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Politics
FOCUS: We Are Mourning ... but We Are Marching and Organizing for Democracy and the Earth Print
Sunday, 29 January 2017 12:59

Excerpt: "In the midst of a terrible national illness, we organize and march for the known and solid cures. For democracy and our natural planet. We have clear direction on both issues."

Women's march on Washington. (photo: Mario Tama/Getty Images)
Women's march on Washington. (photo: Mario Tama/Getty Images)


We Are Mourning ... but We Are Marching and Organizing for Democracy and the Earth

By Bob Fitrakis & Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News

29 January 17

 

n the midst of a terrible national illness, we organize and march for the known and solid cures.

For democracy and our natural planet.

We have clear direction on both issues.

Last weekend's powerful women’s and other marches rocking the nation have dwarfed the turnout for Friday’s illegitimate inauguration.

With them we must demand – and WIN – a voting system that actually reflects the will of the people, and an energy supply that comes in harmony with our Mother Earth.

For democracy: we must have universal automatic voter registration, transparent voter registration rolls, a four-day national holiday for voting, elimination of all electronic voting machines, universal hand-counted paper ballots, automatic recounts at no charge to the candidates, an end to the Electoral College, a halt to gerrymandering, and a ban on corporate money in our political campaigns.

It’s a towering agenda. But without it, we have no structural power. It’s the essential key to the one thing that can ultimately reverse a disease like this Trump presidency – real electoral democracy.

For our Earth: Energy is the key. Our survival on this planet demands a ban on all fossil and nuclear fuels, and an organic economy based on 100% renewables. The Solartopian transition is powering forward in Germany, Denmark, Norway, Switzerland, Costa Rica, Iceland, at least parts of China and elsewhere. Far more Americans now work in green energy production and efficiency than for King CONG – coal, oil, nukes, and gas (www.nukefree.org).

The economic and technological momentum is with us. Despite Koch-funded attempts to stop it, the transition to a green-powered Earth is well under way. Number one is stopping corrupt subsidies to decrepit, carbon/heat-spewing nukes before the next one explodes, and shutting the fossil fuel industry before it burns the planet to a crisp.

There are many many more things we can and must win. But through the tears of Friday’s tragedy and the power of this weekend’s marches, we need to cope with the source of this devastating disease.

Trump is payback for our imperial sins. He’s the vulture come home to roost for so many dictatorial kleptocrats the US has imposed on smaller nations over the years: Pinochet, Mobutu, Suharto, Somoza, Marcos, Duvalier, Diem, Ky, Saddam, the Shah … the list goes on.

These corrupt, repressive servants of the American corporate empire have inflicted untold suffering on millions of innocent people for far too long. These dictatorships have formed the unjust source of much of this nation’s material riches.

Trump has brought home the infection: imperial, greedy, misogynist, incompetent, uncaring, egomaniacal, sociopathic, a destroyer of the Earth. This is what we’ve been imposing on the rest of the world for so many decades. He is part of the price we pay for corrupting other countries and wrecking the lives of so many innocents within them.

Our agencies have done this under the illusion of democracy. The client states “elect” their leaders. If unsuitable to US corporate interests, that leader disappears, and the client colony gets to try again.

Likewise the Trump regime now takes power amidst a classic imperial “strip and flip” black-op coup.

Leading up to the election, millions of black, Hispanic, Asian-American, Muslim and other citizens were stripped from the voter rolls, as they have been for decades. Where that was not enough, black box electronic voting machines have flipped the final outcome, not only for the presidency, but for the House, Senate and state and local governments throughout the US.

Both tactics were used to eliminate the grassroots leftist Bernie Sanders. When the corporate Democrats refused him the nomination, and then the Vice President’s slot, they trashed the youthful activist uprising that put Barack Obama in the White House, and that is the key to our progressive future. The moneyed liberal elite made it clear they preferred having Donald Trump in the White House over a social democrat, even in the second slot.

The election was then flipped to Trump despite his losing the popular vote count by some three million ballots.

