Black Family Gets Robbed. Husband Calls Police. Police Shoot the Husband. Robber Escapes.
Wednesday, 24 August 2016 14:00
King writes: "Few cases typify everything that is wrong with gun rights, police brutality and racial profiling like this one."
Police officials investigate the home where a police officer shot a homeowner during a robbery attempt. (photo: Vic Ryckaert/IndyStar)
Black Family Gets Robbed. Husband Calls Police. Police Shoot the Husband. Robber Escapes.
By Shaun King, New York Daily News
24 August 16
ew cases typify everything that is wrong with gun rights, police brutality and racial profiling like this one.
Early Tuesday in Indianapolis, an African-American woman was being carjacked in front of her home in her working class neighborhood. She ran back in the house, told her husband, who is also black, and they called the police to report the robbery. That seemed to be the right and safe thing to do.
He, of course, was not the robber. In fact, police have yet to even say if they caught the robber. Since they dusted the car for fingerprints, it appears that the actual man committing a crime got away and the man who wanted to protect his wife and family was instead shot and currently fighting for his own life in the hospital.
"I think that's really crazy. What do we have, trigger-happy police officers out here now?" asked Angela Parrot, who lives in the neighborhood told the Indy Star.
Speaking to the Daily News, several reporters and neighbors all confirmed that the husband who was shot was black, but said that they do not yet know the ethnicity of the officer who shot him.
Whatever the case, the violent encounter should help illuminate the very real fears so many black families have when calling the police. This family needed help. They wanted to report a crime in their neighborhood. The husband wanted to protect his wife. These are all very basic rights we have, but day after day we see that gun rights don't really apply equally to African-Americans.
Merely reaching for his wallet got Philando Castile shot and killed in his own car. Having a gun in his pocket caused police to shoot Alton Sterling repeatedly in his back and chest.
Now this.
We do not yet know the extent of this man's injuries, but a bullet to the mid-section can wreak havoc. Yet again, without fully understanding the facts of what they were seeing, American police fired upon a man unjustly. It's just not right.
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=30488"><span class="small">Jessica Valenti, Guardian UK</span></a>
Wednesday, 24 August 2016 12:23
Valenti writes: "The state's maternal death rate is the highest in the developed world. Those denying women reproductive healthcare on ideological grounds are to blame."
Anti-abortion activists rally on the steps of the Texas Capitol. (photo: Eric Gay/AP)
Politics Is Killing Mothers in Texas
By Jessica Valenti, Guardian UK
24 August 16
The state’s maternal death rate is the highest in the developed world. Those denying women reproductive healthcare on ideological grounds are to blame
This dubious honor is a recent one, with a study showing that the rate of women dying from pregnancy complications doubled from 2010-2014. It’s not a coincidence, of course, that there was another major happening around women’s health in Texas during those years: the deliberate closure of clinics that provide abortion and a drastic funding cut to the state’s family planning budget.
As my colleague Molly Redden points out, Texas gutted the state’s family planning budget by more than $73m in 2011, forcing clinics to shut down and dramatically reducing the number of women they could provide services to. By 2014, 600 women had died from pregnancy-related complications.
It’s almost as if what feminists have been saying for years is true: limiting reproductive rights hurts women across the board. Access to reproductive care is necessary not just to prevent or end pregnancies, but to ensure healthy outcomes for those who choose to carry their pregnancies to term.
Sarah Wheat of the Planned Parenthood of Greater Texas told the Dallas Morning News that these clinics were “an entry point into the health care system” for many women, especially those with fewer resources.
“Chances are they’re going to have a harder time finding somewhere to go to get that first appointment.”
It’s an ironic but telling turn of events for the activists and legislators in Texas who insisted that laws shuttering abortion clinics were about protecting women’s health – a claim that the supreme court thoroughly debunked.
In the decision to overturn Texas’ extreme anti-choice law, the opinion read: “When directly asked at oral argument whether Texas knew of a single instance in which the new requirement would have helped even one woman obtain better treatment, Texas admitted that there was no evidence in the record of such a case.”
Instead of helping women, the law hurt women. But for the politicians and activists who want to stop them from accessing their right to abortion at all costs, women’s health was never really the point.
