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Double Standards in the Headscarf Debate Print
Sunday, 11 September 2016 13:44

Hoffman writes: "The female body is a focal point of the battle between tradition and modernity. The liberation from the corset to the fight over trousers, the debates over miniskirts, hot pants, bikinis and headscarves: Women's clothing has repeatedly been regulated, stipulated and proscribe, with men issuing decrees and bans relating to what women wear."

A woman wearing a headscarf in Turkey. (photo: AFP)
A woman wearing a headscarf in Turkey. (photo: AFP)


Double Standards in the Headscarf Debate

By Christiane Hoffmann, Der Spiegel

11 September 16

 

When cultures clash, women's clothing is often at the center of the debate. While for Western women, the issue is how much skin they should be allowed to show, for Muslims the focus is on how much they must show.

n Iranian archives, there is a collection of photos from the late 1930s. They show women and men dressed in European clothing, and the women are not wearing a chador or headscarf. The images are oddly troublesome: Some women look at the camera in horror, while others have their gazes affixed to the ground. The photos are of Iranian aristocratic families, taken at the instruction of Shah Reza Khan at the height of his campaign to unveil his country's women. He wanted Iran to become a modern country, Western-oriented, and he saw the chador as a symbol of its backwardness. The ban was far more violently enforced on the streets of Tehran than the burkini ban on French beaches. Women's chadors were ripped off in broad daylight.

Back then, the women were undressed in the name of modernization. In recent weeks, similar incidents occurred on French beaches, because women in burkinis allegedly posed a threat to the modern, Western lifestyle. Yet it is only a little more than half a century ago that women on European beaches could be issued a fine, not for wearing too much but too little. When the bikini came onto the market 70 years ago, it was no less controversial than the burkini. In fact, it was initially banned almost worldwide.

Then as now, the female body is a focal point of the battle between tradition and modernity. The liberation from the corset to the fight over trousers, the debates over miniskirts, hot pants, bikinis and headscarves: Women's clothing has repeatedly been regulated, stipulated and proscribe, with men issuing decrees and bans relating to what women wear. In Europe, the dispute has tended to focus on how much skin women are allowed to show. Now, though, it is about how much skin they are required to show.

Specific Social Morals

Clothing, our second skin, is deeply personal. And it is political. It is an expression of identity, making a statement about character and personality, social status and worldview, profession, age and gender. Whether someone wears a frilly blouse or a tank top, jogging pants or a tuxedo, pumps, vegan sandals or riding boots, clothing is always a message we use to belong or distance ourselves, seduce or deter. Clothing conforms or rebels. Those who prescribe or ban certain types of clothing for women want to change society or preserve specific social morals. To this day, women are not supposed to decide for themselves what they wear, because their clothing is a symbolic battlefield. A man drives a truck into a crowd on the Nice waterfront esplanade and kills 86 people -- whereupon women in Cannes, 33 kilometers (21 miles) away are banned from wearing the burkini.

Today, we are trying to determine our relationship to Islam by way of our attitudes to the headscarf, burqa and burkini. We define the burqa and the headscarf as symbols. But of what, exactly? Of the oppression of women in Islam, or of their protest against the dominance of the West? The veil can be many things. It can be a sign of a man's claim to ownership of his wife, ensuring that other men are unable to look at her. It can be a woman's message to men that she is not available. But it can also be seductive, like the colorful headscarves worn by some, who combine it with loud makeup, skin-tight coats and high heels, so that they end up being chaste on top and sexy down below.

"The burqa debate," says literary scholar Barbara Vinken, "affords us a new look at our own gender order in public." Men and women in Western cultures are likewise in no way on an equal footing, she adds. Men wear suits, with only their faces visible, and an erotic message is rarely associated with male clothing. For a long time, men did not want women to dress the way they did. They weren't in favor of women wearing the pants, which stood for power, success and credibility. German Chancellor Angela Merkel wears pantsuits, as do most of the female cabinet ministers. To this day, a woman is more likely to be taken seriously in Germany if she wearing a pantsuit than a skirt.

