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The Differences Between the Vaccines Matter Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=58584"><span class="small">Hilda Bastian, The Atlantic</span></a>   
Monday, 08 March 2021 13:15

Excerpt: "Yes, all of the COVID-19 vaccines are very good. No, they're not all the same."

A health care worker administers a dose of the Pfizer-BioNTech Covid-19 vaccine. (photo: Roger Kisby/Bloomberg/Getty Images)
A health care worker administers a dose of the Pfizer-BioNTech Covid-19 vaccine. (photo: Roger Kisby/Bloomberg/Getty Images)


The Differences Between the Vaccines Matter

By Hilda Bastian, The Atlantic

08 March 21


Yes, all of the COVID-19 vaccines are very good. No, they’re not all the same.

ublic-health officials are enthusiastic about the new, single-shot COVID-19 vaccine from Johnson & Johnson, despite its having a somewhat lower efficacy at preventing symptomatic illness than other available options. Although clinical-trial data peg that rate at 72 percent in the United States, compared with 94 and 95 percent for the Moderna and Pfizer-BioNTech vaccines, many experts say we shouldn’t fixate on those numbers. Much more germane, they say, is the fact that the Johnson & Johnson shot, like the other two, is essentially perfect when it comes to preventing the gravest outcomes. “I’m super-pumped about this,” Virginia’s vaccine coordinator told The New York Times last weekend. “A hundred percent efficacy against deaths and hospitalizations? That’s all I need to hear.”

The same glowing message—that the COVID-19 vaccines are all equivalent, at least where it really counts—has been getting public-health officials and pundits super-pumped for weeks now. Its potential value for promoting vaccination couldn’t be more clear: We’ll all be better off, and this nightmare will be over sooner, if people know that the best vaccine of all is whichever one they can get the soonest. With that in mind, Vox has urged its readers to attend to “the most important vaccine statistic”—the fact that “there have been zero cases of hospitalization or death in clinical trials for all of these vaccines.” The physician and CNN medical analyst Leana Wen also made a point of noting that “all of the vaccines are essentially a hundred percent” in this regard. And half a dozen former members of President Joe Biden’s COVID-19 Advisory Board wrote in USA Today, “Varying ‘effectiveness’ rates miss the most important point: The vaccines were all 100% effective in the vaccine trials in stopping hospitalizations and death.”

There’s a problem here. It’s certainly true that all three of the FDA-authorized vaccines are very good—amazing, even—at protecting people’s health. No one should refrain from seeking vaccination on the theory that any might be second-rate. But it’s also true that the COVID-19 vaccines aren’t all the same: Some are more effective than others at preventing illness, for example; some cause fewer adverse reactions; some are more convenient; some were made using more familiar methods and technologies. As for the claim that the vaccines have proved perfectly and equally effective at preventing hospitalization and death? It’s just not right.

These differences among the options could matter quite a bit, in different ways to different people, and they should not be minimized or covered over. Especially not now: Vaccine supplies in the U.S. will soon surpass demand, even as more contagious viral variants spread throughout the country. In the meantime, governors are revoking their rules on face masks, or taking other steps to loosen their restrictions. It’s tempting to believe that a simple, decisive message—even one that verges on hype—is what’s most needed at this crucial moment. But if the message could be wrong, that has consequences.

The idea that all of the vaccines are pretty much the same, in that they’re perfect at preventing COVID-19 hospitalizations and death, got its legs on social media. The USA Today op-ed by the former members of the Biden team illustrated this by linking to a data table found on Twitter. Created by the infectious-disease doctor Monica Gandhi, it showed a variety of trial results for six different vaccines. One column was rendered in canary yellow—“Protection from hospitalizations/death”—and every cell read “100%.” A similar table, tweeted out a few days earlier by the dean of Brown University’s School of Public Health, Ashish Jha, conveyed the same idea through a grid of zeros—as in, zero people hospitalized, zero people dead. The prominent physician and researcher Eric Topol followed with his own clinical-trial data summary featuring a column of 100 percents. “That is impressive!” he wrote across the top. All told, their posts would be retweeted about 15,000 times.

The data were indeed suggestive of an encouraging idea. Based on the numbers so far, we can expect the vaccines to provide extremely high levels of protection against the most dire outcomes. Still, we don’t know how high—and it’s clear they won’t uniformly cause hospitalizations and deaths from COVID-19 to disappear in vaccinated people.

The experts understand this, of course. Gandhi has been updating her table as more data come in, and now pegs Moderna’s efficacy on that front at 97 percent; Jha has since tweeted that “nothing is 100 percent … But these vaccines sure are close”; and Topol told The Atlantic that the numbers in his tweet are not a sufficient basis from which to draw “any determination of magnitude of effect,” though the fact that they all point in the same direction is “very encouraging.” Still, the message of perfection that their initial tables and tweets spawned—the gist, for many readers, of all those 100s and zeros—has since been picked up far and wide, and misinterpreted along the way.

