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The Danger of Demonization Print
Thursday, 19 May 2016 13:44

Parry writes: "When was the last time you heard anyone in the U.S. mainstream say anything positive or even nuanced about Russian President Putin. He can only be portrayed as some shirtless buffoon or the devil incarnate. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton got widespread praise in 2014 when she likened him to Hitler."

Russian president Vladimir Putin. (photo: Reuters)
Russian president Vladimir Putin. (photo: Reuters)


The Danger of Demonization

By Robert Parry, Consortium News

19 May 16

 

As the West is sucked deeper into the Syrian conflict and starts a new Cold War with Russia, the mainstream news media has collapsed as a vehicle for reliable information, creating a danger for the world, writes Robert Parry.

oes any intelligent person look at a New York Times article about Russia or Vladimir Putin these days and expect to read an objective, balanced account? Or will it be laced with a predictable blend of contempt and ridicule? And is it any different at The Washington Post, NPR, MSNBC, CNN or almost any mainstream U.S. news outlet?

And it’s not just Russia. The same trend holds true for Iran, Syria, Venezuela, Nicaragua and other countries and movements that have fallen onto the U.S. government’s “enemies list.” We saw the same pattern with Saddam Hussein and Iraq before the 2003 U.S. invasion; with Muammar Gaddafi and Libya before the U.S.-orchestrated bombing campaign in 2011; and with President Viktor Yanukovych and Ukraine before the U.S.-backed coup in 2014.

That is not to say that these countries and leaders don’t deserve criticism; they do. But the proper role of the press corps – at least as I was taught during my early years at The Associated Press – was to treat all evidence objectively and all sides fairly. Just because you might not like someone doesn’t mean your feelings should show through or the facts should be forced through a prism of bias.

In those “old days,” that sort of behavior was deemed unprofessional and you would expect a senior editor to come down hard on you. Now, however, it seems that you’d only get punished if you quoted some dissident or allowed such a person onto an op-ed page or a talk show, someone who didn’t share Official Washington’s “group think” about the “enemy.” Deviation from “group think” has become the real disqualifier.

Yet, this conformity should be shocking and unacceptable in a country that prides itself on freedom of thought and speech. Indeed, much of the criticism of “enemy” states is that they supposedly practice various forms of censorship and permit only regime-friendly propaganda to reach the public.

But when was the last time you heard anyone in the U.S. mainstream say anything positive or even nuanced about Russian President Putin. He can only be portrayed as some shirtless buffoon or the devil incarnate. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton got widespread praise in 2014 when she likened him to Hitler.

Or when has anyone in the U.S. media been allowed to suggest that Syria’s President Bashar al-Assad and his supporters might actually have reason to fear what the U.S. press lovingly calls the “moderate” rebels – though they often operate under the military command of Sunni extremist groups, such as Al Qaeda’s Nusra Front. [See Consortiumnews.com’s “Obama’s ‘Moderate’ Syrian Deception.“]

For the first three years of the Syrian civil war, the only permissible U.S. narrative was how the brutal Assad was slaughtering peaceful “moderates,” even though Defense Intelligence Agency analysts and other insiders had long been warning about the involvement of violent jihadists in the movement from the uprising’s beginning in 2011.

But that story was kept from the American people until the Islamic State started chopping off the heads of Western hostages in 2014 – and since then, the mainstream U.S. media has only reported the fuller story in a half-hearted and garbled way. [See Consortiumnews.com’s Hidden Origins of Syria’s Civil War.” ]

Reason for Conformity

The reason for this conformity among journalists is simple: If you repeat the conventional wisdom, you might find yourself with a lucrative gig as a big-shot foreign correspondent, a regular TV talking head, or a “visiting scholar” at a major think tank. However, if you don’t say what’s expected, your career prospects aren’t very bright.

If you somehow were to find yourself in a mainstream setting and even mildly challenged the “group think,” you should expect to be denounced as a fill-in-the-blank “apologist” or “stooge.” A well-paid avatar of the conventional wisdom might even accuse you of being on the payroll of the despised leader. And, you wouldn’t likely get invited back.