If Texas wants to turn this horror show around, officials need to start supporting women’s choices, give up their transparent and cruel war on reproductive rights, and stop rejecting the expansion of Medicaid, which could provide much-needed help and care to the state’s vulnerable communities. And with Zika becoming more of a risk for Americans, these steps cannot come soon enough.
Women’s health is not a political chip to be played; it’s not an afterthought. Our health and lives – whether we choose to have children or not - are central to the health of our country and communities. Women in Texas, women in America, deserve better than this.
Galindez writes: "I believe we will really shake things up in two years when we have built an independent political organization that will allow us to support progressive candidates all over the country."
Presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont talks to supporters during a rally at the University of Washington, in Seattle. (photo: Joshua Trujillo/Seattlepi.com)
“Our Revolution” Will Transform America
By Scott Galindez, Reader Supported News
24 August 16
have been politically active for 30 years. My first arrest was with Phillip Berrigan at the White House. I volunteered to go on the White House Tour and pour blood on the pillars. Phillip advised me to take it slow and start out with a lower risk, so I instead was arrested on the White House sidewalk holding a banner. Many years later I did go over the White House fence with Phil’s community and poured blood and red dye on and in the fountain. The banner the first time read “Iran Contra Gate Verdict: Impeach Reagan.” The banner when we went over the fence read “US Foreign Policy, Fountain of Blood.” I organized against nuclear testing in Nevada, went back country at Vandenberg Air Force Base to protest tar wars. I have helped to organize antiwar marches.
Following the first Bush stolen election I helped found truth-out.org and decided to focus my energy on creating a progressive media that could go around the mainstream media. During that time I spent a lot of time in Crawford, Texas. with Cindy Sheehan. I was embedded in Occupy in Washington DC. (I was headed to New York when Zuccotti Park was raided, and I decided to stay in DC, where an organized encampment still existed.)
I worked on Paul Wellstone’s first Senate campaign as a volunteer. I worked for Jerry Brown and Bill Bradley’s presidential campaigns because I opposed the “Democratic Leadership Council.” I attended the first Green Party Congress in West Virginia and I voted for Ralph Nader.
I’m not looking for any rewards or anything, I am telling you my history to show that I am not a neoliberal who is trying to herd people into the Democratic Party. I am a progressive who wants to transform the Democratic Party.
I have probably been focusing too much on this November. We can make some difference in down-ballot races this time, but in two years we will do even more. We do have opportunities left this time, but I believe we will really shake things up in two years when we have built an independent political organization that will allow us to support progressive candidates all over the country. “Our Revolution” will help us build those organizations in our communities.
I have witnessed campaigns getting crushed by the establishment over the years, but this time it is different. This time the momentum is on our side, and I believe we are unstoppable. They will try to slow us down and will have victories of their own. For example, I hope but don’t expect Debbie Wasserman Shultz will lose to Tim Canova next week. I believe Tim will be the next congressman from that district. It just may take a little longer.
You see, they have the established structure, something we are just beginning to build. We need a progressive bench of local officials who have built a base of support that will help them move into Congressional and other higher offices. Tim has built a base of support in this election that can help him or another progressive win in the future. I am not ruling out victory this time, but I’m not counting on it either.
Diversity of Tactics
Elections are only one tool in the box. I have used them all over the years. We must continue to use them all. I attended the Convention of Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement’s (CCI) Action Fund this past weekend. CCI has been using all the tools at their disposal for a long time.
I sat down with Evan Burger, who was on Bernie’s Iowa campaign staff from the beginning. He now works for CCI’s Action Fund. According to Evan, CCI’s strategy has not changed.
“CCI Action has already been doing electoral work (both voter education and endorsing candidates) but we’re very excited to start recruiting, training, and supporting our members as they run for office,” said Burger.
“We see running candidates for office as an extension of our existing theory of change: that movements, not individuals, create social change. Our candidates will run out of a movement, rather than just individuals throwing their hat in the ring.”
Burger pointed out that the Sanders campaign showed that you can win if you run on the issues.
“Our candidates will be running not just to win but also to strengthen the progressive infrastructure in the state.”
While recruiting and running candidates is important, CCI will also continue organizing on the issues.