To grasp the shaky nature of these particular data, it’s important to remember how the vaccine-development process began. Last April, not long after the pandemic began, the World Health Organization set out a target efficacy for vaccines of 50 percent, with options for how that value should be measured. A vaccine could be shown to reduce the risk of symptomatic disease, severe disease, or transmission of the coronavirus. The FDA offered similar guidance in June, and other regulatory agencies also followed the WHO’s lead. Among these choices, symptomatic disease was the most feasible, because it’s both a common outcome and one that’s easier to confirm in a large-scale trial. An outcome that included asymptomatic infections would have been even more common, but screening for all infections would have been prohibitive, especially early in the pandemic. So that’s how the vaccine trials were designed: Each would try to demonstrate at least 50 percent efficacy with respect to symptomatic disease as its “primary outcome.”

The trials could have used severe disease, hospitalization, or death as primary outcomes, but that would have slowed things down. These events are far more infrequent—there could have been 200 infections for each COVID-19 death in the U.S.—and that means it would have taken more time, and larger numbers of trial participants, to generate enough data to be sure of a 50 percent efficacy. Developers did include “severe COVID-19” as a secondary outcome—that is, one that would be measured and analyzed, but for which the trial might not have been designed to provide a definitive answer. Efficacy against hospitalization and against death, however, were not included as secondary outcomes for every trial.

Given that fact, the data can’t support a claim that the vaccines are 100 percent effective at preventing these serious outcomes. (Topol highlighted this very issue in an op-ed last fall for The New York Times.) Out of the six vaccines included in the dramatic data tables that made the rounds on Twitter, the clinical trials for only two of them—Oxford-AstraZeneca’s and Johnson & Johnson’s—included hospitalization for COVID-19 as a secondary outcome, and reported that efficacy rate. The clinical research for one other vaccine, made by Novavax, had hospitalization as a secondary outcome, but that trial hasn’t been reported in full yet. (On my website, I’ve provided more detailed information and analysis of the relevant data.)

Now, a casual reader of clinical-trial reports—or their summaries on social media—might take the fact that no hospitalizations of vaccinated people are mentioned to mean that none occurred. That’s risky, given that pieces of the data have been published across various medical journals and via several different regulatory agencies rather than in full in one place; that the plans for some trials did not specify ahead of time that the vaccine’s efficacy at preventing hospitalizations would be calculated; and that we’ve seen only minimal early data (via a press release from Novavax) from one of them. It would be just as risky to assume that all hospitalizations would be included in the analyses of people who developed severe COVID-19. Hospitalization and severe disease are not synonymous—people could be coping at home even though COVID-19 has caused their oxygen levels to drop severely, and moderately ill people might be hospitalized out of an abundance of caution when they are at high risk of getting worse.

The two vaccine trials that did explicitly report hospitalizations as an efficacy outcome make this latter issue very clear. For the AstraZeneca vaccine, one person in the control group had severe COVID-19, but eight people were hospitalized; for Johnson & Johnson, 34 people in the placebo group had severe COVID-19, but only five people were hospitalized. It’s true that zero vaccinated people were hospitalized in either study after the vaccines took effect. But with numbers that small, you can’t draw a reliable conclusion about how high efficacy may be for these outcomes. As Diana Zuckerman of the National Center for Health Research pointed out about the Johnson & Johnson trial, “It’s misleading to tell the public that nobody who was vaccinated was hospitalized unless you also tell them that only 5 people in the placebo group were hospitalized.” She’s right. And you can’t be confident about predicting effectiveness precisely in a wider population outside the trial, either. For example, some of the vaccine trials included relatively few people older than 60 as participants.

You can see how fragile these numbers are by looking at those compiled for severe disease. In the Pfizer trial, for example, just one vaccinated person developed severe COVID-19 versus three in the placebo group—which meant that a single bout of disease made the difference between a calculated efficacy rate of 66 percent and one of 100 percent. For the Novavax and Oxford-AstraZeneca trials, there were zero people with severe disease in the vaccinated group versus only one in the control group, so adding or subtracting one would have been even more dramatic. The problem is even greater for deaths. For that efficacy analysis, only two of the vaccine trials—for Moderna’s and Johnson & Johnson’s—reported any COVID-19 deaths at all in the control groups.

It’s also important to remember that these are early results: Some people who enrolled very late in the trials aren’t yet included in reported data, and analysis is still under way. Indeed, the FDA pointed out in December that one vaccinated person in the Moderna trial had been hospitalized with apparently severe COVID-19 two months after receiving a second dose. That person was in a group still awaiting final assessment by the researchers, and was not mentioned in Moderna’s formal readout of results.

We’ve learned a little more from the ongoing public vaccination programs. Four important reports have come in the past two weeks. In one, researchers compared about 600,000 people who had had a full course of the Pfizer vaccine in Israel with 600,000 people matched in age and other demographics who had not been vaccinated. The shots’ effectiveness at preventing hospitalization was measured at 87 percent. (“This vaccine is fabulous in a real world setting,” Jha tweeted in response.) A preprint from Scotland reported an efficacy rate against hospitalization of about 80 percent among people 80 or older, almost all of whom had received only one dose of either the Pfizer or the AstraZeneca vaccine. Two reports from Public Health England estimated a reduction of hospitalization of about 50 percent and 43 percent for the same age group, again almost all after just one dose of the Pfizer vaccine. These are exciting outcomes—those vaccines really, really worked! But they oughtn’t lead anyone to think that the vaccines are all the same, and that protection will be perfect.