The deal was sealed in Florida, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin, where Hillary Clinton won the exit polls but lost the Electoral College. The corporate Dems then refused to support recounts while the media heaped abuse on the Green Party’s valiant Jill Stein for daring to challenge corrupted outcomes that were obviously illegitimate .

Indeed, Clinton’s corporate Democrats sealed Trump’s coup by refusing to challenge the nationwide stripping of the voter rolls, or the flipping of the vote count in the key swing states. They haven’t even raised the issue of an Electoral College that has now for the sixth time put the loser of a popular election into the White House.

Instead, as they screamed at Ralph Nader after Florida 2000, they now howl about the Russians.

But the real corruption of our elections is right here at home. High atop the list of our real problems are our fake democracy, and a fossil/nuke industry that is destroying our planet.

The social movements needed to win these battles are alive and well. From Occupy to Black Lives Matter to the Green/Bernie campaigns to the Dakota Access Pipeline protests to this weekend’s mass marches and beyond, we inhabit a vibrant body politic that is firmly committed to justice, social democracy and a sustainable Earth.

With this terrible coup in Washington we shed some tears and feel some fear.

We are mourning. But we are marching, and we are organizing.

And the imperatives are clear. We need to win a true democracy, a Solartopian Earth, equal justice for all, a definitive understanding that we are all created equal, and endowed with an inalienable right to survive on this planet.

Trump reminds us that it will not be easy. We need to remind him that he’s just a blip, a tiny toxic bend in the arc of history that bends toward justice – if we make it so.

In that, we have no choice. See you on the barricades.


Bob Fitrakis & Harvey Wasserman have co-authored numerous books on election protection, including THE STRIP & FLIP SELECTION OF 2016 at www.freepress.org, where Bob’s FITRAKIS FILES also appear. Harvey’s SOLARTOPIA! OUR GREEN-POWERED EARTH is at www.solartopia.org.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: Iowans Take Fight to State Capitol Print
Sunday, 29 January 2017 11:26

Galindez writes: "On Tuesday, January 24th, Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement (CCI) members held several meetings with lawmakers on issues ranging from clean water to voting rights. At one point they flooded a hallway outside Gov. Terry Branstad's office demanding to speak with the governor and Lt. Gov. Kim Reynolds before agreeing to read a two-page letter to Branstad's chief of staff outlining agenda."

Hundreds of members of Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement (CCI) rallied, waved signs, and chanted slogans Tuesday during a day of action at the Iowa Capitol Building. (photo: Des Moines Register)
Hundreds of members of Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement (CCI) rallied, waved signs, and chanted slogans Tuesday during a day of action at the Iowa Capitol Building. (photo: Des Moines Register)


Iowans Take Fight to State Capitol

By Scott Galindez, Reader Supported News

29 January 17

 

n Tuesday, January 24th, Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement (CCI) members held several meetings with lawmakers on issues ranging from clean water to voting rights. At one point they flooded a hallway outside Gov. Terry Branstad’s office demanding to speak with the governor and Lt. Gov. Kim Reynolds before agreeing to read a two-page letter to Branstad’s chief of staff outlining agenda.

Tuesday’s event was held in conjunction with Our Revolution, the Bernie 2016 successor organization. CCI members said their message was to decry corporate influence at the Statehouse and to address “bread and butter issues” including clean water, raising the statewide minimum wage, wage theft, racial justice, and getting big money out of politics.

After spending the morning at the Capitol, the group traveled by bus to a Wells Fargo branch to call for the bank to divest from the Dakota Access Pipeline. Earlier in the day, Donald Trump signed executive orders clearing the way for both the Dakota and Keystone Pipelines.

CCI members who came from across Iowa ranged from students to farmers and landowners.

Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement Action Fund is a 501 c-4 nonprofit organization dedicated to building social, economic, and environmental justice through community organizing, education, and advocacy.