“We’re also excited because that seems to be the direction that a lot of other organizations (including Our Revolution) are heading in as well. We’d love to work with Our Revolution not just on the electoral work but also any organizing on issues that line up with ours, such as stopping TPP.”
Here are some of CCI’s activists calling on people to take action on a few of the issues that CCI is in the forefront of in Iowa.
Larry Cohen, who will be the Political Director for “Our Revolution,” gave the keynote at the convention. He talked about building organizations in all 50 states that will further the momentum started by the Sanders campaign. Cohen talked about building a movement that will never accept being told that we can’t win. If we learned nothing else, according to Cohen, the Sanders campaign showed us we can win.
Cohen also warned that the TPP will likely come to a vote after the election in a lame duck session. We have to start organizing now to stop it. Along those lines, CCI has invited Larry Cohen to return to Iowa in early October for actions in all four Congressional Districts. So keep October 7-9 free for a major push against the TPP.
I have seen it all over the last 30 years. We are a diverse movement with diversity of tactics. There is a time for civil disobedience, a time for running candidates, a time for mass mobilizations, and a time for numerous other tactics. We have to use all the tools at our disposal. CCI has been using all the tools, and is a model for what other communities need to build as a part of “Our Revolution.”
In the last few months I have joined CCI, secured a seat on the Polk County Central Committee of the Democratic Party, and continued my work to build a progressive media alternative here at RSN and at PRTV.
As a movement we need to use all the tools at our disposal. We are not going to agree on everything, but we have to fight together to win. Tonight – Wednesday, August 24th – is the launch of “Our Revolution.” Go to a house party tonight and meet fellow progressives in your neighborhood and listen to Bernie outline his plan. You can find an event here, just enter your zip code.
Don’t dwell on this election – let’s stay together and transform our country.
Scott Galindez attended Syracuse University, where he first became politically active. The writings of El Salvador's slain archbishop Oscar Romero and the on-campus South Africa divestment movement converted him from a Reagan supporter to an activist for Peace and Justice. Over the years he has been influenced by the likes of Philip Berrigan, William Thomas, Mitch Snyder, Don White, Lisa Fithian, and Paul Wellstone. Scott met Marc Ash while organizing counterinaugural events after George W. Bush's first stolen election. Scott will be spending a year covering the presidential election from Iowa.
Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.
Why a Single-Payer Healthcare System Is Inevitable
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=39255"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Website</span></a>
Wednesday, 24 August 2016 08:37
Reich writes: "The real choice in the future is either a hugely expensive for-profit oligopoly with the market power to charge high prices even to healthy people and stop insuring sick people. Or else a government-run single payer system."
Robert Reich. (photo: unknown)
Why a Single-Payer Healthcare System Is Inevitable
By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Website
24 August 16
he best argument for a single-payer health plan is the recent decision by giant health insurer Aetna to bail out next year from 11 of the 15 states where it sells Obamacare plans.Aetna’s decision follows similar moves by UnitedHealth Group, the nation’s largest health insurer, and by Humana, another one of the giants.
All claim they’re not making enough money because too many people with serious health problems are using the Obamacare exchanges, and not enough healthy people are signing up.
The problem isn’t Obamacare per se. It lies in the structure of private markets for health insurance – which creates powerful incentives to avoid sick people and attract healthy ones. Obamacare is just making this structural problem more obvious.
In a nutshell, the more sick people and the fewer healthy people a private for-profit insurer attracts, the less competitive that insurer becomes relative to other insurers that don’t attract as high a percentage of the sick but a higher percentage of the healthy.
Eventually, insurers that take in too many sick and too few healthy people are driven out of business.
If insurers had no idea who’d be sick and who’d be healthy when they sign up for insurance (and keep them insured at the same price even after they become sick), this wouldn’t be a problem. But they do know – and they’re developing more and more sophisticated ways of finding out.
Health insurers spend lots of time, effort, and money trying to attract people who have high odds of staying healthy (the young and the fit) while doing whatever they can to fend off those who have high odds of getting sick (the older, infirm, and the unfit).
As a result we end up with the most bizarre health-insurance system imaginable: One ever better designed to avoid sick people.
If this weren’t enough to convince rational people to do what most other advanced nations have done – create a single-payer system that insures everyone, funded by taxpayers – consider that America’s giant health insurers are now busily consolidating into ever-larger behemoths.