Where does that leave us for making decisions? As Anthony Fauci told The New York Times last weekend, “Now you have three highly effective vaccines. Period.” Again, you will get a lot of benefit from any of them, and your risk will shrink even more as those around you get vaccinated too. Whichever one you start with, a booster may be coming in the not-so-distant future, of the same vaccine or perhaps a different one. By taking the first vaccine you can get, you’ll also avoid the risk of finding yourself without protection if infection rates surge where you live.

Efficacy is merely one layer, though. The Pfizer and Moderna vaccines have an edge at preventing symptomatic illness, but the Johnson & Johnson vaccine brings its own advantages. It has no demanding freezer requirements, which means it’s easier to distribute and more accessible to many communities. It’s more affordable than the other two—the company is providing it at cost around the world. Then there’s the fact that resources can be stretched a lot further when only a single dose has to be administered.

For individuals, too, the Johnson & Johnson vaccine has benefits. As a one-and-done injection, it’s more convenient. It also has a lower rate of adverse events than Moderna’s. You can’t compare results of these trials too precisely, but there are indications of a striking difference. About 2 percent of those who got the Johnson & Johnson vaccine recorded having reactions, such as fatigue, muscle aches, and fever, that were severe enough to interfere with daily activities. For those getting their second injection of Moderna, that rate was higher than 15 percent. People who are on the fence about getting vaccinated may find that this difference tips the scales in favor of getting a shot. Others who have doubts about the newness of the mRNA technology in the Pfizer and Moderna vaccines may appreciate the fact that Johnson & Johnson’s approach has already been deployed in the company’s Ebola vaccine, which got full drug approval in Europe last year.

Given these concerns, there’s some danger in the message—however well intentioned—that the COVID-19 vaccines are all the same by any measure, or that they’re perfect wards against severe disease. Vaccination is a public-health imperative, and going full tilt to promote uptake supports the common good. But it’s a personal health decision too. People want to protect themselves and those close to them, and they are likely to care about outcomes other than hospitalization and death, no matter what anyone says now.

Still, raising these concerns in public can be fraught. In response to an inquiry about her data table, Gandhi affirmed the importance of looking at severe-disease outcomes and noted that “careful, collegial and collaborative scientific discourse on the vaccines is imperative moving forward to help us get through the pandemic.” Topol pointed out that he has emphasized the vaccines’ measured efficacy against symptomatic disease many times before, so any isolated reference to his table “takes that particular post out of context.” Jha wrote in an email that he stands by the message of his original tweet, and notes that COVID-19 hospitalizations and deaths are so rare among the people vaccinated in these trials, to quibble over differences is akin to “counting how many angels are dancing on the head of the pin.”

I can see why this might seem like quibbling, but I just don’t think it’s a trivial matter. It would be different if I thought the effectiveness of every one of those six vaccines against hospitalizations and death would really end up being close to 100 percent—or if I bought into the idea, now widespread, that they have already been shown to “nearly” or “effectively” eliminate these outcomes. There is very good reason to be encouraged by the data, but to say right now that people who have been vaccinated face zero risk of serious outcomes—that, for them, COVID-19 is no more dangerous than the common cold—is sure to influence behavior. Imagine how people in high-risk groups would feel about going to the movies, or how their employers would feel about putting resources into workplace safety, if we all assumed that vaccines confer perfect protection against hospitalization or death. Now imagine how the same people and employers would feel knowing they were 85 percent protected.

Nor is there any reason to believe that the public or the personal interest will be served by hype. People who think the vaccines provide ironclad protection may lose trust in experts if reality falls short. Trust in coronavirus-vaccine information is already a problem, and could sink even lower. Activists who are opposed to vaccination may end up turning experts’ “super-pumped” promises against them.

“The idea that people can’t handle nuance,” Jha tweeted at the end of February, “it’s paternalistic. And untrue.” I couldn’t agree more. The principle of treating people like adults is fundamental. We don’t need to exaggerate. Talking about the trade-offs between different medicines and vaccines is often complicated, but we do it all the time—and we can do it with COVID-19 vaccines too.

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Call the Fossil Fuel Industry's Net-Zero Bluff Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=53024"><span class="small">Kate Aronoff, The New Republic</span></a>   
Monday, 08 March 2021 13:15

Aronoff writes: "Nothing in the history of the oil and gas industry suggests we should take its word for it on climate."

Exxon Mobil chairman and CEO Darren Woods arrives for a meeting with Chinese Premier Li Keqiang in Beijing in 2018. (photo: Getty Images)
Exxon Mobil chairman and CEO Darren Woods arrives for a meeting with Chinese Premier Li Keqiang in Beijing in 2018. (photo: Getty Images)


Call the Fossil Fuel Industry's Net-Zero Bluff

By Kate Aronoff, The New Republic

08 March 21


Nothing in the history of the oil and gas industry suggests we should take its word for it on climate.

his week marked a kind of coming out party for the Biden-era fossil fuel industry. At CERAWeek, the industry’s annual energy conference, its top brass talked about how eagerly they’re participating in an energy transition that will allegedly happen at some point, eventually. The American Petroleum Institute—the trade lobby for the oil and gas industry—expressed its openness to some kind of carbon pricing, which some of its members have backed for years. ExxonMobil CEO Darren Woods said his company is “supportive” of net-zero goals. The several members of the Biden administration who joined repeatedly voiced their commitment to capping warming at 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.7 degrees Fahrenheit), as well as an openness to working with industry toward that goal.