Scott Galindez attended Syracuse University, where he first became politically active. The writings of El Salvador's slain archbishop Oscar Romero and the on-campus South Africa divestment movement converted him from a Reagan supporter to an activist for Peace and Justice. Over the years he has been influenced by the likes of Philip Berrigan, William Thomas, Mitch Snyder, Don White, Lisa Fithian, and Paul Wellstone. Scott met Marc Ash while organizing counterinaugural events after George W. Bush's first stolen election. Scott moved to Des Moines in 2015 to cover the Iowa Caucus.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Media Consensus on 'Failing Schools' Paved Way for DeVos Print
Sunday, 29 January 2017 09:06

Knefel writes: "The nomination of billionaire voucher enthusiast Betsy DeVos for secretary of Education comes after nearly two decades of a largely bipartisan consensus around 'education reform.' That consensus, repeated for years in the pages of the New York Times and the Washington Post, posits, first and foremost, that public schools are failing."

Donald Trump and Betsy DeVos pose for photographs at Trump National Golf Club Bedminster clubhouse in Bedminster, NJ on November 19. (photo: Carolyn Kaster/AP)
Donald Trump and Betsy DeVos pose for photographs at Trump National Golf Club Bedminster clubhouse in Bedminster, NJ on November 19. (photo: Carolyn Kaster/AP)


Media Consensus on 'Failing Schools' Paved Way for DeVos

By Molly Knefel, FAIR

29 January 17

 

he nomination of billionaire voucher enthusiast Betsy DeVos for secretary of Education comes after nearly two decades of a largely bipartisan consensus around “education reform.” That consensus, repeated for years in the pages of the New York Times and the Washington Post, posits, first and foremost, that public schools are failing.

They are, the narrative goes, especially failing the nation’s most vulnerable students. That failure is presented, by education reformers and corporate media pundits alike, not as a result of inequality or poverty or resource scarcity, but of public education itself. The solution, pioneered by pro-privatization reformers and repeated by newspapers since the George W. Bush years, sounds both innocuous and innovative: school choice.

As a result of the uncritical consensus around school choice, major papers like the Times and the Post are unable to report on an extremist figure like DeVos—whose pro-voucher and pro-charter advocacy fits comfortably within the school-choice ethos—without ceding even more ground to the corporate education reform movement. “School choice” is not as value-neutral as it sounds: It is a buzzword not only for the expansion of charter schools and vouchers, but for the divestment of public funds away from public education and into the private sector.

The spectrum of opinions on DeVos presented in corporate media range from skepticism to enthusiasm, but school choice itself is unquestioned. The basic premise of education reform—that privatization is the solution—is taken as a given when papers repeatedly use the language of corporate reform. This leaves them questioning only the extent of that privatization, by way of charters or vouchers or both.

Even where coverage of DeVos has been critical—and much of it has, especially since her confirmation hearing—major papers parrot the language of corporate ed reformers. From the New York Times (1/12/17):

But school choice means different things to different people. Many educators and groups that support charter schools—which are public—do not support vouchers, which steer public money away from public schools by giving families money to spend on private school tuition.

That charter schools are “public” is a talking point put forward by the charter sector. Oversight of charter school performance varies widely state by state. They are run by non-profit organizations and sometimes for-profit companies. Their employees do not have the same rights as public-sector employees. They do not serve proportionate numbers of students with disabilities. They suspend black students at four times the rate of white students, and suspend students with disabilities at rates 2–3 times higher than their non-disabled peers, as the Times itself reported last year (3/16/16).

For the Times to repeat the claim that charter schools are public is an ideological choice, one that erases what makes public schools “public”—particularly, their requirement to serve all students. So-called “public charter schools” may be free, but they aren’t public institutions in terms of funding, employment, regulation or the populations they serve.

Ed reformers and their mouthpieces in corporate media present school choice as the great equalizer. “The only people who do not enjoy this right are those who are too poor to move out of neighborhoods where public schools are failing,” wrote Washington Post editorial page editor Fred Hiatt (1/1/17). He suggested that the federal government should “encourage choice for the children who today have none,” and that DeVos could do this by offering “one or two cities the chance to become laboratories of choice.” He added, without specifics, “Any city where schools are struggling would be eligible to volunteer. (That is a big pool.)” He doesn’t name a single city as an example of the “big pool” where “schools are struggling.”

