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FOCUS: Ghosts of '68 in Election 2016 Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29097"><span class="small">Michael Winship, Moyers & Company</span></a>   
Sunday, 15 May 2016 11:21

Winship writes: "Watching the mad, mad, mad, mad world that is the 2016 presidential campaign, I was trying to remember a presidential campaign that was as jaw-dropping, at least in my lifetime, and easily settled on 1968. For those too young to remember, imagine: As fighting in Vietnam rages on and the Tet Offensive makes us all too aware of the futility of our Southeast Asian military fiasco, Minnesota Sen. Eugene McCarthy decides to run as an antiwar candidate against incumbent President Lyndon Johnson."

Martin Luther King Jr. meeting with President Lyndon Johnson at the White House in 1966. (photo: Wikimedia Commons)
Martin Luther King Jr. meeting with President Lyndon Johnson at the White House in 1966. (photo: Wikimedia Commons)


Ghosts of '68 in Election 2016

By Michael Winship, Moyers & Company

15 May 16

 

Longtime observers of American politics have noted striking parallels between the unpredictable wartime election of 1968 and the bizarre presidential contest of 2016, another time of war and distress, as Michael Winship recalls.

atching the mad, mad, mad, mad world that is the 2016 presidential campaign, I was trying to remember a presidential campaign that was as jaw-dropping, at least in my lifetime, and easily settled on 1968.

For those too young to remember, imagine: As fighting in Vietnam rages on and the Tet Offensive makes us all too aware of the futility of our Southeast Asian military fiasco, Minnesota Sen. Eugene McCarthy decides to run as an antiwar candidate against incumbent President Lyndon Johnson.

Supported by an army of “Clean for Gene” college students knocking on doors and making phone calls, McCarthy does surprisingly well, and then New York Sen. Robert Kennedy gets into the race, too. Johnson makes a surprise announcement that he will not seek a second term in the White House and McCarthy and Kennedy duke it out in the primaries.

In the midst of all this, civil rights giant Martin Luther King Jr., is assassinated in Memphis, Tennessee, and riots erupt across the cities of the United States. Two months later, Kennedy is murdered in the kitchen of a Los Angeles hotel just minutes after winning the California primary.

In August, eight years after his defeat by John F. Kennedy, the Republicans bring back Richard Nixon as their presidential candidate and the Democrats select Vice President Hubert Humphrey, who has not run in a single primary, as their party’s standard bearer.

Simultaneously, a police riot against protesters outside the Democratic convention in Chicago leaves an indelible image of chaos, tear gas and blood. Nixon wins the election with a well-executed campaign set to the accompaniment of dog whistle signals against minorities and left-wing dissenters.

Oh, and one other thing — Alabama Gov. George Wallace, arch segregationist and race baiter, runs as the third-party candidate of the American Independent Party, campaigning as a rebel populist seeking the votes of the angry, white working class. He wins almost 10 million votes and carries five states in the South.

All of which brings me to one of the curiosities of that manic ‘68 campaign season, a slim volume written by Russell Baker, former New York Times columnist and veteran White House and congressional reporter. First serialized in The Saturday Evening Post, it was published as a book under the title Our Next President: The Incredible Story of What Happened in the 1968 Elections.

But here’s the thing: Baker’s book was written before all the events I just described. It was imaginary, a work of speculative fiction that soon found the real thing giving it a run for its money. And yet, much of what Baker dreamed up presaged what really happened and is eerily reminiscent of what’s going on in 2016 America.

In the book, President Johnson is indeed as besieged as the actual LBJ – “being ground in a politics of frustration more bitter than any could remember since the Depression election of 1932,” Baker writes. “A seemingly endless war, record food prices, rising taxes, intractable poverty, a surly unmanageable Congress and now an incipient revolution of race – and Johnson bore the burden of public blame for all.” It’s all too similar to the climate today.

But in Baker’s version of history, Johnson uses his legendary political wiles to create a scenario that he believes will lead to his reelection – Hubert Humphrey is made to step down as vice president, becoming secretary of state, and Kennedy is named as the next vice president, creating a Johnson-Kennedy ticket. Pandemonium ensues.