The Male Gaze

The burqa debate confronts us with our own insecurities. Just how self-determined is female fashion in the West? To what extent is it shaped by social constraints, group pressure, conventions, shows like "Germany's Next Top Model" and the dictates of the fashion industry? The feminist movement is still divided over whether the visible female body, bare skin and the miniskirt are actually signs of freedom or if they degrade women into sex objects.

It comes down to the male gaze, certainly in Islam. Traditionally, the veil (hijab) was a curtain that protected Mohammed's wives from the gaze of his visitors. Islamic culture differs fundamentally from Western culture in that it covers up things that are precious. There are no images in mosques, and certainly no icons. Visibility and transparency do not have positive connotations; the preference is for the hidden, the invisible and the indirect. The veil signifies esteem. Poorer women had to work, and how can a woman work in the fields wearing the chador? It was the clothing of wealthy, privileged women.

But the enlightened West is also willing to make allowances for the covetous male glance. The ability to control one's yearning, oft touted as a civilizational advantage of the Western man, likewise has its limits. A year ago, Germany was embroiled in a brief but heated debate over hot pants in schools. A principal in the southwestern state of Baden-Württemberg wrote a letter to parents arguing that the ultra-short shorts should be banned in her school. She argued that male students and teachers should not be distracted in class by overt displays of the charms of female students.

And not long ago, my 15-year-old daughter brought home a letter from her physical education teacher. The letter, which required a parent's signature, stated that parents should pledge to ensure that their daughters wore sufficiently decent clothing in PE. Bare bellies are verboten, and so are spaghetti straps. According to the letter, girls should have at least three finger widths of material on each shoulder. It sounded as if the school would prefer to see girls wear burkinis in relay races. The school argued that the measure was necessary because it would prevent boys from injuring themselves. "Otherwise, they might run into something!" the physical education teacher explained to the girls. And yet, there are no rules for the boys, who are allowed to show up shirtless on the playing field. The girls were furious: How unfair is that?

Whatever a Woman Chooses

Still, men's clothing too has periodically been regulated by the state throughout history. The most famous example is Kemal Atatürk's hat revolution. Like the veil and the headscarf, the traditional male head covering also became a symbol of backwardness in 1920s Turkey. In his famous hat speech, Atatürk touted Western-style hats, and it was followed by a legal decree that stated: "The general head covering of the Turkish population is the hat, and the government forbids the continuation of a contradictory habit." For women, the headscarf and veil were banished from public life, and they were banned in schools, universities and government service. The return the headscarf under current President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is thus not just a sign of Islamization, but also of protest against an authoritarian, secular state.

In the last century, the battle over clothing was a conflict between tradition and modernity, but now it is overlaid with the contrast between Islam and the West. Outside the West, clothing was often associated with the search for a unique, non-Western identity. The goal was to preserve traditions or to develop a separate modern age. This is embodied by the Mao jacket and the Nehru shirt, as well as modern Muslim women's fashion. Globalization led to the triumphal march of Western fashion brands around the world. From suits and ties to jeans, T-shirts and sneakers, the Western style of clothing seems to have become universal. However, globalization also incorporates the reverse movement, as foreign clothing appears on our streets and in schools. We see it as demarcation and provocation, and as signs of the failure of integration efforts. We fight over the headscarf.

Nowhere has the headscarf debate been waged as bitterly as in France. As long ago as 1989, in the so-called headscarf affair, three girls were expelled from school for refusing to remove their headscarves. In 2004, the government enacted a general headscarf ban in public primary and secondary schools, and the burqa was banned in 2011. There are also now laws in Germany regulating where women are permitted to wear the headscarf and where not. The battle over the headscarf shows us the limits of our own, enlightened liberalism. Suddenly we no longer know just how liberal we want to be. We disguise our own illiberality with the claim of wanting to liberate the women of other cultures.

Perhaps capitalism will prevail in the end, and in this instance, it might not be such a bad thing. Western fashion labels are now designing Muslim fashion. DKNY was one of the first, with its 2014 Ramadan Collection. Conversely, oriental fashion is also influencing Western fashion designers. Perhaps we will see the rise of a global non-dress code, in which essentially everything goes - including whatever a woman chooses to wear.