But the West’s demonization of foreign “enemies” is not only an affront to free speech and meaningful democracy, it is also dangerous because it empowers unscrupulous American and European leaders to undertake violent and ill-considered actions that get lots of people killed and that spread hatred against the West.

The most obvious recent example was the Iraq War, which was justified by a barrage of false and misleading claims about Iraq which were mostly swallowed whole by a passive and complicit Western press corps.

Key to that disaster was the demonization of Saddam Hussein, who was subjected to such unrelenting propaganda that almost no one dared question the baseless charges hurled at him about hiding WMD and collaborating with Al Qaeda. To do so would have made you a “Saddam apologist” or worse.

The few who did dare raise their voices faced accusations of treason or were subjected to character assassination. Yet, even after their skepticism was vindicated as the pre-invasion accusations collapsed, there was very little reappraisal. Most of the skeptics remained marginalized and virtually everyone who got the WMD story wrong escaped accountability.

No Accountability

For instance, Washington Post editorial-page editor Fred Hiatt, who repeatedly reported Iraq’s WMD as “flat fact,” suffered not a whit and remains in the same prestigious job, still enforcing one-sided “group thinks” about “enemies.”

An example of how Hiatt and the Post continue to play the same role as neocon propagandists was on display last year in an editorial condemning Putin’s government for shutting down Russian activities of the U.S.-funded National Endowment for Democracy and requiring foreign-funded groups seeking to influence Russian politics to register as foreign agents.

In the Post’s editorial and a companion op-ed by NED President Carl Gershman, you were led to believe that Putin was delusional, paranoid and “power mad” in his concern that outside money funneled into non-governmental organizations was a threat to Russian sovereignty.

However, the Post and Gershman left out a few salient facts, such as the fact that NED is funded by the U.S. government and was the brainchild of Ronald Reagan’s CIA Director William J. Casey in 1983 to partially replace the CIA’s historic role in creating propaganda and political fronts inside targeted nations.

Also missing was the fact that Gershman himself announced in another Post op-ed that he saw Ukraine, prior to the 2014 coup, as “the biggest prize” and a steppingstone toward achieving Putin’s ouster in Russia. The Post also forgot to mention that the Russian law about “foreign agents” was modeled after a U.S. statute entitled the Foreign Agent Registration Act. [See Consortiumnews.com’s “Why Russia Shut Down NED Fronts.”]

All those points would have given the Post’s readers a fuller and fairer understanding of why Putin and Russia acted as they did, but that would have messed up the desired propaganda narrative seeking to demonize Putin. The goal was not to inform the American people but to manipulate them into a new Cold War hostility toward Russia.

We’ve seen a similar pattern with the U.S. government’s “information warfare” around high-profile incidents. In the “old days’ – at least when I arrived in Washington in the late 1970s – there was much more skepticism among journalists about the official line from the White House or State Department. Indeed, it was a point of pride among journalists not to simply accept whatever the spokesmen or officials were saying, but to check it out.

There was plenty of enough evidence – from the Tonkin Gulf lies to the Watergate cover-up – to justify a critical examination of government claims. But that tradition has been lost, too. Despite the costly deceptions before the Iraq War, the Times, the Post and other mainstream outlets simply accept whatever accusations the U.S. government hurls against “enemies.” Beyond the gullibility, there is even hostility toward those of us who insist on seeing real evidence.

Examples of this continuing pattern include the acceptance of the U.S. government line on the sarin gas attack outside Damascus, Syria, on Aug. 21, 2013, and the shoot-down of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 over eastern Ukraine on July 17, 2014. The first was blamed on Syria’s Assad and the second on Russia’s Putin – quite convenient even though U.S. officials refused to present any solid evidence to support their claims.

Reasons for Doubt

In both cases, there were obvious reasons to doubt the Official Story. Assad had just invited United Nations inspectors in to examine what he claimed were rebel chemical attacks, so why would he pick that time to launch a sarin attack just miles from where the inspectors were staying? Putin was trying to maintain a low profile for Russian support to Ukrainians resisting the U.S.-backed coup, but provision of a large, sophisticated and powerful anti-aircraft battery lumbering around eastern Ukraine would just have invited detection.

