RSN Fundraising Banner
FB Share
Email This Page
add comment

writing for godot

The Serialization of The 15% Solution: How the Repub. Religious Right Took Control of the US: 1981-2022, Section 1: Setting the Stage. Chap. 2: Fascism in America: An Overview --- And “The 15% Solution”

Written by Steven Jonas   
Wednesday, 24 May 2017 11:09

A note from the actual author (that is myself, Steven Jonas, MD, MPH).  Please note that this chapter was actually written in 1994-95.  The similarities between the politics of the Republicans and of the Democrats then and in recent times are NOT purely coincidental.  And in that regard, note the massive Republican voter suppression campaign that has been going on since the aughts of this century.

A Note from the “Author” of the balance of the text (that is “Jonathan Westminster”)

The story of fascism in the old United States in my view begins with the accession to the Presidency of Carnathon Pine, The Last Re­pub­li­can, in the year 2001. And thus the drama as we will see it in some detail begins in earnest in the next chap­ter (3_), constructed around that personage's Inau­gu­ral Address. However, before dramas can pro­ceed, the stage must be set.

Author's Commentary: How Fascism Came to the United States

Many lengthy books have been written on the tale of how fascism came to the old United States. In this chapter I present a brief over­view of the process. Some further description and analysis of the na­ture of fascism and its advent in the old U.S. is provided by a Dino Louis es­say reproduced in Appendix II.

An ever‑deepening economic decline occurred in the country in the latter part of the 20th century. The decline was not one that could be measured by the traditional yardstick of economic progress, the Gross Domestic Product (GDP). It continued to rise at a modest, non‑ inflation‑producing pace, the latter maintained for the benefit of the wealthy by the monetary policies of the central bank (the "Federal Re­serve"). But an increasing number of econ­omists and other observers came to realize that the GDP did not tell all there was to tell about ei­ther the economy or the state of the nation (Cobb, et al).

As noted by Michael Lind, Dino Louis, Lester Thurow, and many oth­er observers at the time, un­der­neath the GDP climb, the poor were get­ting poorer and more numer­ous, the rich were getting richer, and every­one else was experi­encing falling personal incomes and rising levels of per­sonal and eco­nomic anxi­ety (DeParle; Phil­lips). Lind called atten­tion to the un­derly­ing reasons for this state of affairs, such as a regres­sive taxation policy and the export of capital (1995).

Lind also noted that not only were the rich getting richer, but they were going out of their way to publicly deny the facts of the rising gap between the rich and everyone else, to create the illusion that it was not happen­ing, and to create the impression that the causes of the eco­nom­ic malaise affecting al­most everybody but them was caused by any­thing but them and their policies. The "anything" could be anything from people of color to immigrants to the poor to the feminists to ho­mosexu­als to environ­mentalists to the United Nations Organization to the "New World Order" to "international bankers" (read "Jews").

In fact, as noted by Dino Louis, in a process driven at its base by under‑investment at home and a concomitant export of capital abroad, the economy was rotting up­wards from its foundations, with declining personal incomes, increas­ing job insecurity, the disaccumulation of labor from capital, and deindustrialization. The rotting process was accelerated by the exis­tence of a huge, ever‑growing government debt, created in large part during the 1980s by the policies of Presidents Ronald Reagan and George Bush.

Reaganite policy, in fact, had within a five‑year period from 1981 changed the financial posture of the country from that of the world's lead­ing creditor nation to that of the world's leading debtor nation. This bor­rowing was undertaken to finance a vast expansion of the U.S. military, at a time when the nation was ostensibly at peace, and large tax cuts for the wealthy and the large corporations (McIntyre). It pro­duced a floridly growing economy at the time, for which the Reaganites took credit, but that was the product of nothing but old‑fashioned Keynesian [1] government pump‑priming, although through a very narrow spigot that dropped the largess almost entirely upon the military‑indus­trial complex.

Thus for many years leading up to this time, American society had been characterized by economic and social conditions which might have led to civil and/or labor unrest. But many people were easily distract­ed from the realities of life and the true causes of their problems by the above-mentioned strategies of diver­sion. They also included a domestic "anti‑communist cru­sade" (against a virtu­ally non‑existent Communist Party), and the for­eign "Cold War" against the old Soviet Union (designed not to "con­tain" it, as advertised, but to destroy it, which happened). As noted, the diver­sionary strategies also in­cluded such elements as manufactured racism and xe­no­pho­bia.