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This Trump Advisor Might Be Even More Confused About Climate and Energy Than Trump Himself Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=30542"><span class="small">Ben Adler, Grist</span></a>   
Sunday, 11 September 2016 13:42

Adler writes: "Donald Trump is prone to ridiculous, fact-free assertions on the environment and energy. That used to be attributed at least in part to his lack of policy advisors. But now he has advisors, and they're full of lies too."

Stephen Moore. (photo: Gage Skidmore)
Stephen Moore. (photo: Gage Skidmore)


This Trump Advisor Might Be Even More Confused About Climate and Energy Than Trump Himself

By Ben Adler, Grist

11 September 16

 

onald Trump is prone to ridiculous, fact-free assertions on the environment and energy. That used to be attributed at least in part to his lack of policy advisors. But now he has advisors, and they’re full of lies too.

Take Stephen Moore, one of Trump’s economic advisors. Moore told E&E Daily in a recent interview that he is urging Trump to emphasize his commitment to expanding fossil fuel production. Many of the supporting arguments Moore offers are completely false — like so much of what Moore has ever said or written.

Moore, a notoriously foolish and dishonest “senior distinguished fellow” at the right-wing Heritage Foundation and a former Wall Street Journal editorialist, told Trump he should “stress the energy stuff” in the candidate’s big economic policy speech in Detroit last month. Trump then went on to propose removing environmental regulations and increasing dirty energy extraction, making big, implausible promises that doing so would reinvigorate American manufacturing.

Moore wants Trump to go even further. “Since Moore came on board this spring to advise Trump on his tax plan, he’s been encouraging Trump to hit back against Democrats’ claims that the transition to more wind and solar energy will be good for the economy and the environment,” E&E writes.

That the transition to wind and solar energy is good for the environment isn’t a claim, it’s a fact. Wind and solar do not create the climate pollution or the conventional pollution that coal, oil, and gas do. And it’s undeniable that the wind and solar industries are creating jobs. Solar already employs more people in the U.S. than coal, despite the fact that solar currently provides a much smaller percentage of the nation’s electricity.

Moore also trots out the old, discredited claim that the U.S. shouldn’t bother to do anything to curb carbon emissions because China will just keep on polluting. “Every time we shut down a coal plant in the U.S., China builds 10,” he told E&E. “So how does that reduce global warming?”

Moore’s premise — that China won’t work with us to fight climate change — is simply wrong. Just last week, China formally joined the Paris climate agreement, at the same time the U.S. did. China is creating a cap-and-trade system for carbon emissions. In 2015, China’s solar energy capacity increased by 74 percent and its wind energy capacity expanded by a third, while coal consumption dropped by 3.7 percent. The U.S. has emitted more total climate pollution than any other nation on earth, so we have to demonstrate that we’re willing to take action if we want other countries to do the same. Under President Obama, the country is moving to cut emissions, so the U.S. was able to bring China into a landmark bilateral climate agreement in 2014.

Moore offered up yet one more howler when he told E&E that we could reduce emissions without transitioning away from fossil fuels. Plant some trees, he suggested. Tree planting is great, but as Grist explained long ago, there is no way to plant enough trees to soak up all the carbon currently emitted by our cars and power plants. Then again, there’s a long conservative tradition of being confused about trees.


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FOCUS: The Lost Innocence of 9/11 Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29097"><span class="small">Michael Winship, Moyers & Company</span></a>   
Sunday, 11 September 2016 11:22

Winship writes: "We seem to have squandered the solidarity and goodwill amongst ourselves that briefly blossomed after the tragic events of 9/11 - not to mention global support - just as unthinkingly as we've spent $1.2 trillion dollars on the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq - money that could have generated thousands of college scholarships; hired firefighters, police officers and teachers; provided low-cost health care for millions."

The steel skeleton of the North tower of the World Trade Center on Sept. 13, 2001. (photo: Getty Images)
The steel skeleton of the North tower of the World Trade Center on Sept. 13, 2001. (photo: Getty Images)


The Lost Innocence of 9/11

By Michael Winship, Moyers & Company

11 September 16

 

The renewed patriotism and commitment we felt 15 years ago has decayed, sullied by jingoism, xenophobia and paranoid fantasies about race and religion.