Further, in both cases, there was dissent among U.S. intelligence analysts, some of whom objected at least to the rushes to judgment and offered different explanations for the incidents, pointing the blame in other possible directions. The dissent caused the Obama administration to resort to a new concoction called a “Government Assessment” – essentially a propaganda document – rather than a classic “Intelligence Assessment,” which would express the consensus views of the 16 intelligence agencies and include areas of disagreement.

So, there were plenty of reasons for Washington journalists to smell a rat or at least insist upon hard evidence to make the case against Assad and Putin. Instead, given the demonized views of Assad and Putin, mainstream journalists unanimously fell in line behind the Official Story. They even ignored or buried evidence that undermined the government’s tales.

Regarding the Syrian case, there was little interest in the scientific discovery that the one sarin-laden rocket (recovered by the U.N.) had a range of only about two kilometers (destroying Washington’s claims about the Syrian government firing many rockets from eight or nine kilometers away). [See Consortiumnews.com’s “Was Turkey Behind Syria-Sarin Attack?”]

Regarding the MH-17 case, a blind eye was turned to a Dutch intelligence report that concluded that there were several operational Buk anti-aircraft missile batteries in eastern Ukraine but they were all under the control of the Ukrainian military and that the rebels had no weapon that could reach the 33,000-foot altitude where MH-17 was flying. [See Consortiumnews.com’s “The Ever-Curiouser MH-17 Case.”]

Though both those cases remain open and one cannot rule out new evidence emerging that bolsters the U.S. government’s version of events, the fact that there are substantive reasons to doubt the Official Story should be reflected in how the mainstream Western media deals with these two sensitive issues, but the inconvenient facts are instead brushed aside or ignored (much as happened with Iraq’s WMD).

In short, there has been a system-wide collapse of the Western news media as a professional entity in dealing with foreign crises. So, as the world plunges deeper into crises inside Syria and on Russia’s border, the West’s citizens are going in almost blind without the eyes and ears of independent journalists on the ground and with major news outlets delivering incessant propaganda from Washington and other capitals.

Instead of facts, the West’s mainstream media trafficks in demonization.



Investigative reporter Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories for The Associated Press and Newsweek in the 1980s. You can buy his latest book, America’s Stolen Narrative, either in print here or as an e-book (from Amazon and barnesandnoble.com). You also can order Robert Parry’s trilogy on the Bush Family and its connections to various right-wing operatives for only $34. The trilogy includes America’s Stolen Narrative. For details on this offer, click here.

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The Supreme Court Is Not Doing Its Job Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=15772"><span class="small">Dahlia Lithwick, Slate </span></a>   
Thursday, 19 May 2016 13:34

Lithwick writes: "By asking the parties and lower courts to work this thing out by themselves, the Supreme Court shamefully punted or exhibited admirable judicial modesty, it is indisputable that the eight justices sent the case back to the appellate courts for repairs because the Court can't resolve it shorthanded."

US Supreme Court building. (photo: Carolyn Kaster/AP)
US Supreme Court building. (photo: Carolyn Kaster/AP)


The Supreme Court Is Not Doing Its Job

By Dahlia Lithwick, Slate

19 May 16

 

Don’t let the elegant posturing of the eight justices fool you.

n the merits, Monday’s Supreme Court unsigned opinion in Zubik v. Burwell, a vitally important contraception mandate case, is being read by some as a win for the Little Sisters of the Poor because the court didn’t brush off their claims that notifying the government they are unable to cover contraception for employees, thereby enabling insurers to do so, burdens their religious freedom. Others are hailing it as a big win for the Obama administration, which will get most of what it wanted if the Little Sisters can live with the court’s proposed compromise, including “seamless” health coverage for women employees. Really, though, Zubik—which raised crucial questions about whether one person’s religious freedom can trump a worker’s entitlement to preventative healthcare—is mainly just an inkblot for the ages; a placeholder until a real court can be reconstituted to do its job. It’s also as close as the Supreme Court will come to sending out a mayday signal. In a tiny, nearly inaudible voice buried in the non-decision, the court is hissing, Heeelp meeee!