Art Anticipating Life

As in the actual summer of 1968, there are race riots that impact the campaign and as is the case in 2016, the Republican Party is in complete disarray, riven by a plethora of potential candidates, many of whose names may now seem unfamiliar but all of whom were genuine presidential possibilities – Mitt Romney’s father, George, the governor of Michigan; Ohio Gov. James Rhodes; former Pennsylvania Gov. William Scranton and Illinois Sen. Charles Percy, among others. There’s Nixon, of course, New York’s Gov. Nelson Rockefeller and, oh yes, California Gov. Ronald Reagan.

After much shouting and disruption, eventually they choose as their slate New York City Mayor John Lindsay and running mate John Tower, conservative U.S. senator from Texas.

George Wallace is prominent in Baker’s story, too, running just as he really did in 1968… and in 1972 (when he was shot and forever after wheelchair-bound)… and in 1976. Here’s Baker’s description of the Southern populist’s campaign:

“Wallace’s crude animal reaction to the complexities of American society found a sympathetic hearing that summer among millions baffled by the speed at which the future was hurtling upon them and frustrated by their individual impotence against the tyranny of vast computerized organizations spreading through American life. With his snake-oil miracle cures, Wallace satisfied a deep public yearning to be deluded with promises of easy solutions.”

And here’s Baker’s version of Wallace inveighing against protesters: “If I ever get to be president and any of these demonstrators lay down in front of my car, it’ll be the last car they ever lay down in front of.”

If, as Mark Twain supposedly said, history does not repeat itself but certainly does rhyme, Russell Baker’s description of the state of the union nearly 50 years ago and a Wallace candidacy that’s so very much like Donald Trump’s is as blank verse from the past, reflecting a national mood that today is perhaps even more confused and enraged.

I’m far from the first to draw the parallel. George Wallace’s own daughter, Peggy Wallace Kennedy, recently told National Public Radio that both men have played to our basest instincts. “Trump and my father say out loud what people are thinking but don’t have the courage to say,” she said. “They both were able to adopt the notion that fear and hate are the two greatest motivators of voters that feel alienated from government.”

And back in January, Dan T. Carter wrote in The New York Times, “Both George Wallace and Donald Trump are part of a long national history of scapegoating minorities: from the Irish, Catholics, Asians, Eastern European immigrants and Jews to Muslims and Latino immigrants. During times of insecurity, a sizable minority of Americans has been drawn to forceful figures who confidently promise the destruction of all enemies, real and imagined, allowing Americans to return to a past that never existed.”

An aversion to spoilers tempts me to not tell you how Baker’s story ends but you may have trouble tracking down a copy of this long out-of-print little book, so here it is: the three-way election – Johnson vs. Lindsay vs. Wallace – is deadlocked in the Electoral College. As per the Constitution, the choice of president is turned over to the House of Representatives, and the Senate chooses the vice president. A series of maneuvers, miscalculations and skullduggery ultimately results in a second President Kennedy.

We should be so lucky.


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FOCUS: Donald Trump's Attempt to Destroy Press Freedom Is Reminiscent of 1930's Fascists Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36361"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Sunday, 15 May 2016 10:44

Reich writes: "Of Donald Trump's many fascistic tendencies, his treatment of the media - 'disgusting reporters' he calls them - replicates the tactics of demagogues since the 1930s."

Robert Reich. (photo: unknown)
Robert Reich. (photo: unknown)


Donald Trump's Attempt to Destroy Press Freedom Is Reminiscent of 1930's Fascists

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page

15 May 16

 

f Donald Trump’s many fascistic tendencies, his treatment of the media -- "disgusting reporters" he calls them – replicates the tactics of demagogues since the 1930s:

1. Banning not just reporters but even publications that have covered him negatively from covering at his public events, while giving campaign credentials to extremist outlets like “Political Cesspool,” a radio show that labels itself "pro-white.”

2. Inciting crowds against the media.Trump regularly whips his crowds into an anti-media frenzy and urges his fans to boo the press pen. Hostile rhetoric toward the press is a staple of his events. "I would never kill them, but I do hate them," he said of the press in December. "And some of them are such lying, disgusting people."