A Transition Era poet and philosopher described the latter strategy well (Morrison):

"Let us be reminded that before there is a final solution, there must be a first solution, a second       one, even a third. The move toward a final solution is not a jump. It takes one step, then an­other,             then another. Something, perhaps, like this:

"1. Construct an internal enemy, as both focus and diversion.

"2. Isolate and demonize the enemy by unleashing and protect­ing the utterance of covert and             coded name‑calling and verbal abuse. Employ ad hominem attacks as legitimate charges against   that enemy.

"3. Enlist and create sources and distributors of information who are willing to reinforce the             demonizing process because it is prof­itable, be­cause it grants power and because it works.

"4. Palisade all art forms; monitor, discredit or expel those that chal­lenge or destabilize processes    of demonization and dei­fica­tion.

"5. Subvert and malign all representatives of sympathizers with this con­structed enemy.

"6. Solicit, from among the enemy, collaborators who agree with and can sanitize the             dispossession process.

"7. Pathologize the enemy in scholarly and popular mediums; recy­cle, for example, scientific             racism and the myths of racial superiority in order to naturalize the pathology.

"8. Criminalize the enemy. Then prepare, budget for, and ratio­nal­ize the building of holding areas   for the ene­my—especially its males and absolute­ly its children.

"9. Reward mindlessness and apathy with monumentalized en­ter­tain­ments and with little     pleasures, tiny seductions: a few minutes on television, a few lines in the press; a little pseudo‑success; the illusion of power and influence; a little fun, a little style, a little consequence.

"10. Maintain, at all costs, silence.

"In 1995 racism may wear a new dress, buy a new pair of boots, but nei­ther it nor its succubus        twin fascism is new or can make any­thing new. It can only reproduce the environment that sup­    ports its own health: fear, denial and an atmosphere in which its victims have lost the will to         fight."

In this analysis, Morrison retrospectively described the development of German Nazism in the 1930’s based on the then‑oncoming War Against the Jews (Davidowicz). She also chillingly and accurately prophesied the coming of fascism to America in the early 21st century through the War Against the Peoples of Color, as the process described in this book might be called, leading ultimately and inevitably to the establishment of the New American Republics.

By the time the turn of the 21st century was reached, the economic decline affecting all sectors of society other than the truly wealthy was quickening, and social unrest was doing the same. Then it was found by the wealthy and their political allies that the divisive/distractive strat­e­gies which had worked so well for so many years to keep a relative civil peace began to fail in meeting that objective.  This process led to increasingly violent outbursts on the part of increasing numbers of peo­ple from all walks of life.  And some of those outbursts began to focus on such matters as the widening gap between rich and poor, the loss of employment securi­ty, and the overall decline in the standard of living for most people.

The economic and political decision‑makers of the society thus grad­u­ally came to view it as a necessity that significant levels of force and re­pression be used, or at least made ready, to prevent the occur­rence of full‑fledged rebellion. Hence the final development of the fascist state in the old U.S. But it had to be realized, if at all possible, by demo­cratic means.

Why so?  Because the democratic tradition was strong in the United States of America. The tradition, and the basic American concept, "it's a free country," had been encouraged by the operations of the political sys­tem from the time of the nation's founding as the world's first de­mocracy, however limited at the time, in 1789. "Free speech" and "freedom from government oppression" were slogans even of major elements of the Far Right, the foot soldiers of which would eventually and ironically become the agents of repression on the street and in the camps for the national decision‑makers.

However, no country had ever previously become fascist by majori­ty vote of the whole electorate. Even in the Nazi Germany of the 1930’s and 40’s (where the fascists had taken power by constitutional means), the highest proportion of a free vote that the National Socialist (Nazi) Party had ever received was 43% (of a high voter turnout).

Just as in pre-World War II Germany, in the old U.S. it is unlikely that fascism, if openly put to a vote, could ever have attracted a majori­ty of the eligible voters. But given the realities of voting patterns, that was not necessary for the constitutional installation of fascism. In the old U.S., even in Presidential elections, any voter turnout over 50% was con­sidered good. And so, in the late 20th century a strategy was developed by Right‑Wing Reaction through which fascism could be brought to the old U.S. by Constitutional means, if not true majority vote. It was called "The 15% Solution."