UnitedHealth is already humongous.
Aetna, meanwhile, is trying to buy Humana in a deal that will create the second-largest health insurer in the nation, with 33 million members. The Justice Department has so far blocked the deal.
Insurers say they’re consolidating in order to reap economies of scale. But there’s little evidence that large size generates cost savings.
In reality, they’re becoming huge to get more bargaining leverage over everyone they do business with – hospitals, doctors, employers, the government, and consumers. That way they make even bigger profits.
But these bigger profits come at the expense of hospitals, doctors, employers, the government, and, ultimately, taxpayers and consumers.
There’s abundant evidence, for example, that when health insurers merge, premiums rise. researchers found, for example, that after Aetna merged with Prudential HealthCare in 1999, premiums rose 7 percent higher than had the merger not occurred.
What to do? In the short term, Obamacare can be patched up by enlarging government subsidies for purchasing insurance, and ensuring that healthy Americans buy insurance, as the law requires.
But these are band aids. The real choice in the future is either a hugely expensive for-profit oligopoly with the market power to charge high prices even to healthy people and stop insuring sick people.
Or else a government-run single payer system – such as is in place in almost every other advanced economy – dedicated to lower premiums and better care for everyone.
Fox News and the Repercussions of Sexual Harassment
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=17265"><span class="small">Margaret Talbot, The New Yorker</span></a>
Tuesday, 23 August 2016 13:25
Talbot writes: "One of the surprising things about the Fox News sexual-harassment story is that the women who have come forward with allegations include several of the network's better-known anchors and reporters."
Fox News and the Repercussions of Sexual Harassment
By Margaret Talbot, The New Yorker
23 August 16
ne of the surprising things about the Fox News sexual-harassment story is that the women who have come forward with allegations include several of the network’s better-known anchors and reporters. You might think that professional power could stave off the kind of spin-around-and-let-me-see-your-ass leering and straight-up demands for sex that Gretchen Carlson, Megyn Kelly, and others say they endured from former Fox News chairman Roger Ailes and other male supervisors. (Ailes and his lawyer, Susan Estrich, continue to deny the allegations.) But that does not seem to have been the case.
In some ways, the situation at Fox was extreme: the seventy-six-year-old Ailes, who stepped down from the chairmanship on July 21st, soon after Carlson filed her lawsuit, seems to have taken management tips from some minor but debauched Roman emperor. According to Gabriel Sherman, an editor at New York magazine who has kept a close eye on Ailes and Fox News for several years now, the former chairman spent millions of dollars from the network’s budget to settle sexual-harassment claims and to maintain a cadre of consultants and private detectives, who worked out of what was known as “the Black Room,” keeping tabs on journalists like Sherman and others who’d covered him aggressively. How did he get away with it? “It was the culture,” one Fox executive told Sherman. “You didn’t ask questions, and Roger wouldn’t entertain questions.” When it came to sexual harassment, ideology surely played a role, too: given the pervasive scorn at Fox for “political correctness,” or feminism of any stripe, it must have been especially hard to be an ambitious woman who chose to make a stink, to risk looking like what Carlson says Ailes called her—“a man hater.”
To some researchers who’ve studied sexual harassment, though, the Fox News scenario doesn’t look like that much of an outlier. For one thing, some studies have found that women in positions of authority, especially in workplaces that are dominated by men, may be more likely to experience sexual harassment than women in lower-status positions. In a 2012 study called “Sexual Harassment, Workplace Authority, and the Paradox of Power,” the authors—Heather McLaughlin, Christopher Uggen, and Amy Blackstone—found that women in supervisor positions were more likely than non-supervisors to say that they had been sexually harassed on the job in the previous year. (This doesn’t seem to have been merely because supervisors as a group may be more knowledgeable about what constitutes harassment—the same pattern did not hold true for male supervisors and subordinates, for example.) When I spoke with McLaughlin, who is now a professor of sociology at Oklahoma State University, she called the study’s finding “counterintuitive,” because “to most people the most common scenario is still the powerful male boss and the vulnerable female secretary.” That scenario still happens, of course, but sexual harassment may be even more prevalent, she said, where women are “gaining power in the workplace, and it becomes a way of trying to reëstablish who’s actually in charge.”