3. Throwing reporters out of Trump rallies. Last weekend, Michael Mayo, a columnist for Florida's Sun-Sentinel, was threatened with arrest if he didn’t leave a Trump rally in West Boca after he entered through the public line and tried to film protesters. The campaign has reportedly begun to intersperse plainclothes security officers amid the crowd to root out anyone who is not a true Trump fan.

4. Using violence against reporters. Two weeks ago, a Secret Service officer watching over the press section choked Time photographer Chris Morris and slammed him to the ground when he tried to venture out of the media pen.

5. Threatening the media with libel. Last month, Trump vowed to make libel laws more punitive against the media if he becomes president. "I'm going to open up our libel laws so when they write purposely negative and horrible and false articles, we can sue them and win lots of money," Trump said during a campaign event in Texas.

A free society depends on a free press. Which is why demagogues and fascists like Trump seek to destroy press freedom.

What do you think?


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Exposing the Injustice of Vengeance Against the Convicted Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36478"><span class="small">John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Sunday, 15 May 2016 08:14

Kiriakou writes: "We live in a system that seeks vengeance against those convicted of crimes, a society that doesn't just want people to repay their debts to society, but wants them to continue to suffer, both during and after release. That's why there's no public outcry against the human and civil rights violations that current and former prisoners face every day."

A solitary confinement cell at New York City's Rikers Island jail. (photo: Bebeto Matthews/AP)
A solitary confinement cell at New York City's Rikers Island jail. (photo: Bebeto Matthews/AP)


Exposing the Injustice of Vengeance Against the Convicted

By John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News

15 May 16

 

rison Legal News (PLN), a magazine dedicated to prison reform and news developments related to federal and state prison systems, has filed a lawsuit against the Arizona Department of Corrections (DOC) after the DOC banned four issues of the magazine because of “sexually explicit material.” What’s the nature of this sexual material? It’s four articles about prison guards and other prison employees raping prisoners. The Arizona DOC actions are not meant to ensure the smooth running of the prison system, as it asserts, but instead to keep prisoners in the dark about official abuse, malfeasance, and criminal activity. The DOC has sought to settle the case out of court. Even they recognize that they’re holding a losing hand.

The DOC’s guidelines regarding prisoners receiving sexually explicit material are clear. They state, “Sexually explicit material is defined as publications that feature nudity and/or sexual behaviors/acts and/or the publication is promoted based on such depictions.” The description bears no resemblance whatsoever to Prison Legal News, which contains only news articles and the occasional advertisement.

This Arizona DOC’s actions are not new to Prison Legal News. Indeed, PLN has filed dozens of lawsuits against the Federal Bureau of Prisons, corrections departments, local jails, and states since 2000. Just this year, for example, the Northwest Regional Adult Detention Center in Winchester, Virginia, agreed to PLN demands that prisoners be allowed to receive the magazine, after initially banning it and all other printed material. Similarly, earlier this year the Nevada Department of Corrections agreed to pay PLN $475,000 and to allow prisoners to receive the magazine after PLN filed a federal suit there. PLN has had similar wins across the country over the past few years.

Other prisoners’ rights organizations get far more news coverage than PLN, a publication of the Florida-based Human Rights Defense Center (HRDC). The Innocence Project, for example, uses DNA evidence to work to exonerate those people wrongly convicted of murder and serving sentences of life, or even death. Every Innocence Project win is major national news.

But it’s the small and underfunded HRDC and PLN that work to defend prisoners’ rights on virtually every other issue. HRDC currently has numerous lawsuits pending against the federal government, states, municipalities, and private prisons, not only related to freedom of speech, but also to prevent prisons from forcing released prisoners to accept all of their remaining commissary money on high-fee debit cards; to prevent prisons from banning all prisoner mail except postcards; and fighting the decision made by several private prisons to ban in-person visits in favor of expensive video-only visits. PLN and HRDC are also leaders in the fight against substandard and incompetent medical care in prisons across the country.