Hiatt continued:

The system would then stop funding schools and begin funding families. Every child would be given an annual scholarship. Poor children, who often enter school needing extra attention, would get bigger scholarships. Children with disabilities would get more, too.

Every school would then have to compete for students. Principals would be allowed to hire the teachers they wanted. In exchange, every school would have to measure its children’s progress with identical tests, so that parents could compare.

Hiatt cited Washington, DC, itself as a successful model for his vision, praising former chancellor Michelle Rhee as having done the “slow, tough work of improving the traditional public schools, the charters have gotten better, too.” Hiatt seems to have forgotten Rhee’s deeply unpopular closure of 23 public schools in 2008—at a cost of $40 million—and the standardized-test cheating scandal that defined her tenure. He sees “identical tests” as a reliable and just way to measure student achievement, despite the powerful resistance to testing that parents, students and teachers have mounted in recent years.

In another Post column  (1/19/17), Connor P. Williams takes a more liberal but still pro-reform stance, arguing that “school choice programs can be much brighter, better and bolder than DeVos’s limited vision.” He also cites DC, along with Newark, Boston and New York City—all sites of growing resistance to charters—as models that “have used school choice policies to give low and middle-income families more educational options.”

According to Williams, those cities “incorporate significant public oversight to ensure that these options are high-quality. That helps their school choice programs support integration and equity alike.” In fact, charter schools in Newark are far more segregated than public schools. New York City schools remain the most segregated in the country, with charters as a contributing factor.

Corporate media and ed reformers alike paint public education as as a bastion of power, and charters and vouchers as the underdogs. An op-ed at USA Today (1/18/17) endorses DeVos for her promise to “challenge the status quo interests in American education,” with school choice as her primary tool. “She intends to prioritize the needs of parents, providing them unfettered school choice options — including vouchers, educational savings accounts, homeschooling, etc.” DeVos, the authors write:

will disrupt business-as-usual—with an intensified focus on the rights of parents to choose the right school for their children, no longer being subservient to their neighborhood zip code-mandated school or some anonymous education bureaucrat assigning kids to a school based on arbitrary laws irrespective if that school is failing.

The language of “school choice” turns students into customers and schools into the marketplace. It turns public education into an oppressive, vaguely Soviet bureaucracy. In this framing, charters and vouchers represent freedom from oppression.

The papers that print these arguments don’t provide a definition of what they mean by “failing” schools—they don’t need to. Years of amplifying the pro-reform movements rhetoric has made “public schools” synonymous with “failing schools” when poor students of color are the subject. The words “failing schools” appeared in the New York Times 611 times between 2002 and 2014.

The rhetorical work of delegitimizing public education has already been done. While DeVos may be far to the right of the bipartisan vision of corporate education reform, the path towards privatization has already been paved.


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From Pipelines to Refugees, Everything Trump Does Is Connected Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=43002"><span class="small">Kate Aronoff, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Sunday, 29 January 2017 09:05

Aronoff writes: "Donald Trump is the fossil fuel industry's puppet, and he's spent the first few days of his administration doing its bidding."

Deer gather at a depot used to store pipes for TransCanada Corp's planned Keystone XL oil pipeline in Gascoyne, North Dakota. (photo: Terray Sylvester/Reuters)
Deer gather at a depot used to store pipes for TransCanada Corp's planned Keystone XL oil pipeline in Gascoyne, North Dakota. (photo: Terray Sylvester/Reuters)


From Pipelines to Refugees, Everything Trump Does Is Connected

By Kate Aronoff, Guardian UK

29 January 17

 

Too comfortable in their separate silos, activists on the left need to learn that the only way to fight a unified rightwing agenda is to unify in response

onald Trump is the fossil fuel industry’s puppet, and he’s spent the first few days of his administration doing its bidding. A former ExxonMobil executive is en route to become the country’s top diplomat, and the Centers for Disease Control has cancelled a long-planned conference to discuss the impacts of climate change on public health. And now, thanks to a presidential memorandum, the Dakota Access and Keystone XL pipelines have been brought back from the dead.