McLaughlin says that these findings make sense, because, she believes, workplace sexual harassment isn’t really about sex; it’s about power. There’s probably a good deal of truth to that. Not that it explains every case: the person hitting on an attractive co-worker or subordinate might, after all, just be looking for sex at the place he or she happens to spend most of his or her time. (Although, in the age of dating apps, not to mention escort services and chat rooms, there are other, less potentially career-ending ways to get some. The appeal, for a guy like Ailes, of using the office as your personal hunting ground may have more to do with trying to leverage your authority there to get women who’d be out of your league on the more even playing field of Tinder.) But it’s true that the workplace commenter/ogler doesn’t necessarily think his or her perving is going to reap actual sexual rewards. Often, these comments aren’t admiring in any way, just gross or demeaning. (McLaughlin et al. found that a lot of sexual harassment was aimed at women who didn’t comport with traditional standards of femininity.) And it’s also true that, whatever the goal, the effect of such harassment is often to embarrass, unnerve, or undermine the professional confidence of the target.
Indeed, there’s another important way in which the allegations of sexual harassment at Fox News are not at all unique: they are a reminder of what a serious disruption harassment can be to a career. Take the case of Rudi Bakhtiar, who told the Times in July that, back in 2007, she lost a promotion she was expecting—to be a regular correspondent in Fox’s Washington bureau—after she turned down the sexual advances of a colleague who was about to become the bureau chief. Bakhtiar, who had been a foreign correspondent for CNN and who speaks fluent Farsi, had just scored a reportorial coup—getting herself into Iran for a meeting between Iranian and Iraqi leaders—and she was feeling confident about her prospects at the network. But she says things went badly for her after she rebuffed her colleague, Brian Wilson, and filed a complaint:
Wilson, contacted by the Times, said he strongly objected to Bakhtiar’s characterization of events. Bakhtiar reached a settlement with Fox for an undisclosed amount.
Bakhtiar says her agent advised her that she might have to start all over again in local news and work her way up. She couldn’t bring herself to do that, but she spent a few years out of journalism, working in public relations for an Iranian-American organization, before eventually taking a job as a producer at Reuters.
For many women, the climb back up is even tougher. McLaughlin told me that she and her colleagues are about to publish a new study in which they examined the long-term consequences of harassment. They looked at women working in a variety of fields, some of whom said that they had been the targets of unwanted sexual attention on the job when they were in their late twenties. Now, eight to ten years later, eighty-two per cent of the women who said that they’d experienced severe sexual harassment had changed jobs, compared to only fifty-four per cent of those who had not. (The study defined “severe” as unwanted touching or four or more incidents of other harassing behaviors.) People change jobs a lot in their twenties—often for better jobs—so it’s hard to draw too many conclusions from these numbers alone, but the contrast between the two categories is suggestive. And the women who had experienced harassment did see their earnings trajectories climb less steeply. “Compared to other working women,” McLaughlin said, “their earnings growth over this period of time was much slower over all, plateauing throughout their early thirties.”
This stall-out might have occurred for a number of reasons. In some cases, McLaughlin said, “it’s because women are giving up seniority and other advancement opportunities by starting over again with a new employer.” Moreover, “many of the women who quit switched careers—some quite drastically.” If they moved out of “highly competitive and masculine environments” that might pay well (say, banking) but that can also “be breeding grounds for a larger culture of harassment,” they sometimes ended in up in more “feminized and less lucrative fields” (say, retail).
Finally, McLaughlin said, some women who reported offensive behavior paid the price that women often fear: “They were labelled as untrustworthy or ‘not a team player’ and were subsequently passed over for promotion or excluded by their colleagues.”
Still, the more that powerful women who have experienced harassment come forward, the less likely it will be that employers can get away with punishing them. Though Fox News is doing its best to pretend that none of this ever happened, the revelations about Ailes may help others in the long run. As Paul Farhi, of the Washington Post, reported last week, the allegations and their fallout have scarcely been mentioned on the network—“no panel discussions, no diatribes from Fox’s famously aggressive hosts, no follow-up investigations, no tributes to the Ailes era”—but, try as it might, this story won’t go away.
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