The notion that governments could actually do this while keeping fossil fuel companies happy, mind you, is at best wildly optimistic. Without a currently unimaginable quantity of negative emissions—through methods like reforestation or direct air capture—modeling from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change projects that meeting 1.5 degree goals would require global oil use to decline by 87 percent by 2050, relative to 2010 levels, and 37 percent by 2030. Gas should decline by 25 percent by 2030 and 74 percent through 2050, coinciding with a total 32 percent decline in energy demand overall, along the same timeline. Going by the rhetoric on display at CERAWeek, the world’s biggest polluters have a relatively simple strategy to pursue profits while aligning themselves with a 1.5 degree target: magic.

Members of the administration didn’t go out of their way to be friendly to oil and gas executives. But they did avoid topics of conflict, for the most part talking about the investment opportunities of scaling up clean energy. Asked how she planned to work with industry, Energy Secretary Jennifer Granholm pivoted to the work ahead with automakers and utility companies—not major oil and gas producers. International climate envoy John Kerry—who in recent months has mentioned how much he’s been talking to the oil executives for his new climate post—warned that they could either embrace the transition toward a low-carbon world or be left “sitting there with a lot of stranded assets. You’re gonna wind up on the wrong side of this battle.”

What this week made clear is that U.S.-based producers, finally confronted with an administration that seems at least semi-serious about climate change, are now adopting the line European producers like BP and Shell have been using for some time: Our core products will be needed for decades to come. We have the expertise to shepherd this transition, and we will continue to be essential to meeting the world’s energy demand and scaling up more clean energy—on our terms.

This isn’t the old denialism oil companies funded decades ago. But it looks a lot like it. Instead of casting doubt on whether the climate is changing, this new messaging strategy casts doubt on the obvious answer to what should be done about it: i.e., rapidly scaling down production. “Until we know the path and what is going to be required and what the solutions are, it’s hard to know,” ExxonMobil CEO Darren Woods told investors in a climate-conscious call this week. “What we can do is commit to figure that out, and once we find the answers, you would see us begin to commit and actually be on the path toward net-zero.” Everyone, it seems, wants to get to “net-zero.” What exactly that means for companies that have only ever revolved around producing oil and gas is anyone’s guess. For now, it’s one part creative accounting and many parts a P.R. strategy of waving around shiny objects like biofuels, hydrogen, and carbon capture and storage.

So why not call their bluff? If the administration is really committed to 1.5 degrees Celsius, ask fossil fuel companies to submit concrete plans for reaching net-zero to federal regulators. Put experts to work determining whether they’re realistic. Bring the companies under public ownership if not, and make them decarbonize while keeping every worker on the payroll. Mandate that they capture and store carbon permanently—rather than pouring it back into oil production in what’s known as “enhanced oil recovery”—and invest meaningful portions of their budgets in making the technology work. There is no world in which the United States works earnestly toward capping warming at 1.5 degrees Celsius that keeps the fossil fuel industry happy. And nothing in their history suggests we should take fossil fuel companies at their word when they say they care about the environment or good-faith public engagement.

Backlash to serious climate policy is inevitable. But the fossil fuel industry isn’t the behemoth it was even a decade ago, when it sabotaged attempts to pass climate policy under Obama. Oil and gas executives are on the defensive, if only judged by the fact that they spent their time at a major industry conference talking about all the ways they’re going to paint themselves green. Firms that used to rule the world are finding themselves increasingly isolated among the Fortune 500. And while hardly climate champions, investor-owned utilities and the automobile sector have plenty to gain from an administration that has its sights set firmly on a low-carbon future. Building up utility-scale wind and solar generation and transmission infrastructure means more business for power providers and more union work. Government procurement orders for electric school buses and mail trucks will drive business toward the automakers and make them more competitive in international markets growing steadily greener. Wall Street is salivating over pouring all the cash sloshing around the economy into clean energy—a stark shift from its dive into the shale revolution after the last financial crisis.

It’s also not so obvious that a Republican Party engulfed as it is by climate denial and conspiracy theories will follow oil and gas executives into a brave new era of greenwashing. The Trump administration offered a preview for how the interests of culture-war extractivism—to “drill, baby, drill”—diverge from the industry it was ostensibly trying to help, which has been desperate for higher fuel prices. There are more divisions than ever to exploit within carbon coalitions. Screw the friendly conferences. Time’s running out to divide and conquer.

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FOCUS: Amazon's Anti-Union Activities Should All Be Illegal Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=58582"><span class="small">Gabrielle Semel, Jacobin</span></a>   
Monday, 08 March 2021 13:00

Semel writes: "In the ongoing union drive in Bessemer, Alabama, Amazon is playing a massive role in influencing the outcome of the election. This should be a crime - bosses should be legally prohibited from interfering with their workers' union organizing."