The undisputed fact behind the surprising per curiam order in Zubik—the lead case in a challenge to the Affordable Care Act’s mandate that religious nonprofits cover contraception for women workers—is that the court is struggling. Whether you believe that, by asking the parties and lower courts to work this thing out by themselves, the Supreme Court shamefully punted or exhibited admirable judicial modesty, it is indisputable that the eight justices sent the case back to the appellate courts for repairs because the Court can’t resolve it shorthanded. The high court only agrees to hear a tiny number of appeals each term, and the same court that ruled on Hobby Lobby in 2014 would not have granted a hearing in Zubik if the ultimate purpose had been to release a confusing, unsigned order importuning the courts below to make this conflict please go away. As President Obama noted in an interview Monday with BuzzFeed, “my suspicion is if we had nine Supreme Court justices instead of eight, we might have had a different outcome.”

The Supreme Court is not currently doing its job. It has accepted fewer cases for next term than it’s granted in 70 years because it can’t resolve them. A massive public unions financing case resulted in a tie in March. A death penalty appeal deadlocked on Thursday. The fate of affirmative action may well be decided by just seven justices because Justice Elena Kagan is recused. The court generally prefers not to overturn decades of constitutional doctrine with only seven players on the field. The mess that will be the Texas abortion challenge, and also the Texas immigration challenge, may end in tied votes.

You can characterize the current court, with its set of equally terrible choices—between deadlocking 4–4 on some major cases and deciding not to decide others until a sunnier, fully staffed future day—as dysfunctional, or broken, or crippled, or as losing its collective will to live. Or you can see this as a refreshing act of judicial avoidance and restraint, and a way to take advantage of this moment to reign in a too-powerful institution. Or you may see it as a signal that partisanship will now infect the court forever. But whether you find yourself grateful that the eight-member court is hobbled or worried about it, hobbled the current court is.

Sadly, you will never hear that from the justices themselves. The court has no army, and no marketing budget. The court relies on us to believe that it’s magic. The power and legitimacy of the whole institution depends upon the idea that regardless of the political maelstrom surrounding it, the court is doing just fine and always will be. That’s why the order in Zubik sounds like a principled legal argument, even as it’s a hodgepodge of justifications for the court’s efforts to craft a micro-settlement—and the court’s simultaneous refusal to pick sides. Zubik is less about minimalism than about paralysis. But the court, in pretending that it can manage just fine with eight justices, or three, is actually aiding and abetting in the argument that the best court does nothing at all.

Nobody on the court can say: “Please give us a ninth justice so we can get back to work.” That sounds like a plea for a Justice Merrick Garland. That is why it’s left to former Justice John Paul Stevens to say it for them. Even if all eight justices were to agree that between being unable to take any cases for next term, and being unable to decide major cases this term, things are not getting done at the court. And even if the GOP intransigence today, and the likely refusal of Democrats to ever confirm a Republican, means that the court is someday reduced to Elena Kagan alone, typing out unsigned opinions from under a bar someplace, nobody is ever going to ask for help. All-seeing oracles? They don’t need it.

Unlike the White House, or Senate Republicans, the U.S. Supreme Court has no weapons in the war over the confirmation of a ninth member. That’s a political fight, not a legal one. The justices rarely weigh in overtly on Capitol Hill battles and when they do, it always, always hurts the court. Any action it takes that suggests ideological partisanship will hurt the institution. But, ironically enough, the pretense that the institution isn’t broken also hurts the institution. And so the current court careens between 4–4 splits, unanimous narrow orders, and variously styled ducks and punts, in an effort to communicate that it is serenely above partisan politics. It’s an unenviable position for a court: The more zealously it tries to signal that it can do its work shorthanded, the more credibility it lends to Sen. Chuck Grassley’s side of the debate. The court is inadvertently working toward its own diminution.