I wrote the piece below for the tenth anniversary of 9/11 in 2011, not long before the Moyers & Company television series and the BillMoyers.com website began. It remains relevant on this 15th anniversary although a few things have changed. One World Trade Center has reached its full 1776 feet in height and office tenants have moved in. More than 25 million have visited the 9/11 memorial and its adjoining museum.

And the new Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board, recommended by the 9/11 commission report, finally began holding meetings in October 2012. On January 23, 2014, in the wake of the Edwards Snowden revelations, a board report on mass surveillance was released calling for an end to bulk data collection by US intelligence.

According to their website, the most recent board meeting – closed to the public – was on November 9 of last year.

long time ago, I helped produce for public television an annual year’s end interview with New York City Mayor Ed Koch. We always shot it in a private room at Windows on the World, the restaurant on top of the north tower of the World Trade Center, with a spectacular view toward the Empire State Building.

From that height, at the end of a sunny winter’s day you could see the lengthened shadows of the two towers stretch diagonally all the way across lower Manhattan, up and east to Stuyvesant Town.

One time, we were taken up to the roof, where the big transmitting antenna was. Around the perimeter was a gutter, some two to three feet wide and three feet deep or so — for the window cleaning apparatus that went up and down the sides of the building, I think.

Some of our production crew got into that well, knelt down, held onto the inner lip of the gutter and had their pictures taken. From a still camera’s perspective, you could make it appear as if you were hanging from the edge of the tower. It seemed funny at the time.

Two decades later, on that awful morning in 2001, I threw on a pair of shorts and a tee shirt and ran to the corner after my then-wife buzzed me from downstairs and shouted over the intercom that the World Trade Center was on fire. We stood on the corner looking down Greenwich Street at smoke and flames. She left for her newsroom, I watched for a few more minutes, and as I turned to return home, the second plane hit.

The gigantic blaze and collapse, the blizzard of paper, the sounds of sirens and church bells, the flyers taped to every wall looking for missing loved ones, and finally, of course, the overpowering smells that lingered in our air for weeks — I have so many memories and stories, many of which I’ve recounted before, all of them so puny in comparison to the accounts of heroism, bravery and tragedy that over the last week or two have once again filled the media.

But I also remember a week later, when television microwave trucks from around the world still stretched down the West Side Highway as far as you could see.

At one corner was a French anchorman, who I gathered was something of a superstar back home. Excited French tourists were bunched around, thrusting their cameras, waiting their turns for a Kodak moment with him.

Three and four at a time, he spread his arms around the visitors, grinning broadly and carefully posing everyone to make sure billows of smoke from the wreckage would be prominent in the background. With apologies to France, and thank you for the Statue of Liberty, but I really felt like giving him a punch.

For so long after 9/11, we gazed southward and the sky was empty where the original Trade Center once stood. I used to think there should be some vast chalk outline in the sky, showing where the twin towers had been, like the silhouette TV detectives draw of the spot where the murder victim fell.

These days, when I walk across my Manhattan intersection and look down Seventh Avenue, I can see One World Trade Center going up. As you’ve probably seen during the coverage of this week’s tenth anniversary, they’ve reached 80 plus stories; its glass sheathing rises part of the way to the top, construction lights twinkle at night on the unfinished floors above.

Eventually, the structure will be 108 stories with an illuminated mast that will lift it to a height of, yes, 1776 feet, but along the way they’ve abandoned the title Freedom Tower for fear of scaring away renters and provoking terrorists. I think of the 10 years that have passed, remember other 9/11 anniversaries and wonder what else has been abandoned as well.

On the first anniversary, I made the rounds: the tributes at Ground Zero, then a memorial service at the Episcopalian Church of St. Luke in the Fields on Hudson Street, where the weeping of victims’ families and friends pierced the heart. I attended a ceremony in Washington Square for the flight crews; doves were released for each of their lost lives.