The question is why PLN is the only organization taking on these issues. Frankly, in a real democracy, in a country that respects its own constitution and the rule of law, PLN and an organization like HRDC would not even be necessary. But that’s not the society we live in. We live in a system that seeks vengeance against those convicted of crimes, a society that doesn’t just want people to repay their debts to society, but wants them to continue to suffer, both during and after release.

That’s why there’s no public outcry against the human and civil rights violations that current and former prisoners face every day. That’s why there’s no public outcry when prisoners die unnecessarily in prison because of substandard medical care. That’s why there’s anger when governors reinstate the voting rights of former felons.

Society won’t change by itself. And certainly the lemmings in Congress won’t lead the way. That’s why organizations like HRDC and publications like PLN are so important. They are the only voice for prisoners and for the human and civil rights prisoners deserve.



John Kiriakou is an associate fellow with the Institute for Policy Studies. He is a former CIA counterterrorism officer and a former senior investigator with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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State-Mandated Mourning for Aborted Fetuses Print
Sunday, 15 May 2016 08:11

Myers writes: "The bill would require women to pay for either cremation or burial for the aborted fetus. Yes, you read that right. Women would be legally required to fund a funeral for the aborted fetus. If that isn't just the perfect blend of emotional shaming and economic manipulation, I don't know what is."

Graves at a cemetery in Illinois. (photo: Jim Young/Reuters)
Graves at a cemetery in Illinois. (photo: Jim Young/Reuters)


State-Mandated Mourning for Aborted Fetuses

By Lily Myers, Bust

15 May 16

 

ast week, the Indiana state legislature quietly approved House Bill 1337, which, if signed, would radically restrict abortion access in the state by making procedures both more expensive and more intimidating. HB 1337 includes extreme measures that fall into the tired patterns of TRAP (Targeted Regulation of Abortion Provider) laws we’ve seen before. But this law is far more restrictive than most states'.

Apart from requiring abortion providers to have admitting privileges at a nearby hospital, the bill also requires women to receive a mandatory ultrasound and listen to the fetus’ heartbeat before the procedure. This is, of course, completely medically unnecessary; it's a tactic of emotional manipulation and shaming. This ultrasound must occur 18 hours prior to the abortion. Since only 4 clinics exist in all of Indiana’s 92 counties, women must travel large distances to have the procedure, paying for not only their travel costs but overnight accommodation as well.

And speaking of costs, the bill would also require women to pay for either cremation or burial for the aborted fetus. Yes, you read that right. Women would be legally required to fund a funeral for the aborted fetus. If that isn’t just the perfect blend of emotional shaming and economic manipulation, I don’t know what is. This stipulation would back up a 2015 law passed by Indiana Governor Mike Pence, which required that fetuses be "disposed of in a humane way." Never mind what’s humane for the woman, right?

That’s not all. HB 1337 would also prohibit women from aborting a fetus due to a diagnosis of any type of disability, including Down’s syndrome. Any doctor caught providing an abortion for this reason would face a wrongful death conviction. The law requires women to provide a motivation for their abortion that is deemed adequate; Indiana is the second state, after North Dakota, that can legally refuse an abortion if the woman’s reason is not deemed "good enough." Under this bill, a life-threatening illness would not fit into this category.

HB 1337 would make legal abortions — and lest we forget, these abortions are supposed to be legal — much more expensive, difficult, emotionally taxing, and traumatic. The terrifying part is that the bill’s already passed; all it needs is for Governor Mike Pence (he of the “humane disposal” law) to sign off. On Monday, pro-choice activists showed up at his office, petitioning him to veto the bill. It didn’t seem to have much effect. “We’ll give that very careful and thoughtful consideration in the days ahead and we’ll come to a conclusion,” Pence told the Indiana Public Media Group. “But I do bring my belief in the sanctity of life to that and that will inform the way that I evaluate that, ultimately.”

The bill has gotten little attention in the media; we've seen none of the expected outrage that maybe, just maybe, could have stalled the bill’s passing. And now it may be too late. A stringently anti-abortion governor has a stringently anti-abortion bill sitting on his desk; the clock is ticking. However, there is substantial Republican disapproval of this bill, and maybe it will make Pence pause. Conservatives have called out the bill as being too strict, an overreach of government power. Republican Sean Eberhart was persuaded to oppose the bill by his wife, even though she’s “as pro-life as they come.”