Which brings us to the tragicomedy we just witnessed with the Zubik decision. “The Court expresses no view on the merits of the cases,” it reads. “In particular, the Court does not decide whether petitioners’ religious exercise has been substantially burdened, whether the Government has a compelling interest, or whether the current regulations are the least restrictive means of serving that interest.” Hey, thanks, Court! The sad part of Zubik isn’t just the implication that the court is hard at work when it’s failing to resolve one of the most important challenges of the term. The sad part of Zubik is that the court’s charade makes it more and more likely that a powerless, ineffectual court starts to look normal.

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National Research Council GMO Study Compromised by Industry Ties Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=30672"><span class="small">Wenonah Hauter, EcoWatch</span></a>   
Thursday, 19 May 2016 13:28

Hauter writes: "More than half of the invited authors of the new NRC study are involved in GMO development or promotion or have ties to the biotechnology industry - some have consulted for or have received research funding from, biotech companies. NRC has not publicly disclosed these conflicts."

Worker Javier Alcantar tends to crops at the Monsanto Co. test field in Woodland, California, in 2012. (photo: Noah Berger/Bloomberg/Getty)
Worker Javier Alcantar tends to crops at the Monsanto Co. test field in Woodland, California, in 2012. (photo: Noah Berger/Bloomberg/Getty)


ALSO SEE: America's Top Scientific
Panel Says There's No Evidence GMOs
Are Risky, No Evidence They Help Hunger Either

National Research Council GMO Study Compromised by Industry Ties

By Wenonah Hauter, EcoWatch

19 May 16

 

ne day before the National Research Council (NRC) is scheduled to release a multi-year research report about genetically engineered (GMO) crops and food, Food & Water Watch has released an issue brief detailing the far-reaching conflicts of interest at the NRC and its parent organization, the National Academy of Sciences.

Under the Influence: The National Research Council and GMOs charts the millions of dollars in donations the NRC receives from biotech companies like Monsanto, documents the one-sided panels of scientists the NRC enlists to carry out its GMO studies and describes the revolving door of NRC staff directors who shuffle in and out of agriculture and biotech industry groups. The new issue brief also shows how NRC routinely arrives at watered-down scientific conclusions on agricultural issues based on industry science.

While companies like Monsanto and its academic partners are heavily involved in the NRC’s work on GMOs, critics have long been marginalized. Many groups have called on the NRC many times to reduce industry influence, noting how conflicts of interest clearly diminish its independence and scientific integrity.

More than half of the invited authors of the new NRC study are involved in GMO development or promotion or have ties to the biotechnology industry—some have consulted for or have received research funding from, biotech companies. NRC has not publicly disclosed these conflicts.

Under the Federal Advisory Committee Act, the NRC is required to form balanced committees of scientists to carry out its research—and to disclose any conflicts of interests. Yet the NRC failed to even disclose the conflicts of the members of this deeply unbalanced committee.

The NRC’s own conflicts-of-interest policy acknowledges its responsibility for conducting balanced science and the organization frequently trumpets its role in providing policy makers with independent, objective scientific advice on topics like GMOs. Congress chartered the parent organization of the NRC, the National Academy of Science, to offer objective guidance to the government that could be used to shape rules and regulations.

Food & Water Watch found similar industry influence in NRC’s work on other agricultural topics. The new issue brief documents conflicts of interest and industry bias in a 2015 NRC report on animal agriculture, authored by industry representatives from Monsanto and Smithfield Foods and funded by industry groups like Tyson Foods and the National Pork Board. In April 2016, the NRC began a new, in-depth study on improving regulations of GMOs that, once again, is very heavily biased toward industry perspectives.

Agribusiness companies like Monsanto have an outsized role at our public universities, at peer-reviewed journals and the NRC. We won’t have good public policy on new technologies like GMOs until these rampant conflicts of interest are addressed.