The second year I was working and didn’t plan a visit, but as a friend from out of town and I sat on my roof that night, staring downtown at the twin shafts of light that shine each year in tribute, he asked if we could go.

We strolled around the banks of searchlights that created the two bright columns pointing into the sky and as we walked, a woman ran by, smudging the site with burning sage, trying to cleanse it of the evil that had happened there.

The next three years, I went to Ground Zero or attended other memorials, but on the fifth anniversary, when I arrived downtown the scene seemed, sadly, more circus-like.

The families of the victims were largely protected from it but those of us just outside were subjected to pitchmen and hangers-on, a man dressed in a bird suit urging passersby to “Have a Kind Day,” and everywhere, the “truthers” in their black tee-shirts, thrusting in your face brochures and DVDs pitching every sinister conspiracy they believe caused the towers to fall, except, of course, the one that actually brought them down.

Last year, on a train home from Boston, where the two flights that hit the towers originated, I watched the Tribute in Light from a distance, its shafts of illumination piercing the dark above the faraway Manhattan skyline. And this year I stayed at home and watched on television as the official memorial was opened with its waterfalls and engravings. Songs were sung and the 2,750 names were read aloud once again.

I did go down to Ground Zero on Wednesday, walking through the rain and mist to Church and Vesey Streets, the intersection at which One World Trade Center is rising. The majority of the sidewalk traffic seemed equally divided among groups of business people, construction workers and tourists.

I stopped by St. Paul’s Chapel, where 10 years ago first responders and other emergency personnel slept, exhausted, in the church’s pews between hours of recovery work on the smoldering mountain of death and debris.

The wooden pews are gone now, stored — just temporarily, I hope — and replaced with folding chairs where visitors come to view mementos of 9/11 and listen to choirs and chamber music.

Instead of the tributes of flowers and stuffed animals that once crowded St. Paul’s iron fence, now white ribbons were tied, each marked “Remember to Love.” Anyone could add a message to them — in black ink, slightly running from the damp, people had written “RIP to All,” “Peace,” “Keep on rocking in the free world,” or just their names.

I had come downtown for a discussion at the New York County Lawyer’s Association, sponsored with the New York Neighbors for American Values. Its subject was “9/11: Refuting Stereotypes and Challenging the Common Wisdom.”

Eight panelists and moderator Tom Robbins discussed whether the public had been sufficiently involved in the plans for rebuilding lower Manhattan post-9/11 (no), if officials had recklessly downplayed the health hazards around the site (yes), if the mainstream media adequately reported those dangers (no) and whether post-attack security concerns had escalated intolerance and violated civil liberties (oh yes, indeed).

In fact, a new Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board originally called for by the 9/11 commission report in 2004, its powers even strengthened by Congress in 2007, has yet to meet.

We seem to have squandered the solidarity and goodwill amongst ourselves that briefly blossomed after the tragic events of 9/11 — not to mention global support — just as unthinkingly as we’ve spent $1.2 trillion dollars, according to the National Priorities Project (a nonpartisan, progressive think tank), on the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq — money that could have generated thousands of college scholarships; hired firefighters, police officers and teachers; provided low-cost health care for millions.

The renewed patriotism and commitment we felt a decade ago has decayed, sullied by jingoism, xenophobia and paranoid fantasies about race and religion. At the panel, Linda Sarsour of the Arab American Association of New York observed, “What stops another 9/11 is not profiling, but all New Yorkers becoming partners and friends.”

We actually had that for a while in those first days and weeks of smoke and ash, those days when the smell of vaporized metal and electrical cable and God knows what else filled our air; so pungent you could taste it.

We lived through those days, and in a decade of memorials we still see flashes of the unity, strength and dedication so necessary for democracy to survive.

But how horrible if the ultimate memorial to 9/11 is not waterfalls and names engraved on bronze or marble but the financial, moral and societal bankruptcy that Osama bin Laden and 19 followers armed with box cutters hoped would be our fate.


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FOCUS | No, Matt Yglesias: Hillary Clinton's Emails Are Our Business Print
Sunday, 11 September 2016 10:26

Taibbi writes: "You may never see a worse case of media Stockholm Syndrome than a recent column by Matt Yglesias at Vox, entitled, 'Against Transparency.'"