“Today is a perfect example a bunch of middle-aged guys sitting in this room making decisions about what we think is best for women,” Eberhart said. “We need to quit pretending we know what’s best for women and their health care needs.”

Um... yeah. Thanks, Eberhart. Kinda what we’ve been saying all along. Let’s cross our fingers and hope that Pence comes to the same conclusion. My prayers are with you, Indiana.


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Even With the Arctic Out, Offshore Drilling Isn't Slowing Down Print
Sunday, 15 May 2016 08:02

Cronin writes: "That doesn't mean offshore drilling is slowing down. The Gulf of Mexico, long an epicenter of offshore drilling, is still wide open - and its oil and gas production is growing."

Oil platform in the Gulf of Mexico. (photo: ssuaphoto/iStock)
Oil platform in the Gulf of Mexico. (photo: ssuaphoto/iStock)


Even With the Arctic Out, Offshore Drilling Isn't Slowing Down

By Melissa Cronin, Grist

15 May 16

 

he oil industry just lost its chance at finding a fossil fuel goldmine in the U.S. Arctic. On Tuesday, Royal Dutch Shell formally gave up on its decade-long attempt of striking oil in the Arctic’s icy waters, relinquishing all but one of its oil and gas leases off of Alaska’s northwest coast. Last fall, the company abandoned its drilling plans in the Chukchi Sea for the “foreseeable” future, and President Barack Obama’s canceled new oil and gas leases there, too.

But that doesn’t mean offshore drilling is slowing down.

The Gulf of Mexico, long an epicenter of offshore drilling, is still wide open — and its oil and gas production is growing. There are currently more than 5,000 offshore active oil and natural gas leases in the Gulf of Mexico, according to the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM). More than two-thirds of these leases are for deep water drilling.

The Bureau of Ocean Energy Management (BOEM) is hammering out the final details for its five-year leasing plan, which will determine offshore areas that are fair game for oil exploration from 2017 to 2022. Right now, BOEM has proposed 10 new lease sales in the Gulf. The 45-million-acre area, said to contain the eighth-largest carbon reserve on Earth, will remain open to drilling unless the Obama administration changes its gameplan.

“The Gulf drilling is not going to cease unless another catastrophic disaster happens,” said Tyler Priest, a University of Iowa environmental historian who studies oil and energy, referring to the 2010 Deepwater Horizon spill that dumped 4.2 million barrels of oil into the Gulf. According to the Energy Information Administration, the Gulf supplies 17 percent of the country’s total crude oil.

So why is the oil business thriving in the Gulf while it’s largely faltered in the Arctic?

The reasons for the Gulf’s successes, according to Priest, can be attributed to the wealth of infrastructure already in place, the extensive network of pipelines and coastal refineries, and the seemingly endless stream of new oil reserve discoveries.

“It’s a totally different region from the Arctic, which is a long way away from infrastructure,” he told Grist, adding that companies can’t drill year-round in the Arctic. “But the Gulf just keeps on giving.”

Offshore oil has dominated for nearly 80 years. In 1938, Pure Oil and Superior Oil Company, now part of ExxonMobil, propped up the first oil rig in the Gulf of Mexico — a freestanding wooden deck — about a mile off the shore of Creole, La.

Offshore oil enterprises in the Gulf are relatively protected from oil prices fluctuating than other energy sources, Priest explained, because the infrastructure needed to support them is already so well-developed. So while oil prices are cheap and taking a toll on oil prospects nationwide, oil and gas production in the Gulf is expected to hit a record 1.82 million barrels per day in 2016 and 2017.

But there is one other variable that could put a stopper on the oil streaming out of the Gulf. Protesters have been attending offshore drilling auctions lately, demanding BOEM to cancel its leases. The idea that a group of activists could cut off one of the most lucrative, longest-running oil rigs in the United States may be a long shot — but it’s not like it hasn’t happened before.


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