In response to the industry influence at the NRC, Food & Water Watch calls for the following changes:

  • Congress should expand and enforce the Federal Advisory Committee Act to ensure that the scientific advice the NRC produces for the government is free of conflicts of interest and bias.
  • Congress should immediately halt all taxpayer funding for agricultural projects at the NRC until meaningful conflicts-of-interest policies are enforced.
  • The NRC should no longer engage funders, directors, authors or reviewers that have a financial interest in the outcome of any of the NRC’s work.
  • The NRC should prohibit the citation of science funded or authored by industry, given the obvious potential for bias.
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FOCUS: Joshua Holland, The Nation's Truth Nazi, Needs to Calm Down Print
Thursday, 19 May 2016 11:58

Fitrakis writes: "Dear Mr. Holland: After studying and assessing your work this semester, it is with deep regret that I have to inform you that you failed Political Science Statistics 101."

Joshua Holland of <em>The Nation</em>. (photo: The Nation)
Joshua Holland of The Nation. (photo: The Nation)


Joshua Holland, The Nation's Truth Nazi, Needs to Calm Down

By Bob Fitrakis, Reader Supported News

19 May 16

 

ear Mr. Holland: After studying and assessing your work this semester, it is with deep regret that I have to inform you that you failed Political Science Statistics 101.

As you know, you have characterized us as “conspiracy theorists” because in our Strip & Flip Selection of 2016: Five Jim Crows & Electronic Election Theft, Harvey Wasserman and I have suggested that exit polls matter. You have also publicly denounced our colleague Richard Charnin, who has two separate Master’s degrees in Applied Mathematics, for his analysis of this year’s primary exit poll results versus election results.

Since you show so little interest in statistical analysis, let me briefly go over what you should know:

First of all, exit polls are the accepted international standard for indications of election fraud and vote tampering. Here I refer you to Eric Bjornlund and Glenn Cowan’s 2011 pamphlet, Vote Count Verification: a User’s Guide for Funders, Implementers and Stakeholders. Their work, done under the auspices of Democracy International for the US Agency for International Development (USAID), outlines how exit polling is used to ensure free and fair elections.

“U.S.-funded organizations have sponsored exit polls as part of democracy assistance programs in Macedonia (2005), Afghanistan (2004), Ukraine (2004), Azerbaijan (2005), the West Bank and Gaza Strip (2005), Lebanon (2005), Kazakhstan (2005), Kenya (2005, 2007), and Bangladesh (2009), among other places,” the pamphlet states.

When election results do not match exit poll results, we should not simply accept these results. What Charnin does, which he has been doing for many years, is study improbable election results that fall statistically outside the “margin of error” (MoE).

For example, Ohio primary exit polls indicated that Clinton would win 51.4% to Sanders’ 47.6%. She was expected to win by 3.8%. The actual vote indicated she won 56.5% to 43%. Clinton won the election by 13.8% which was 10 percentage points more than the exit polls indicated.

Statistics tell us that the correct Ohio MoE was 3.12% based on N=1670 respondents. There is a 0.1% probability that the 5.1% exit poll discrepancy from the recorded vote was due to chance. Therefore there is a 99.9% probability that the official Ohio primary results were improbable.

These results should trigger further investigative analysis.

Take a look at Charnin’s statistics in this post for Democratic primary MoE and probability calculations.

Please tell me, Mr. Holland, where Charnin’s wrong – and show your math.

If these results happened in the Ukraine in 2004, the U.S. State Department would be denouncing the election as fraudulent and demanding an investigation or a revote. By the way, this did happen in 2004. You may recall the Orange Revolution when Ukrainian people took to the streets to protest the fraudulent election. Unlike Mr. Holland and some of his peers, Ukrainians care about stolen elections.

Why is this important? Obviously, if you don’t understand or accept exit polling and can’t analyze poll results versus election results, you won’t recognize election tampering. And that’s what those who would tamper with elections are counting on.

What you have failed to do is study and attend classes where we went over the basic acronym HISMISTER, which provides basic guidelines to determine if a poll is valid.

H = Historical intervention. Did an unexpected historical event affect the results? In an exit poll, voters are asked how they voted as they leave the polls. There is generally no time for a historical intervention to happen between casting a vote and telling the pollsters outside the polling site how you voted.