In addition to concerns about COVID safety, workers at Amazon have expressed frustration about impossibly high productivity expectations and are therefore starting to unionize. (photo: Stephanie Keith/Getty Images)
In addition to concerns about COVID safety, workers at Amazon have expressed frustration about impossibly high productivity expectations and are therefore starting to unionize. (photo: Stephanie Keith/Getty Images)


Amazon's Anti-Union Activities Should All Be Illegal

By Gabrielle Semel, Jacobin

08 March 21


In the ongoing union drive in Bessemer, Alabama, Amazon is playing a massive role in influencing the outcome of the election. This should be a crime — bosses should be legally prohibited from interfering with their workers' union organizing.

he ongoing union vote by 5,800 Amazon workers in Bessemer, Alabama, has opened a window into the challenges workers face in unionizing. As the public is learning, the boss gets a big role in the process. It shouldn’t be this way.

As Amazon grew at meteoric rates in 2020, adding almost five hundred thousand new employees worldwide — as well as $75 billion to the fortune of CEO Jeff Bezos — its workers began fighting for more equitable treatment. Some signed petitions demanding specific changes, such as paid sick leave and the end of rate-based write-ups; in Staten Island, workers walked off the job demanding the facility be sanitized.

The Bessemer workers, fed up with the company’s intense productivity quotas and relentless monitoring (including of their bathroom breaks), went a step further. They signed authorization cards with the Retail, Wholesale and Department Store Union (RWDSU), seeking to form a union. At least 30 percent of the workers at a specified facility need to sign such cards to get a vote for a union at the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB), the federal agency that administers labor law for private sector workers across the United States.

Once the petition was filed, Amazon called in the union-avoidance storm troopers, hiring a law firm well versed in keeping unions out. Their first task was to create legal issues to delay the actual vote, hoping to use the additional time to convince workers to vote against the union. The RWDSU had filed a petition with the Labor Board to represent a unit of 1,500 workers, mostly pickers and packers, at the Bessemer facility. Amazon’s lawyers, using a well-worn employer tactic, countered that the lawful unit had to include all workers at the facility, including seasonal employees — approximately 5,800 workers in total — about four times the number the union had petitioned for.

Under NLRB rules, a disagreement about who must be in the unit — an “appropriate unit” in NLRB-speak — requires a hearing. Hearings take time. Each job category is evaluated as to whether it is more or less like another job category — is the job in the unit or out? The employer has all the records, which the union has to file subpoenas to get, leading to more fights and costing more time. To make matters worse, hearing days don’t necessarily run consecutively. As a lawyer for the Communications Workers of America, I once did such a hearing that lasted for almost a year.

Employers usually seek a bigger unit to buy time or scare off the union. But sometimes they try to dilute the pro-union vote by arguing that a job classification with a lot of union support should be out of the unit, or a job with little union support should be added. If the board agrees with the company on the larger or different unit, the union might not have enough cards to support the petition, or will walk away because they can’t win.

The Consultants Move In

Even if the board ultimately sides with the union while the parties are fighting all of this out, another wing of the union-avoidance machine moves in: the consultants, often called persuaders. Their job is to convince workers of any combination of the following: you don’t need a union; you don’t want a union; unions can’t help; unions are costly; unions are scary; unions are corrupt; unions don’t care about you; you will end up on strike; you could get fired. And, Vote No!

The more time the lawyers get, the more time the consultants have to hammer home their message. In this case, RWDSU stopped Amazon’s attempt to drag things out by agreeing to the 5,800-worker unit. This ended the big stall, but it also makes victory for the workers and the union much more difficult.

Nonetheless, the persuaders moved quickly. At Bessemer, they’ve plastered “Vote No” signs everywhere, even in bathroom stalls. (“You go to the bathroom for privacy,” one worker told labor reporter Steven Greenhouse. “But then you have a flyer right in your face. That feels like a type of harassment.”) Workers have been required to attend weekly anti-union meetings — called captive audience meetings — where they are told how terrible unions are.

Amazon created a special website for Bessemer workers — doitwithoutdues.com. Animated characters and workers holding their thumbs up assure the Bessemer workers that the company already has them covered with good pay and benefits, and that if they pay dues (alleged to be $500 without any indication of a time period), “it won’t be easy to be as helpful and social with one another.” It then tells workers that they can ask for their cards back and that they should “reclaim” their voices. Much of the information is wrong, misleading, or silly — but providing facts is not the goal. Getting workers to vote “no” is the point.

Workers Alone Should Decide

But why do employers get to have a say in which workers should be in a union? Unions are organizations of workers; they alone should decide. In no other arena does the entity being organized against get to decide who can be in the group fighting them. If you buy a used car that is a lemon and discover the dealer has done the same thing to others, you can create a group to protest the dealer’s practices without the dealer getting to say who can join. In sports, a team does not get a voice in deciding their opponent’s roster or strategy. The Democrats don’t get to decide the candidates of the Republicans, or vice versa.