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton checks her phone on October 18, 2011. (Credit: Kevin Lamarque/Reuters)
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton checks her phone on October 18, 2011. (Credit: Kevin Lamarque/Reuters)


No, Matt Yglesias: Hillary Clinton's Emails Are Our Business

By Matt Taibbi, Rolling Stone

11 September 16

 

A member of the press arguing against transparency?

ou may never see a worse case of media Stockholm Syndrome than a recent column by Matt Yglesias at Vox, entitled, "Against Transparency."

Subheaded "Government officials' email should be private, just like their phone calls," the Yglesias piece basically argues that emails shouldn't be covered by laws like the Freedom of Information Act because it's the 2010s, and it's just too darn hard to use the phone if you want to keep something secret while you're on the public payroll.

I'm sure there's no shortage of reporters lining up to take a whack at Yglesias and his treasonous column this week, so I'll keep this short:

1) Government agencies already routinely blow off FOIA requests, sometimes to the point of being cheeky about it. (I have one friend in the business who was sent a single empty fax cover sheet by a particularly obnoxious federal FOIA officer.) Presidents expand the definition of "classified" seemingly every year, and at the state level whole ranges of documents are quietly excluded from FOIA all the time. Ask the families of police brutality victims in New York about section 50-A of the civil rights code, which excludes most police records from public scrutiny. It's an enormous pain in the ass just to get officials to follow the law. And now we have a fellow journalist arguing that we don't need access to emails? Thanks a lot.

2) It's kind of not our job in the media to worry about how officials might conduct politically embarrassing conversations without the press finding out. If that's what Matt stays up at night worrying about, he might need a more news-appropriate hobby, like alcoholism.

3) If George Bush had been the subject of an email scandal, Yglesias obviously wouldn't have written this article, making this a transparently partisan piece and therefore automatically pathetic.

4) I'm a private citizen and I operate on the assumption that anything I write down could end up in a newspaper tomorrow. This is too hard for public officials? Really? They need their emails to be a safe space?

5) Yglesias writes that phone calls are "journalistically indispensable" for extended interviews but that for a "routine query or point of clarification," email is "much, much better." He adds: "Besides which, like any self-respecting person born in the 1980s, I hate phone calls." The journalists I grew up around would cane me half to death and tell me to get a new job if I ever admitted to preferring email (also known as "prepared remarks") over the telephone. It's another subject for another time, I guess.

I get that Yglesias thinks that the Clinton email/Clinton Foundation business isn't a story. But whoever heard of a reporter begging for less access? We're all losing our minds.


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Release More 9/11 Records Print
Sunday, 11 September 2016 08:13

Graham writes: "As we approach the 15th anniversary of the most heinous attack on the United States since Pearl Harbor, it is time for our government to release more documents from other investigations into Sept. 11 that have remained secret all these years."

Former Senator Bob Graham of Florida. (photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)
Former Senator Bob Graham of Florida. (photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)


Release More 9/11 Records

By Bob Graham, The New York Times

11 September 16

 

n July, after approval from the Obama administration, Congress released a 28-page chapter of previously classified material from the final report of a joint congressional inquiry into the Sept. 11 attacks. Saudi Arabia’s foreign minister, Adel al-Jubeir, said that the document had ruled out any Saudi involvement in the attack. “The matter is now finished,” he declared.

But it is not finished. Questions about whether the Saudi government assisted the terrorists remain unanswered. Now, as we approach the 15th anniversary of the most heinous attack on the United States since Pearl Harbor, it is time for our government to release more documents from other investigations into Sept. 11 that have remained secret all these years.

The recently released 28 pages were written in the fall of 2002 by a committee of which I was a co-chairman. That chapter focused on three of the 19 hijackers who lived for a time in Los Angeles and San Diego. The pages suggested new trails of inquiry worth following, including why a Qaeda operative had the unlisted phone number for the company that managed the Colorado estate of Prince Bandar bin Sultan, then the Saudi ambassador.

READ MORE


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