I = Instrumentation. Were the correct instruments used? If the pollsters asked who people voted for in the presidential race, we assume they were using the correct survey instrument. However, if the voting machines did not record the correct votes, that could cause a discrepancy in the corresponding election results. See “R” below.

S = Sample. Was the sample of voters polled randomized and representative of the demographics of the state? The problem with your work is that you never offer any example for why the exit polls are wrong. You have never taken issue with the pollster’s sample.

Also, while you denounce Charnin’s analysis, you never point out how or why his math is wrong based on standard statistical probability.

M = Measurement. Were the same identifiers studied in the comparison? In this case, the pollsters asked voters who they voted for in the presidential race and those numbers were compared to presidential election results. This would not appear to be a problem.

I = Implementation. Were the procedures used to collect, organize and analyze the data done correctly? If the exit pollsters went to the right precincts and used the correct sample based on the right demographics, we assume the implementation was correct.

S = Survey. Did the survey, or poll, reflect the correct methodology? There has been no challenge to the exit pollsters’ methodology.

T = Technique. Was the poll conducted in an unbiased professional manner? Generally polls are conducted by well-paid professional pollsters.

E = Errors. Are there unexplained unintentional human errors? For example, a poll worker or election official incorrectly enters voting data.

R = Recording. If applicable, did the instruments record the information correctly? When voting machines and central tabulators record different information than what voters are telling exit pollsters, then we must check to make sure our instruments recorded the vote correctly. And we must check to make sure that no one tampered with or rigged the recorded numbers.

On this section, I must give you a zero. There is a more likely than not probability that either faulty instrumentation or election tampering played a role in the improbable official election results. The United States fails basic standards of transparency because there’s no way to verify the actual vote total. Your blind faith in nontransparent voting equipment that is manufactured and programmed by private, partisan, for-profit corporations using secret proprietary software is inexcusable.

Here’s the correct answer: “We can’t verify the vote because seven states – Texas, Florida, Pennsylvania, Indiana, Kentucky, Tennessee and Virginia use Direct Recording Electronic (DRE) voting machines, i.e., computer voting without paper trails. In 18 other states, DREs are used with paper trails – generally a small piece of paper not designed to be recounted. In virtually all other states, private tabulators secretly record the vote.

I was an international election observer for El Salvador’s 1994 presidential election. Had the ARENA Party said that the votes would be counted on machines built by their friends in private industry and tabulated on computers belonging to major donors of their party, my report would have been simple to write: The election is assumed to be fraudulent due to non-transparency and lack of auditing accountability.

Corporate for-profit media – CNN, The New York Times, Washington Post, ABC, etc. – claim that the official vote count must always be right. As a journalist you should be skeptical of these claims. What these media gatekeepers are telling us are that the universal laws of statistics apply everywhere in the world except in the United States. They would have us believe that when Clinton repeatedly beat Sanders by implausible numbers we are expected to lack an understanding of basic statistics and accept the improbable. They tell us not to pay attention to the technicians behind the curtain secretly programming the DREs and central vote tabulators.

With a legal suit looming that demanded both adjusted and unadjusted exit polls be made public after the California primary, we just learned that Edison Research has canceled exit polls for all the remaining primaries. Edison has a monopoly on all exit polling for the mainstream media consortium.

We have now lost what Bjornlund and Cowan call “… an effective method for projecting election results.”



Professor Bob Fitrakis is co-author, with Harvey Wasserman, of the newly-published Strip & Flip Selection of 2016: Five Jim Crows & Electronic Election Theft. Fitrakis has a Ph.D. in Political Science and a J.D., and has taught Political Science for 35 years. He was an international election observer in El Salvador’s 1994 presidential election. He co-wrote and edited the International Election Observer report to the United Nations.

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FOCUS: North Carolina Governor's Ignorance of Trans Identity Print
Thursday, 19 May 2016 11:01

John writes: "What's worse than the discriminatory bill itself, and the millions in taxpayer dollars McCrory is wasting to defend it, is that the governor signed it after admitting he had never met a transgender person. Although McCrory later walked his statement back, the message he sent was clear: the actual experiences of transgender people have no place in a debate over their basic rights."