Who invited the bosses in? Senator Robert Taft, Representative Fred Hartley, and all the Republicans — and some Democrats who voted with them — in 1947. When Congress passed the Wagner Act in 1935, giving workers the right to unionize, employers believed it was unenforceable and ignored it. A decade later, they had learned otherwise and pushed Congress to pass the Taft-Hartley amendments, seeking to curtail the power of unions and to bring the boss into the process.

By the early 1970s, the union-avoidance industry had become a big business. Lawyers and consultants have since spent decades finding even more weaknesses in NLRB law and procedures, effectively thwarting the desires of workers to unionize. A 2019 report from the Economic Policy Institute estimated that employers spend $340 million a year on union-avoidance consultants. In 2018, 48 percent of nonunion workers said they would join a union if they could; yet just 10.8 percent of workers belong to a union today. Between those two numbers is the union-avoidance industry doing the bidding of the bosses.

Employers often argue that they are simply exercising free speech. But their role in the process is far more pervasive and destructive than simply giving their point of view during a union organizing campaign. By having an official role in NLRB representation procedures, employers gain influence over every step of the process. With far greater resources and constant access to workers on the job, employers are able to defeat unionization efforts much of the time. Board statistics show that unions win about 50 percent of elections administered by the NLRB. But these statistics don’t include petitions that are withdrawn because a union can no longer win after a prolonged period of endless “vote no” messaging, or after a decision finding only a vastly different unit to be “appropriate.”

Nor is “free speech” a meaningful concept here. Workers do not have the freedom to not listen to management’s endless bombardment of anti-union speech and veiled threats during the workday. Unions and pro-union workers do not have the same free speech rights as the employer: the union cannot enter the workplace and talk to workers; cannot call meetings on company time to talk about the benefits of forming a union; cannot be present at captive audience meetings to counter employer falsehoods; and cannot intervene in one-on-one conversations where supervisors share their personal anti-union messages with workers. Unions also can’t have leaders of the anti-union campaign transferred out of their departments or fired on trumped-up charges — tactics management deploys against union supporters to crush all too many organizing drives.

There is a lot of talk about labor law reform. It is necessary and long overdue. Key to reforming this country’s broken labor relations system is curtailing the role of employers in the unionization process. Unions belong to workers. If the bosses have something to say, they can say it at the bargaining table.

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FOCUS: The Vaccine Resisters Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=45699"><span class="small">Benjamin Wallace-Wells, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Monday, 08 March 2021 11:48

Wallace-Wells writes: "Right now, the public health of the United States depends upon giving away something extraordinarily valuable - the covid-19 vaccines. Doing so has been a challenge."

Registered nurse Valerie Massaro administers the second dose of the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine to health care workers at the Hartford Convention Center in Hartford, Connecticut, this week. (photo: Joseph Prezioso/AFP/Getty Images)
Registered nurse Valerie Massaro administers the second dose of the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine to health care workers at the Hartford Convention Center in Hartford, Connecticut, this week. (photo: Joseph Prezioso/AFP/Getty Images)


The Vaccine Resisters

By Benjamin Wallace-Wells, The New Yorker

08 March 21

 

ight now, the public health of the United States depends upon giving away something extraordinarily valuable—the COVID-19 vaccines. Doing so has been a challenge. The first problem was supply: how to manufacture more vaccines and distribute them to the many Americans eager to get them. That problem has not yet been solved, but a second problem is just beginning to assert itself: many other Americans say that they are skeptical about the vaccines or will refuse to take them. The Kaiser Family Foundation has been polling public opinion on this regularly, and as of February 26th the foundation found that fifty-five per cent of American adults had already taken the vaccine or wanted it as soon as possible; the rest were about evenly divided between those who say that they will definitely not get a shot and those who plan to “wait and see.” Anthony Fauci, the head of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, has said that close to ninety per cent of the country may need to be vaccinated to snuff out the disease, which means tens of millions of people still need to be convinced.

Read the studies assessing the COVID vaccines, and there’s nothing in there that scans as especially alarming. The vaccines are effective at keeping the immunized from getting sick, and the known side effects are in the realm of short-term headaches and fatigue, and soreness at the site of the injection. A vast, decentralized effort is under way, around the country, to reach and persuade the uncertain. This effort is mundane, in that it hinges upon millions of reassuring conversations between health-care providers and patients, or between friends. But it is also profound, in that it requires probing the vast American ecology of doubt (of authority, and of science) that bloomed during the Trump years. The public-opinion surveys have turned up certain pockets of skepticism—self-identified Republicans are likelier to reject vaccination outright, and Black Americans to say that they plan to wait—but it recurs in every segment of society. In December, Ohio Governor Mike DeWine stated that sixty per cent of his state’s nursing-home staffers were turning down the vaccine, in mid-February early data suggested that a military campaign had only immunized about two-thirds of servicemen, and by early this month an internal Mayo Clinic campaign managed to immunize ninety-two per cent of the physicians there, among the best educated and informed in the country. Why not a hundred per cent? Robert Jacobson, a pediatrician and vaccination expert there, told me, “Doctors are human beings.”

