated the bowels of many Americans. Some are race haters of the old school, some can’t stand a black as the nation’s symbol and highest authority even as they tolerate their integration into the rest of society, some use the “n-word” as an all-purpose obscenity like “bastard” or “son-of-a-bitch” that is a short hand way of saying “I really hate that guy” – even if for non-racist reasons.

When gross racist insults began to enter the national discourse, including those uttered by elected Republican officials, they were taken to be marginal phenomena. The full implications were not understood. Racist slogans beget racist slogans; and, at a certain point, beget racist thinking and then racist conduct. By degrees, the unthinkable and the unacceptable have taken root in American public life. That gives courage to the true racists. It also makes palatable other forms of racism: Muslim-bashing and Latino-bashing. Both of the latter have now entered the “mainstream.” They thrive in a culture where ignorance is worn like a badge of honor – by media personalities, politicos and university students – in addition to the nitwit in the street.

Listening to Donald Trump pronounce anathema on all Muslims, our studiously ignorant culture fails to note that if they had been shunned historically, billionaire Trump would be known as: MMMMMMMMMM……(two thousand Ms)…. Trump. He would need voluminous rolls of papyrus just to write it. Paper came to the Christian world via the Arabs from China.

Lax behavioral standards applied erratically generate a downward spiral of abusive language. What was impermissible yesterday is permissible tomorrow because of what was allowed to pass uncontested today. Moreover, it acts like a magnet, attracting subjective angers and hurts from different sources which thereby acquire an emotional point of hostility and a crude vocabulary.

What is quite remarkable about this electoral season is how many have crossed the threshold between bar room (or dinette) modes of feeling/expression and how they react to candidates. In the past, instinctive good sense maintained awareness of that line. It was the ingrained responsible way for grown-ups to act. No more. That has emboldened candidates to play to those emotions. As Donald Trump, the showman and ego maniac himself, has explained, the more vulgar and reckless he became in what he said and how he said, the more attention he drew – and most of that was favorable attention as registered in survey polling and votes. So why not go for the KKK vote on the eve of Super Tuesday.

Furthermore, his clown performance did not bring him scorn on part of commentators and editorial writers. A generation or two ago, he would have been denounced and shunned. Not in today’s “anything goes” culture where vulgarity sells and where selling is what it is all about. Media have to sell advertising time by attracting an audience that wallows in “extreme,” gender changes as emotional take-out food, and the weird doings of Hollywood wackos.   Commentators have to be “with it” and up-to-date lest they be abandoned like retro analog watches. Self-respect and respect for the integrity of the Commonweal places less and less constraint on this nihilism.

It is stunning to note how few newspapers and electronic media organizations have made even a slight effort to point with alarm to the nefarious effects of antics by candidates like Trump and others. My local Texas paper has not editorialized a single word along these lines – despite vaunting its liberalism and dedication to civic responsibility. The reasons are simple. One is abiding anxiety about estranging the “red neck” portion of its readership. Nation-wide, that disposition is strongly reinforced by corporate ownership that is predominantly conservative. The old Republican Establishment cynically has seen advantage in back-rolling and egging-on the Tea Party movement. Its members served as their shock troops in besieging the Obama White House, spearheading the war against Democrats, liberals and whomever dared challenge their plutocratic consolidation. In the process, they became captives to a diabolical force that they cannot control.

Another reason for the gross irresponsibility of the media, think tanks, et al is straightforward cowardice. Greed and selfish careerism inevitably lead to cowardice. They are paired traits in the gradual moral debilitation that occurs when society loses the moral gyroscope that calls us to order.

The tragic reality is that most Americans have lost the aptitude for separating truth from fiction – and the body politic collectivity really does not care as long as the show goes on.

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