"The 15% Solution"

"The 15% Solution" was an electoral strategy developed by the lead­ing political organ of the Re­ligious Right, the so‑called "Christian Coali­tion" (ADL).[2] The "Christian Coalition" was an unabashed, un­apolo­get­ic, and out‑spoken repre­sentative of that authoritarian think­ing (see also Dino Louis' discus­sion of the nature of fas­cism in Ap­pen­dix II) which under their influence was so prominently repre­sented in the poli­tics of the Re­publican Party, begin­ning at their 1992 National Con­ven­tion. The strategy was designed to win elections even when the Coalition's supporters com­prised a distinct minority of the eligi­ble elec­torate. As an early Christian Coalition Ex­ecutive Direc­tor, Ralph Reed, once said (Harkin): "I paint my face and travel at night. You don't know it's over until you're in a body bag."

Although in later public statements, the Chris­tian Coalition made at­tempts to cover up or even disavow the strategy, according to its 1991 Nation­al Field Director, it was formulated in the follow­ing way (Rodgers):

"In a Presidential election, when more voters turn out than [in] any other election you normally       see, only 15% of eligible vot­ers determine the out­comes of that election . . . . Of all adults 18 and           over, eligible to vote, only about 60 or 65% are actually reg­istered to vote. It might even be less    than that, and it is less than that in many states. . . .

"Of those registered to vote, in a good turnout only 50% actu­al­ly vote. [Thus,] only 30% of          those eligible actually vote. . . . 15% of adults eligi­ble to vote determine the out­come in a high   turn­out elec­tion. That hap­pens once every four years. . . . In low turn­out elec­tions, city council,       state legislature, county com­mis­sions, the per­cent­age who (sic) determines who wins can be as       low as 6 or 7%. We don't have to worry about con­vinc­ing a majority of Ameri­cans to agree with          us. Most of them are stay­ing home and watching 'Roseanne'" [emphasis added. Author's Note: "Roseanne" was a pop­ular television program of that time.]

As one of the most influential leaders of the Religious Right, Paul Weyrich, succinctly put it (Freedom Writer, Nov., 1994): "We don't want everyone to vote. Quite frankly, our leverage goes up as the vot­ing popu­lation goes down."

Elected allies of the Christian Coalition worked to make this wish a reali­ty. For example, a Governor of Virginia, George F. Allen, elected in 1992 with open Christian Coalition support, attempted by the use of the veto to prevent implementation of Federal legislation designed to make it easier for people to register to vote (NYT).

By the national election of 1994, Right Wing Reaction was well on its way to achieving its goal. Only about 38% of eligible voters voted. That turnout was part of the process that came to be referred to as the "Incredi­ble Shrinking Electorate." With slightly more than half of those voting choosing the old Republican Party's Congressional candi­dates that year, the Party achieved a major turnaround in Congressional rep­resentation and took control of that body.

Many of the new representatives were supported by the Christian Co­alition and its allies. In an odd representation of reality, most media and political figures represented that victory as one reflecting the views of the "American people" as a whole. In fact, the Republican victory was achieved by garnering the support of less than 20% of the eligible voters. "The 15% Solution" was well within sight.

The political posture adopted by the opposition Democrats played a signifi­cant role in the creation of the Incredible Shrinking Electorate. They gave the majority of increasingly disaffected people nothing to come out to the polls for but either a warmed‑over imitation of Repub­li­can Party poli­cies, or a set of well‑intentioned but ineffective alterna­tives.

The minority of eligible voters who actually supported Republican, and later, Republican‑Christian Alliance, policies turned out and voted for them.   Those who wanted something significantly different, consis­tent with the liberal tradition of the Democratic Party, not finding it on the ballot, just stayed home. Implementation of "The 15% Solution" proceeded apace. It was even­tually used by the Right‑Wing Reaction­ar­ies to impose their will on the majority of the people. And just like their Ger­man Nazi predeces­sors, once they gained power through Con­stitu­tional means, they main­tained it largely through anything but.

The Apogee of American Fascism

The apogee of fascism in America is generally considered to have been reached around 2017. By that year, while the old Constitution (see Appendix I) was still technically in force, the old United States of America had for six years already been existing as that apart­heid na­tion called the New American Repub­lics. The NAR was de­signed along the lines of plans for racial separa­tion which had been developed by such late 20th century Right‑Wing Repub­lican lead­ers as David Duke of Louisi­ana (Patriquin). It was the entire­ly predict­able result of the American Right‑Wing Reactionary move­ment that had at its core an ide­ology of black, (genetically‑based), inferiority (Herrnstein and Murray), and explic­it or implicit White Su­premacy.