Nearly everything about the COVID-19 vaccines is new: they rely on a novel biological mechanism, their development and authorization took months when that process normally takes years, and they were hyped, in a year when there was so little to hype, as a futuristic miracle, accelerated in part by a program that the Trump Administration called Operation Warp Speed. Last summer, people seemed worried mostly about the basic safety of the vaccine. “The words ‘Operation Warp Speed’ did scare a lot of people,” Ayne Amjad, the commissioner of the West Virginia state health department, said. Analysts at Boston Medical Center found that the transport team—the people who take sick patients from one department to another, in wheelchairs or hospital beds—was one of several groups with a lower rate of uptake. Cassandra Pierre, an epidemiologist who is leading the hospital’s COVID-vaccine outreach, was sent to talk to them. “I said, ‘You can ask me about anything, even if it’s chips in the brain,’ ” she said. (A common conspiracy theory holds that Bill Gates’s support of vaccination efforts is a way to implant tracking devices in people’s brains.) But it turned out that the transport team had noticed a detail in the vaccine-information sheet, which stated that the vaccine was not formally approved by the F.D.A. Pierre explained what emergency-use authorization meant and that the vaccine had been through all the necessary stages of testing. She told the transport team that there was nothing in the data to suggest concern. The difference between an emergency authorization and full licensure, Pierre told me, was “just time and money. Really, time.”

Leon McDougle, a family doctor in Columbus, Ohio, who is the president of a Black physicians’ group called the National Medical Association, told me that, in his experience, concerns about the vaccines are entering a new phase. The concerns about whether the vaccines are safe in general have abated a bit, replaced by concerns about whether the vaccine is safe “for me.” McDougle found himself often walking through the examined outcomes in Black people specifically, and people with diabetes, and trying to figure out what the outcomes were among patients with sickle-cell disease. When it came to H.I.V., McDougle would cite the fact that patients with a CD4 (a type of T cell) count above two hundred and an undetectable viral load were included in studies showing that the vaccine was safe; he could point to the National Multiple Sclerosis Society’s statement that the vaccine was safe for MS patients. If the old anxiety was about process, the new anxieties are about individuation—which offers a clue to some of the thinking behind hesitancy to take vaccines.

In 2007, the sociologist Jennifer Reich began to study an emerging pattern among California parents who had chosen not to vaccinate their children. Interviewing the anti-vaxxers, Reich noticed that they were a bit like her—previous studies had found that they tended to be white, college-educated, and have a household income of more than seventy-five thousand dollars. She found that they often thought of themselves not as rejecting science but as informed enough to personalize science to match their own needs. Parents would tell Reich that they were careful about whom their child played with, or that they ate only organic food. Instead of rejecting all vaccines, parents might reject one vaccine, or space out their child’s schedule of vaccinations. Reich titled her eventual book “Calling the Shots: Why Parents Reject Vaccines.” She said, “It was really back to that logic of, ‘I can personally manage risk, and I can personally manage infection.’ ”

Reich has spoken with people who are hesitant to get the COVID vaccine, and she has often heard similar patterns. The vaccine resisters often bring up a key F.D.A. official who left government during the vaccine trials to take a position with private industry, or ask why employers promoting immunization were also reluctant to give their workers sick days. “These are not ill-informed questions. It’s not misinformation,” Reich said. “Among the people I work with in medical schools, there’s a strong adherence to what they call the health-literacy model, which is that physicians really believe that if you tell people the right information they will make decisions for themselves you yourself would make. And that’s an incorrect assumption.”

As the COVID-immunization project got under way, a coalition of researchers from the University of Washington, Stanford University, and New York University developed the Virality Project, which puts out a daily digest to track anti-vaccine messages online. Kolina Koltai, a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Washington and a lead researcher on the project, said that, “prior to the pandemic, you would mostly have to go to an anti-vax community or group—it wouldn’t just be in your timeline. Whereas now, it’s everywhere.” Along with that ubiquity—and with crackdowns from social-media companies on more direct anti-vax talk—she had noticed a change in the strategies of anti-vaccine propagandists. “Some of our repeat offenders have gotten better at suggesting vaccines are not safe without saying it explicitly,” Koltai said. Links to news articles, and to personal testimonies about problems with the vaccines, have proliferated. “These are true things, but they use the information in a misleading way,” Koltai said. “It’s like, ‘Oh, my gosh, isn’t this crazy or interesting?’ ” We’ve entered a new age of reluctance to take vaccines, which is less about a lack of information than a hyper-abundance of it.

Could ease with the vaccine now spread as naturally as discomfort did? The vaccines are no longer theoretical; most people know someone who has received them. Each time the Kaiser Family Foundation has conducted a survey, a greater percentage of people have said that they have taken or plan to take the vaccine. Beginning in the summer, researchers with the Massachusetts Institute of Technology’s Initiative on the Digital Economy started a survey of more than one and a half million Facebook users. Among some of those users, the M.I.T. researchers also ran a social-media experiment in which they found that just telling people the accurate immunization rates in their country increased, by five per cent, the number who said that they would get the vaccine.

