Fanning the Flames of Revolution

By Scott Galindez, Reader Supported News

17 November 2011

he day was January 17th, 1991.

About 500 of us marched out of Lafayette Park, peacefully taking to the streets of Washington, DC without a "permit" to do so. By the time we got back to the White House our numbers had swelled to over 2,000. The reason for our "un-permitted" march? The start of the first Gulf War. We'd gathered in front of the White House and began marching down Pennsylvania Avenue, but were met by a row of mounted police. They ordered us to disperse and clear the street. When we refused, police drove us out of the street with their swinging batons.

Fast forward to August of 2001.

Progressive rap band Ozomatli was on an open-air stage in Los Angeles just outside of the Democratic Party Convention. Suddenly, LAPD cut the power to the stage and ordered the crowd to disperse. Just fifteen minutes later a hail of rubber bullets drove the crowd out of the area.

These tactics worked for the police in 1991, and again in 2001. But in 2011 these ham-handed tactics seem destined to fail. Instead of being intimidated, the people are resisting such tactics and, quite to contrary, only seem emboldened by the batons and riot gear. The pepper-spray incident, Brooklyn Bridge arrests, the first Oakland raid and the wounding of war vet Scott Olson are all examples of how this time the crackdowns are fanning the flames of the Occupy movement. In fact, Mayor Bloomberg’s pre-dawn raid of Liberty Plaza will likely re-energize Occupy Wall Street in New York.

"Why," you ask? Why don’t these intimidation tactics work in 2011?

I think it's because this is a movement led by the people, and not a protest guided by "top down" leadership. When the police "crack down" in 2011, they are cracking down on the entire movement. Crack down on one protester and you crack down on all of them--from Portland to Atlanta to NYC. Back in 1991, it was the Campaign for Peace in the Middle East--a coalition of various political groups--calling all the shots. The rank and file marchers supported the cause, but were not as invested in the movement. So, they were easily intimidated.

Movements become uprisings or revolutions when the people become fully invested in the outcome. A march against a war is, for most, an expression of their position on the issue. It is an important act, but it is also easier for the opposition to deal with it. The protesters go home and may not protest again. Or, if they do, there is enough time between protests that the individual doesn’t really become invested in a "movement."

This was readily apparent for military families and vets. They felt a deeper connection. The war directly affected their daily lives. So, for them there was deeper investment in the anti-war movement. But most Americans had no skin in the game. For them it wasn’t worth marching repeatedly against the war, each time facing a baton.

Which brings us to the roots of the Occupy movement. Unemployment sits at 9%. So-called "real unemployment" is much higher. Millions of homes are being foreclosed upon. Students are being buried in a mountain of debt from student loans. And the cost of a college education grows yearly. While most Americans are struggling, those who are thriving were bailed out at taxpayers' expense and profit from the majority's pain.

The Occupy movement has skin in the game, they are invested in the outcome. That’s why when each Mayor or Police Chief cracks down, they simply fan the flames instead of putting out the fire. In fact, each time they just gather up more fuel to be thrown on the growing fire.

In New York, the pepper-spraying of the young girls, followed shortly thereafter by the arrests on the Brooklyn Bridge, solidified the movement. Are we seeing the effect of Tuesday morning's crackdown today as the Occupy movement engages in a "National Day of Action?"

In Oakland, the tear gas and Scott Olson’s near-death led to a general strike which shut down the Port of Oakland. In Berkeley, when students were prevented from setting up camp last week, they called for a student strike, returned to Sproul Plaza even stronger and set up camp late Tuesday night.

Now in Seattle, Dorli Rainey, 84, was pepper-sprayed on Tuesday along with a 19 year-old pregnant woman. With authorities threatening to evict Occupy Seattle from their camp, it would have been wiser for the police not to add fuel to the fire. But it's too late for that. Seattle is primed to be the next hot-spot in the Occupy movement. If Seattle Police move in, they will only be fanning the flames further.

There are hundreds of other encampments around the country, many of which see city officials quietly waiting them out. The encampments we hear about are those where the government chooses to add fuel to the fire.

Scott Galindez attended Syracuse University, where he first became politically active. The writings of El Salvador's slain archbishop Oscar Romero and the on-campus South Africa divestment movement converted him from a Reagan supporter to an activist for Peace and Justice. Over the years he has been influenced by the likes of Philip Berrigan, William Thomas, Mitch Snyder, Don White, Lisa Fithian, and Paul Wellstone. Scott met Marc Ash while organizing counterinaugural events after George W. Bush's first stolen election. Scott will be spending a year covering the presidential election from Iowa.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.