There were still two years to go before the Lat­in Wars in the Fourth Re­public would begin to turn sour and the formal Restoration Declara­tion would be issued by the National Leadership Coun­cil of the Move­ment for the Restora­tion of Consti­tutional Democracy in the old United States.

The sole legal political party of the NAR was the American Chris­tian Nation Party (ACNP). In 2008, President Jefferson Davis Hague had formed it out of the Republican‑Christian Alliance, successor to the old Republican Party. In rhetoric at least, the NAR was a "Chris­tian Nation," achiev­ing a goal of many leaders of Right‑Wing Reaction in the old U.S. from a wide vari­ety of back­grounds, such as the Rev. Pat Robert­son, the head of the Christian Coalition, a one‑time Gover­nor of the state of Missis­sippi, Kirk For­dyce, and R.J. Rushdooney, a leader of Christian Recon­structionism and the Christian Coalition's more se­cre­tive 20th century counterpart, the Coalition on Re­vival.

Rushdooney, a very influential if not very well‑known leader of the Chris­tian Right, for ex­ample "advocated total Christian theocracy and [once] wrote 'Democracy is the great love of the failures and cowards of life' " (Freedom Writer, Jan., 1995, p. 1). Of the legal theory of Christian Reconstructionism, the basis for the Supremacy Amendment (see Chapter nine), one David Barton said (Schollenberger): "Whatever is Christian is legal. Whatever isn't Chris­tian is illegal."

The NAR consisted of four "Republics." The "White Republic" con­trolled most of the territory of the old United States, as well as that of the four west­ern Provinces of the old Canada.[3] The "Black Repub­lic," in some ways like the Black "Bantustans" of pre‑liberation South Africa in the 20th century, was a series of disconnected, walled‑off, "provinces" consist­ing of selected, old, predominantly black "inner cit­ies," carved out of the old U.S. All blacks in the country not already living in what became the collective territory of the republic had been forcibly moved and con­fined to one "province" or another.

Similarly, the "Red Republic" was based on a set of walled‑off former Indian Reservations to the west of the Mississippi, to which all Native Ameri­cans had been moved and confined. Fourth was to have been the Hispanic Republic, consisting of all the nations of Latin Amer­ica, to which, coinciden­tally, all persons of Hispanic (Latino) origin living in the old U.S. were to have been deported. Full deportation was never achieved by the NAR govern­ment, just as full control of Latin America was never achieved either. But a "Killer Fence" (see Chapter 15) had been con­structed along the length of the old U.S.‑Mexican bor­der, and the Fourth Republic was on the books.

How did all of this come to pass legislatively, one might ask. In brief, through the use of "The 15% Solution" Right‑Wing Reaction had by the na­tional election of 2004 taken full control of the Congress and the Execu­tive Branch at the Federal level, and of more than 38 state governments. (The assent of 38 state legislatures was required for the ratification of any Constitutional Amendment.)

And where, one might also ask, was the Federal Supreme Court in all of this? Well, it had not reviewed actions of the other two branches of the Feder­al government for their constitutionality since it had handed down the Anderson Decision in 2003. In that decision (see Chapter five), based on the strict Borkian [4] interpretation of the Doctrine of Orig­inal Intent, the Court removed from itself the power to review the ac­tions of the other two branches of the Federal government for their Constitutionality. The Court was thus out of the picture. Anderson was the most far‑reaching Su­preme Court decision in U.S. history since "Dred Scott" of 1857. In one sense, Anderson set the stage for the Second Civil War just as Dred Scott had set the stage for the First.

The Social Profile of the NAR

The very existence of the New American Re­publics in 2017 was the at least partly predictable result of policies that the American Christian Na­tion Party and its predecessors had been advocat­ing and at times implementing for many years leading up to the NAR's creation in 2011. The social profile of the White Re­public was fully predict­able. It was just what Right‑Wing Reaction had told the American people it would impose upon them if it ever got complete power. These changes were achieved largely through a series of Constitutional amend­ments which the Right‑Wing Reactionary dominat­ed national and state legisla­tures were able to adopt with ease in the first decade of the 21st century, even before the establishment of the NAR (see Chapters four, seven, eight, nine and twelve).