Trump has sided with TransCanada, the company behind the Keystone XL pipeline, since as early as 2011. Talking to the rightwing Toronto Sun, he praised the then prime minister Stephen Harper for championing the project scientists have deemed a “carbon bomb”.

TransCanada, in turn, flirted back. “Anytime someone is going to talk about the practical benefits of this $7bn project, regardless of what people think of Mr Trump, it’s a good thing,” said a company spokesperson. Now, he’s virtually acting as their spokesman-in-chief.

The fights against those projects symbolized everything Trump and his cabinet appear to stand against: indigenous communities, working people, scientists, college students and more, all coming together to take on corporate interests and the governments that support them. Now, they’re being punished.

Most unnervingly for Trump, we won. The Keystone pipeline was rejected by the Obama White House in 2015 after a lengthy fight, and the Dakota Access pipeline – just over a year later – was denied an army permit needed to complete the final leg of construction.

Trump’s move to reverse victories feeds into his overall implicit goal: centralizing money and power in the hands of as few people as possible, freeing markets at the expense of people. Republican leaders and the corporate interests who fund them rarely work within the kinds of issue silos that progressives tend to, segmenting concerns about the climate off from those about mass incarceration and labor rights.

Take the Heritage Foundation, the rightwing thinktank from which Trump’s team lifted their draconian “skinny budget” proposal. The White House is now promising $10.5tn in cuts over the 10 next years, to be achieved by gutting everything from welfare to public transportation and the National Endowment for the Arts.

And Heritage’s Blueprint for a New Administration contains all sorts of proposals that have translated into White House action: rolling back Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (Daca), promoting so-called “school choice” programs, opening federal lands to privatization. “The next President’s budget,” they write, “should prohibit all federal agencies from regulating greenhouse gas emissions.”

As the fossil fuel industry’s puppet, Trump is also Heritage’s and the Koch brothers’. And it’s not that Trump is being duped. It’s just that – as a one-percenter himself – he’s had their interests (his interests) at heart all along: to extract as much as possible from working people and communities of color in the name of profit.

The left doesn’t need issue silos, either. For one, they’re flat wrong. Dakota Access and Keystone XL pipelines are racist by design, cutting through sacred indigenous land in order to line the pockets of executives and investors like Trump, who, as recently as 2015, held $250,000 of stock in TransCanada, and still has thousands invested in the Energy Transfer Partners, the company behind the Dakota Access pipeline.

The climate crisis those pipelines and Trump’s other proposals threaten to drive forward are already helping to force refugees out of places like Syria, exacerbating droughts that have fuelled conflict there.

As resources become scarcer, more people will be criminalized and imprisoned, making way for the wealthy to keep consuming as much as they do now. And the types of Wall Street executives Trump has appointed to his cabinet could stand to make a fortune off the climate crisis, like they did after the Great Recession. The right is the most organized and unified force in America right now. The people opposing them might take a page from the people who killed the Dakota Access and Keystone pipelines the first time around and catch up, leaving the silos and single-issue fights behind.


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Donald's Demolition Derby Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=15946"><span class="small">Bill Moyers, Moyers & Company</span></a>   
Saturday, 28 January 2017 15:28

Moyers writes: "We're a week into the Trump administration and it's pretty obvious what he's up to. First, Donald Trump is running a demolition derby: He wants to demolish everything he doesn't like, and he doesn't like a lot, especially when it comes to government."

Bill Moyers. (photo: PBS)
Bill Moyers. (photo: PBS)


Donald's Demolition Derby

By Bill Moyers, Moyers & Company

28 January 17

 

In just a few days, Donald Trump seems to have set out to wreck government and turn over the remains to his plutocrat friends.

e’re a week into the Trump administration and it’s pretty obvious what he’s up to. First, Donald Trump is running a demolition derby: He wants to demolish everything he doesn’t like, and he doesn’t like a lot, especially when it comes to government.

Like one of those demolition drivers on a speedway, he keeps ramming his vehicle against all the others, especially government policies and programs and agencies that protect people who don’t have his wealth, power or privilege. Affordable health care for working people? Smash it. Consumer protection against predatory banks and lenders? Run over it. Rules and regulations that rein in rapacious actors in the market? Knock ‘em down. Fair pay for working people? Crush it. And on and on.