The M.I.T. study suggests a slightly different model of credibility, in which people are looking not just up at experts but also side to side, at their peers—one that is less of a hierarchy and more of a web. “Through the technology we have now, herds can move in one direction and then the other quite easily, based on how the crowd is moving,” said Sinan Aral, a senior researcher on the M.I.T. study and the author of “The Hype Machine,” a study of the behavioral influence of social media. “Think about the Capitol riot; think about GameStop.” Aral’s point was that what he called “social proof” was now steadily arriving: people are seeing that others are willing to get the vaccine, and that makes them consider doing so as well. Among the doctors trying to reassure anxious patients, the emphasis is on “credible messengers.” In West Virginia, the vaccine was initially distributed by independent community pharmacists rather than through CVS or Walgreens. This effort owes its success, in part, to the pharmacists’ accessibility but also to their deeper personal relationships in their communities. In Boston, Pierre has encouraged her patients who have been vaccinated to post stories about it on Instagram Live.

In Columbus last Thursday, McDougle said he was finding that most of his outpatients said they wanted the vaccine or already had it. The unspoken thesis of the vaccination-outreach project is that you don’t need to trust the American system so long as you trust Dr. McDougle, and that the critical point of social trust or doubt is close to home. So much depends upon whether that’s true. McDougle said, “It’s a ground game.”

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Joe Manchin Says He Might Reform the Filibuster and Save American Democracy Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=10204"><span class="small">Jonathan Chait, New York Magazine</span></a>   
Monday, 08 March 2021 09:05

Chait writes: "It is only a slight exaggeration to say that the fate of American democracy rests on Joe Manchin's willingness to permit democratic election reforms."

Joe Manchin. (photo: Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call/Getty Images)
Joe Manchin. (photo: Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call/Getty Images)


Joe Manchin Says He Might Reform the Filibuster and Save American Democracy

By Jonathan Chait, New York Magazine

08 March 21

 

t is only a slight exaggeration to say that the fate of American democracy rests on Joe Manchin’s willingness to permit democratic election reforms. Manchin’s statement on NBC’s Meet the Press that he would consider reforms to the filibuster, and therefore potentially allow a majority vote on election law, is therefore potentially momentous.

Manchin’s argument for the filibuster has been, depending on how generously you look at it, either incoherent or cagey. Asked by Chuck Todd if he would allow a majority vote on election reforms under any circumstances, Manchin waxed idealistic about the need for deliberation, regular order, and the need to allow Republicans to negotiate and deliver speeches.

“I will change my mind if we need to go to a reconciliation” — meaning a 50-vote process currently permitted only for budget bills — if “we have to get something done,” Manchin said, but only after “my Republican friends have the ability to have their say also.” He did not rule out using the process for election reforms, merely insisting, “there’s no need to go into reconciliation until the other process has failed.”

Senate reformers have long viewed the filibuster as an archaic, accidental feature that emerged despite the Founders explicit aversion to a supermajority requirement. But the reformers have also argued for measures that would curtail it without fully eliminating it as a mechanism for debate. (The filibuster emerged in the 19th century and was reformed several times, and the modern routine supermajority requirement has only existed since about the 1990s.) Michael Ettlinger, Norman Ornstein, and others have suggested ways to permit determined majorities to pass vital reforms without going directly to flat-out majority rule.

Manchin seemed to be indicating openness for those sorts of reforms on Sunday. He cited one popular reform, making a filibuster “a little bit more painful,” by placing the onus of obstruction on the minority, rather than forcing 60 supporters to be continuously present to resume debate.

Ironically, it is the misleading nature of pro-filibuster propaganda that has enabled Manchin to co-opt its themes. Filibuster advocates present the device as a requirement to allow “debate,” likening it to a kind of free-speech right for senators. “If I should have the opportunity to send into the countries behind the Iron Curtain one freedom and only one, I know what my choice would be,” claimed then-Senator Lyndon Johnson, in 1949, when he was still an ardent segregationist, “I would send to those nations the right of unlimited debate in their legislative chambers.”

In fact, the modern filibuster inhibits rather than enables debate. So Manchin can propound on the need to allow consideration of bills, and permit Republicans to speak on them extensively, because those are not the actual goals of filibuster supporters. The real purpose of the mechanism is to impose a 60-vote requirement (one that has already been eliminated for executive-branch appointments, fiscal policy, and judges).

What makes the cause so pressing is that, in the wake of Donald Trump’s failed autogolpe, Republicans are undertaking a national wave of voter suppression. Their professed goal is to “restore confidence” in elections. But since the only reason for voters to lack confidence in the accuracy of election results is lies circulated by Trump and his allies, the only conditions under which confidence can be restored is Republican victories. Fair elections with high levels of participation is what Republicans don’t have confidence in.

Vote-suppression measures currently racing through legislatures in states like Georgia include bans on Sunday voting, a staple of the Black community’s mobilization, and even bans on giving water and snacks to voters standing in lines. The latter may seem like a trivial change, but the Republican vote-suppression agenda is designed to create long voting lines in Black areas, in part be preventing early and mail voting that reduce the pressure on Election Day turnout. Attending to the hunger and thirst of voters in lines that can last for hours is the most minimal palliative, and even that is too much for Republicans to concede.

All this is to say that the status quo is not one of the possible options. Either Republicans will crack down on voting and re-gerrymander legislative maps to lock in their majorities for a decade starting with the midterm elections, or else Democrats will pass reforms to give voters a chance. Manchin seemed to have closed the door on allowing such reforms. Now he has cracked it open.

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