Freedom of speech was a thing of the past, except on paper. "Chris­tian Thinking," as defined by the ACNP and based on the "Inerrant Bi­ble," as interpreted by the ACNP, was the only way of thinking acceptable throughout the White Republic. People not accept­ing "Christian Thinking" who did not keep their thoughts to themselves were subject to a wide vari­ety of penalties, from loss of employment (a practice previewed in the old United States by the so‑called "black‑listing" practice of the "McCarthy Era" of the 1950’s) to con­fine­ment in a "drug rehabilitation" camp.

Freedom of the press and the media in general was also a thing of the past. Although all media outlets, newspapers, radio, television, and politi­cal virtual reality were privately owned, they were all licensed and no one who was not known to be an absolute supporter of ACNP policy could get a li­cense. Freedom of choice in the outcome of pregnancy had long since van­ished. The public-school system that had been de­vel­oped in the old United States since the early 19th century had ceased to ex­ist, replaced by a com­bination of public and private reli­gious schools and home‑based education. Sex education and the provi­sion of contra­cep­tives were banned. Homosex­uality had been made a crime. The old "welfare" system had been termi­nated completely, and the principal remaining achievement of the "New Deal" of the President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1933‑1945), the Social Security System, had been disman­tled by a process Right‑Wing Reaction called "Privat­iza­tion."

The 16th Amendment (providing for a Federal income tax) had been re­pealed. Subject to Congressional review, the President had been giv­en the power to rule by proclamation in "times of national emergen­cy" (very similar to the "Enabling Act" passed by the German Reichstag [parliament] in the early days of the Hitlerian Chancellorship which gave him, through the demo­cratic process, the authority to rule by de­cree [Shirer]).

By Constitutional amendment as well, the "Laws of God" were estab­lished as superior to those of the Constitution. (Although at the time of the Supremacy Amendment's ratification there had been some controversy about just what the phrase "Laws of God" meant, as noted, upon the creation of the NAR the ACNP proclaimed that thenceforth it would make all such determinations.) The 13th, 14th, and 15th amend­ments to the old Constitution had been repealed, under the Borkist theo­ry of "Original Intent."

Economically, as a result of the previously noted under‑investment in both the private and public sectors, manufacturing, the basis of American world‑wide economic dominance for most of the second half of the 20th century, had declined to a very low level. However, all limitations on lumbering and coal mining had been eliminated, in order to establish what the ACNP called a "Resource Based Economy." That had made the take­over of the four Western Canadian Provinces with their largely untapped coal and timber reserves essential, and had at the same time reduced the NAR to the status of what in the 20th century had been called a "Third World," raw materials exporting, country, although one operating at a very high level.

But a one‑party, theocratic state, based on a racist theory of human existence, with a continually declining standard of living, and a signifi­cant number of oppressed people under its thumb, even if it came to power by democratic means, cannot maintain that power without the use of brute force. The history of all other such countries demonstrated that fact. Thus, there was a national police force called "The Helms­men," "those with their hands on the helm of the ship of God's state."

The Helmsmen enforced ACNP rule and rules, legally and extra‑legally (although there were no legal means to combat their extra‑legal use of force). Having both a public and a secret face, it had much in common with the Schutzstaffel (SS) of the old Nazi Germany. A series of camps, under the control of the Helmsmen (as the "Concen­tration Camps" of Nazi Germany had been under the control of the SS), were located on closed former military bases. They had been originally estab­lished by one of the first acts of "The Last Republican," President Carnathon Pine (2001‑2004), as part of the "Real Drug War" he had an­nounced in his Inaugural Address of 2001 (see the next Chapter).

Well before 2017, the camps had been adapted to the broader pur­pose of confining, in not too pleasant surroundings, opponents of the regime. (The camps were, however, not nearly as unpleasant as the extermination camp for "homosexuals" which would be set up in 2020 as part of the "Second Final Solution" [see Chapter 18].) As noted, the Mexican border had long since been closed with a pro‑active, at times seemingly life‑like, "Killer Fence." More advanced versions of the "Killer Fence" were used to completely isolate the "Provinces" of both the Black and Red Republics.