Trump came to Washington to tear the government down for parts, and as far as we can tell, he doesn’t seem to have anything at all in mind to replace it except turning back the clock to when business took what it wanted and left behind desperate workers, dirty water and polluted air.

In this demolition derby, Trump seems to have the wholehearted support of the Republican Party, which loathes government as much as it worships the market as god. Remember Thomas Frank’s book, The Wrecking Crew? Published in 2008, it remains one of the best political books of the past quarter-century. Frank took the measure of an unholy alliance: the century-old business crusade against government, the conservative ideology that looks on government as evil (except when it’s enriching its allies), and the Republican Party of George W. Bush and Karl Rove — the one that had just produced eight years of crony capitalism and private plunder.

The Wrecking Crew — and what an apt title it was — showed how federal agencies were doomed to failure by the incompetence and hostility of the Bush gang appointed to run them, the same model Trump is using now. Frank tracked how wholesale deregulation — on a scale Trump already is trying to reproduce — led to devastating results for everyday people, including the mortgage meltdown and the financial crash. Reading the book is like reading today’s news, as kleptomaniacs spread across Washington to funnel billions of dollars into the pockets of lobbyists and corporations.

That may include the pockets of Donald Trump’s own family. As Jonathan Chait wrote after the election in New York magazine, “[Trump’s] children have taken roles on the transition team. Ivanka attended official discussions with heads of state of Japan and Argentina. [As president-elect, Trump himself] met with Indian business partners to discuss business and lobbied a British politician to oppose offshore wind farms because one will block the view at one of his Scottish golf courses.” Only a couple of days ago it was reported that the Trump organization would more than triple the number of Trump hotels in America. And why not? Its chief marketer works out of the Oval Office.

Jonathan Chait went on to say: “Trump’s brazen use of his office for personal enrichment signals something even more worrisome than four or more years of kleptocratic government. It reveals how willing the new administration is to obliterate governing norms and how little stands in his way.”

And oh yes, something else: David Sirota at International Business Times has just published a new report showing that the Trump administration appears to be quietly killing the federal government’s major ethics rule designed to prevent White House officials from enriching their former clients. Experts say a review of government documents shows that regulators appear to have abruptly stopped enforcing the rule, even though it remains the law of the land.

We were warned. Donald Trump himself told The New York Times, “The law is totally on my side, meaning, the president can’t have a conflict of interest.” Shades of Richard Nixon, who said, “When the President does it, that means that it is not illegal.” And who also announced, “I am not a crook.”

Which leads us to the second design now apparent in Trump’s strategy of deliberate chaos. He may have run a populist campaign, but now it appears he aims to substitute plutocracy for democracy.

I know plutocracy is not a commonly used word in America. But it’s a word that increasingly fits what’s happening here. Plutocracy means government by the wealthy, a ruling class of the rich and their retainers. If you don’t see plutocracy spreading across America, you haven’t been paying attention. Both parties have nurtured, tolerated and bowed to it. Now we’re reaching the pinnacle, as Trump’s own Cabinet is rich (no pun intended) in millionaires and billionaires. He is stacking the agencies and boards of government with the wealthy and friends of wealth so that the whole of the federal enterprise can be directed to rewarding those with deep pockets, the ones who provide the bags and bags of money that are dumped into our political process today.

Yes, both Democrats and Republicans have been guilty of groveling to the wealthy who fund them; it’s a staggering bipartisan scandal that threatens the country and was no small part of Trump’s success last November, even as ordinary people opened their windows and shouted, “We’re as mad as hell and we’re not going to take it anymore.” So now we have in power a man who represents the very worst of the plutocrats — one who knows the price of everything but the value of nothing. I shudder to think where this nightmare will end. Even if you voted for Donald Trump for a reason that truly is from your heart, I cannot believe you voted for this.

Tell me if I’m wrong. Tell me whose side are you really on? The people of America or the cynics and predators at the very top who would climb atop the ruins of the republic for a better view of the sunset?

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