Sir Elton John. (photo: Rolling Stone)
Sir Elton John. (photo: Rolling Stone)


North Carolina Governor's Ignorance of Trans Identity

By Sir Elton John, The Hill

19 May 16

 

orth Carolina Gov. Pat McCrory has doubled down on his support for H.B. 2, the discriminatory bill requiring public school students to use restrooms for the gender they were assigned at birth. Recently, he filed a lawsuit against the Department of Justice alleging gross overreach after Attorney General Loretta Lynch imposed a deadline for him to stop the implementation of the discriminatory bill. In response, the DOJ filed its own lawsuit against the state, alleging a “pattern or practice of employment discrimination on the basis of sex.”

But what’s worse than the discriminatory bill itself, and the millions in taxpayer dollars McCrory is wasting to defend it, is that the governor signed it after admitting he had never met a transgender person. Although McCrory later walked his statement back, the message he sent was clear: the actual experiences of transgender people have no place in a debate over their basic rights.

It’s a message we hear far too often. This brand of ignorance deliberately shuts out the perspective of an already marginalized community. It’s dangerous, and it goes beyond bathrooms. As the father of two children, I would hope their world is free of discriminatory, hateful legislation like North Carolina’s.

Forcing transgender people to use the bathroom of a gender with which they don’t identify isn’t just inconvenient or impractical. For many, especially young students still grappling with their transition, it can be traumatic, and at worst, unsafe.

The failure of McCrory and other lawmakers to see this is a failure of compassion, a failure to recognize the difficult and frequently unwelcoming world transgender people must navigate every day, stigmatized by the fear and ignorance of others.

Fighting that stigma with love and empathy is at core of what we do at the Elton John AIDS Foundation. Our funding supports programs to fight AIDS by investing in resources for the most vulnerable populations because we recognize, no matter how many miracle drugs eventually appear, nothing will change until they can reach the people who need them most.

Transgender women are 49 times more likely to be living with HIV than the general population. That statistic on its face is startling, but when you consider the societal barriers these women face, it’s hardly surprising. Rampant employment discrimination pushing many into sex work as their only option for economic survival, lack of access to quality healthcare, constant discrimination — it all adds up to create these overwhelming odds. These are the issues McCrory and our other elected officials should focus on addressing.

Similar failures of compassion work against the rest of the LGBT community, against racial minorities, and against anyone our society deems less than worthy because of their differences. All of them are people who need our compassion most.

The communities we support are vibrant and resilient. They persist in spite of the difficulties the world throws at them. They produce powerful networks and remarkable advocates, and EJAF’s goal is to support them. Casa Ruby, for example, is a drop-in community center offering a safe space, housing and housing referrals, legal services, counseling and more to empower trans people in Washington, D.C.

Our grantees, like Casa Ruby, are often led by people who come from the communities they serve, which means they are intimately familiar with the problems they’re trying to solve.

Shouldn’t our elected officials be able to say the same about the problems they’re trying to solve? Stigma and shame drive some of the biggest problems facing society’s most marginalized populations. An unacceptably high percentage of LGBT teens are severely bullied. Only 30 percent of Americans with HIV reach viral suppression, many too ashamed to seek appropriate care. The transgender homicide rate is at an all-time high, driven by fear and prejudice.

To address these problems, our leaders must first acknowledge their existence, as well as the existence of the people affected. And yes, that starts with bathrooms.

Just a few weeks before McCrory signed his discriminatory bill, similar legislation in South Dakota took a very different turn. Gov. Dennis Daugaard, who also admitted he’d never met a trans person, had a change of heart about a discriminatory bill he’d originally supported. Why? He agreed to meet with transgender activists. He credited those meetings with giving him a new perspective. “I heard their personal stories,” he said, “and I saw things through their eyes in that sense.”

McCrory and others who support these discriminatory bathroom bills need to reverse course, but moreover, they need a lesson in compassion. They need to recognize the existence of trans people, and they need to acknowledge that all people have a fundamental desire — and a fundamental right — to be treated fairly.

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