And that, in brief, is a picture of the NAR in 2017. This book will fill in that picture, will add color, depth, and focus to it, by tracing the history of the Fascist Period [5] through a description and analysis of the documents which shaped it, and by hearing the voices of a few of those who lived it. In brief, here is presented an overview of that docu­mentary history.

The Documentary Trail of American Fascism


The Inauguration of President Pine, the Last Repub­lican, and the Declara­tion of the Real Drug War.


The "Preserve America" (30th) Amendment to the Constitution. It provid­ed that henceforth no person could become a citizen of the Unit­ed States unless at least one parent were a citizen of the United States.


The Supreme Court decision in Anderson v. the United States. It re­versed the early landmark deci­sions by the Court of Chief Justice John Mar­shall, from Marbury v. Madison (1801) to McColluch v. Maryland (1823), which had originally established the Supreme Court's power to review and void on Con­stitutional grounds Executive and Legislative branch actions, a power nowhere to be explicitly found in the Constitu­tion.


The First Inaugural Address of President Jef­ferson Davis Hague (de­livered from the National Cathedral on Christmas Day). He had won the Presidency as the candidate of the new Republican‑Christian Alli­ance.


The Morality (31st) Amendment to the Consti­tution. It outlawed abor­tion under any circum­stances; prohibited any teaching in any edu­ca­tional institution on any matters concerning sexual functioning; de­clared homo­sexuality to be a matter of choice and denied any civil rights protections to homosexual persons; prohibited all forms of Feder­al, state, or local gov­ernment funded outdoor relief for the poor; and re­pealed the 16th Amend­ment (which had established the income tax).


The Balancing (32nd) Amendment to the Constitution. It required a bal­anced Federal budget, with no provisions for exceptions; required a two‑thirds vote of the membership of each House of Congress for the ap­proval of any tax increase; established a line‑item veto; repealed the Fourth Amendment (prohib­iting unreasonable search and seizure); and gave the President the power to declare "special emergencies" during which he could rule by decree.


The Supremacy (33rd) Amendment to the Constitution. It gave the Pres­i­dent and/or the Con­gress the power to declare the Laws of God as supe­rior to those of the Consti­tution. It bound all judges, Federal and state, to abide by the terms of the amendment. It allowed the establish­ment of religious tests for any elected or appointed government official. Final­ly, it guar­anteed organized prayer in the public schools.


Hague's Second Inaugural. He announced the planned conversion of the Republican‑Christian Alliance into the American Christian Nation Par­ty.


The Proclamation of Right of 2009. It made homosexuality a crime.


The Original Intention (34th) Amendment to the Constitution. It re­pealed the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments to the Constitution (that had, respec­tively, abolished slavery, among other things applied the due process guarantee of the 5th Amendment to the states, and guaranteed the right to vote to former slaves and other persons of color).


The Declaration of Peace. On July 4 of that year, it established the New American Republics (NAR).


The Natural Resources Access Act. Among other things, it termi­nat­ed the National Parks and National Forests systems.


The National Plan for Social Peace. It was intended, among other things, to deal with the many social and legal problems not solved and/or created by the Fascist Period Constitutional Amendments.


The Legitimation Treaty of 2017. This tri‑partite Treaty, between the NAR, the rump Canadian government based in the Maritime Prov­inces, and the Republic of Quebec (RQ), recognized the independence of the RQ, the annexation of the Western Canadian provinces to the White Republic of the NAR, and the partition of the former Canadian Province of Ontario between the NAR and the RQ.


The Restoration Declaration. The first formal statement by the new National Leadership Council of the Movement for the Restoration of Con­stitutional Democracy, which for the first time joined together pre­viously unconnected resistance movements in the Four Republics.


The Second Final Solution (the Second Holocaust). It was a secret program, purportedly designed to exterminate the remaining homosexu­al population in the NAR. However, its real purpose was to extermi­nate, without involving the local messiness created by the Death Squads, any opponents of the regime it could find.

2021 ‑ 2023

The intervention by the East Asian Confederation in 2021, the suc­cessful conclusion of the Second Civil War in 2022, and the Resto­ra­tion of Con­sti­tu­tion­al Democracy in 2023. Restoration formally dis­solved the NAR (in the process formally liberating the Latin American coun­tries), recog­nized the establishment of the Federal Republic of Canada within the former Canadi­an boundaries, including Quebec, with the reestablish­ment of the former U.S.‑Canadian border, and created the Re‑United States of America. The new Constitution, based in many ways on the old but in many ways differ­ent too, featured strengthened protections for individual freedom and liber­ty, and strengthened govern­mental pow­ers for intervention in the opera­tions of the economy.

Author’s Notes:

[1] John Maynard Keynes was an early twentieth century British economist who believed that in a capitalist state active government intervention was neces­sary for the maintenance of a healthy econo­my.

[2] Note: There is no indication or evidence that the Christian Coalition, Ralph Reed, the Rev. Pat Robertson, or any other member or leader of the organization, or any of the other historical personages mentioned in this chapter, such as Kirk Fordyce, David Duke, Paul Weyrich, George F. Allen, David Barton, or R.J. Rushdooney, would have supported or ap­proved of any of the events that subse­quently occurred in the United States or the New American Republics, would have associated themselves in any way with any individuals or political grouping which brought fascism or any simi­lar system to the United States, or that they supported the development of any kind of fascist or otherwise authoritarian state in the coun­try or its successors.

[3] In 2017, the Legitimation Treaty between the New Ameri­can Republics (NAR) and the Republic of Quebec (Republique Quebecoise, or RQ in French) was signed. It formalized the dismemberment of Canada and the north­west expan­sion of the White Republic of the NAR.

[4] Robert Bork was the leading Right‑Wing Reactionary jurist of the Transi­tion Era. Among those of the time, he held the almost singular view that if a policy, right, or procedure wasn't explicitly stated in the original Constitution it simply wasn't there, no way, no how, and anything else was unconstitutional, including certain undesirable amendments. This singular jurisprudence underlay the Supreme Court's decision in Anderson v. Board of Education (see Chapter five).

[5] This book focuses on the Fascist Period, 2001 ‑ 2022. I am well aware that some historians do not consider that the Fascist Period began until President Hague formally converted the Republican Christian Alliance into the American Chris­tian Nation Party at the end of 2008. But since the laying of the electoral, legislative, and judicial groundwork for the generally peaceful, on‑paper "demo­cratic" conversion to fascism was clearly begun during the Pine Presidency, I subscribe to the view that the Fascist Period did indeed commence at the earlier time. Thus the presentation of documents begins with that year.



ADL: Anti‑Defamation League, The Religious Right: The Assault on Tol­erance & Pluralism in America, New York: 1994, pp. 31‑39.

Cobb, C., Halstead, T., and Rowe, J., "If the GDP Is Up, Why Is America Down?" The Atlantic Monthly, October, 1995, p. 59.

Davidowicz, L.S., The War Against the Jews, 1933‑1945, New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1975.

DeParle, J., "Census Sees Falling Income and More Poor," New York Times, October 7, 1994.

Freedom Writer, "Church Organization is key to Coalition's success," Novem­ber, 1994, p. 2.

Freedom Writer, "Profile Chalcedon," January, 1995, p. 1.

Freedom Writer, "Concerned About Concerned Women of America," Janu­ary, 1995, p. 3.

Harkin, T., Fund‑raising letter, Washington, DC: July, 1995.

Herrnstein, R.J. and Murray, C., The Bell Curve, New York: The Free Press, 1994.

Lind, M., "To Have And Have Not," Harper's Magazine, June, 1995, p. 35.

McIntyre, R.S., "The Populist Tax Act of 1989," The Nation, April 2, 1988, p. 445.

Morrison, T., "Racism and Fascism," The Nation, May 29, 1995, p. 760.

NYT: New York Times, "U.S. Countersues Virginia Over Motor Voter Law," July 9, 1995.

Patriquin, R., "Duke Plan calls for dividing America," Shreveport Journal, February 7, 1989.

Phillips, K., The Politics of Rich and Poor, New York: Random House, 1990.

Rodgers, G., "Turning Out the Christian Vote in 1992," Christian Coali­tion Conference held at Regent University, Virginia Beach, VA, Nov. 15‑16, 1991 (partial transcript, p. 16).

Schollenberger, J., "Concerned About Concerned Women for America," The Freedom Writer, January, 1995, p. 3.

Shirer, W.L., The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1960, pp. 198‑200. your social media marketing partner

THE NEW STREAMLINED RSN LOGIN PROCESS: Register once, then login and you are ready to comment. All you need is a Username and a Password of your choosing and you are free to comment whenever you like! Welcome to the Reader Supported News community.