RSN Fundraising Banner
FB Share
Email This Page
add comment
Politics
Turns Out People Still Buy Trump's Bullsh*t Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Thursday, 22 June 2017 13:48

Pierce writes: "I try. Lord knows how I try. I try to maintain a certain equilibrium about all of my fellow citizens. We're all in this great democratic experiment together, after all."

President Donald Trump. (photo: Getty)
President Donald Trump. (photo: Getty)


Turns Out People Still Buy Trump's Bullsh*t

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

22 June 17


A throwback night in Iowa makes us wonder if anything's changed at all.

try. Lord knows how I try. I try to maintain a certain equilibrium about all of my fellow citizens. We're all in this great democratic experiment together, after all. I think we have an obligation as a self-governing democratic republic to make government work best for all our people. I believe in the idea of a political commonwealth, and in the political commons to which we all have a right and in which we all have a stake. Economic anxiety in de-industrialized America is very real and it is a real danger to all of what we can achieve together. It is now, and it was in 1980, when I drove from Youngstown to Toledo to Flint to Grand Rapids as we wound into the election that brought us Ronald Reagan.

(So, by the way, is the intractable poverty of people, working class and otherwise, who are not white.)

So, I try. Lord knows how I try.

But what am I supposed to do when so many of my fellow citizens guzzle snake oil by the gallon and call it champagne?

The president* flew himself out to Iowa on Wednesday night to bask in the adulation of yet another rapturous crowd and to deliver yet another speech from the oratorical firm of Hokum, Bunkum, and Con. They didn't even balk when he told them, right to their eager faces, that all his campaign rhetoric about cracking down on the bankster class was the purest moonshine. From Maggie Haberman's subtly snark account in The New York Times:

He toggled back and forth between telling farm-rich Iowa that he had fought for forgotten voters and lauding the wealth of Gary D. Cohn, his top economic adviser and a former executive at Goldman Sachs, the Wall Street giant that Mr. Trump derided in commercials in 2016. "In those particular positions, I just don't want a poor person — does that make sense?" he said of Mr. Cohn's job and that of Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, another immensely wealthy man whom Mr. Trump lauded as a "legendary Wall Street genius." "Brilliant business minds" are what the economy needs, he said.

Hey, rubes!

Haberman did herself proud, pushing the envelope of the Gray Lady's customary Olympian detachment.

And the president frequently embellished details during his speech, or told outright falsehoods. He tried to catch himself at one point, saying, "I have to be a little careful, because they'll say, 'He lied!'" But he nonetheless plowed ahead, including misstating whether the Paris climate agreement, from which he plans to withdraw the United States, is binding. While doing so, he also prompted the audience to name the agreement themselves. "P… p… p," he said."Like hell it's nonbinding!" thundered Mr. Trump, who in fact called the accord nonbinding in his Rose Garden speech announcing the withdrawal this month.

Then, of course, there was the now-legendary Trumpian science fiction concerning his beloved, big, beautiful wall, which he apparently now has enlisted as a weapon in the war for clean, renewable energy. From the BBC:

"We're thinking of something that's unique, we're talking about the southern border, lots of sun, lots of heat. We're thinking about building the wall as a solar wall, so it creates energy and pays for itself. And this way, Mexico will have to pay much less money, and that's good, right?... Solar wall, panels, beautiful. I mean actually think of it, the higher it goes the more valuable it is. Pretty good imagination right? Good? My idea."

Well, no. And not actually a "wall," either. Plus, if you're going to build a wall of solar panels, it might be better not to do it in one of the most remote parts of the country, thereby requiring a huge expenditure in power lines to get the electricity to actual populated areas. But he's not serious about this anyway, so what the hell?

Iowa has become a leader in wind energy, which has been a boon to its local economy so, naturally, he ridiculed the whole idea: "I don't want to just hope the wind blows to light up your house and your factory as the birds fall to the ground."

If a substantial portion of our fellow citizens are going to cheer wildly at this stuff, and even more wildly at the endless recitation of his personal grievances that always accompanies the vaporous policy proposals, then there is nothing you can do to change their minds. Circumstances will have to do that. The new Republican healthcare bill, for example. But I am not confident that the damage that bill will do can't be successfully spun out in the country as the fault of Democratic "obstructionists" and/or the alleged failure of Barack Obama. I don't mean to be critical but we can't go on like this much longer. A house divided against itself cannot stand, as Abraham Lincoln once said—and he was a Republican, you know. A lot of people don't know that.

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=44868"><span class="small">Jason Johnson, The Root</span></a>   
Thursday, 22 June 2017 13:25

Johnson writes: "Despite having just moved from Atlanta a few months ago, I was hypercognizant of how three black men, as opposed to that group, might be perceived in the area."

Jon Ossoff, Democratic candidate to represent Georgia's 6th Congressional District, talks to reporters during a stop at a campaign office in Chamblee, Georgia, June 19, 2017. (photo: David Goldman/AP)
Jon Ossoff, Democratic candidate to represent Georgia's 6th Congressional District, talks to reporters during a stop at a campaign office in Chamblee, Georgia, June 19, 2017. (photo: David Goldman/AP)


Add This to the List: The Dangers of Canvassing While Black in Georgia’s 6th District

By Jason Johnson, The Root

22 June 17

 

This story was posted before the results of the Ossoff/Handel race were released, but we still found this piece worthy of publication.


ay I speak with Corbin, please?’ I said in my best “Not your neighborhood” smile.

A middle-aged white woman came to the door, dressed in a salmon-colored workout top and pants. She had the confused look of a woman used to leaving her front door open and nobody knocking.

“There’s no Corbin here,” she said.

“Gotcha, thanks,” I said with my best dual-consciousness smile, double-checked the address and then went back to my car, in the sweltering heat, wondering how the heck I used to do this for a living. It was 90 zillion degrees.

This was Dunwoody, an Atlanta suburb located in the southern tip of Georgia’s 6th District, and I was there looking for Corbin Spencer, the field director for the New Georgia Project. The Georgia 6th special election Tuesday has become a proxy election for every organization, party and political leader on the right and the left as each side seeks to both downplay and prop up the significance of the election.

However, instead of following Democratic candidate Jon Ossoff’s campaign or even Republican candidate Karen Handel, I decided to follow the New Georgia Project, a nonprofit, nonpartisan “get out the vote” organization, to see how this race looked from the ground. What I discovered is that suburban Atlanta looks and operates a lot like America in general, with all of the intrinsic problems that come with it.

I was eventually greeted at my car by Corbin Spencer and Rodney, a canvasser, and we three African-American men began walking through the sprawling neighborhood of Dunwoody, talking about what it was like to be a part of the most important early election of the Trump era.

Spencer made it clear from the beginning that NGP had no partisan leaning in the race, that its goal was to turn out as many voters as possible and, in particular, to target minorities, young people and single women. Mind you, in Georgia, where Secretary of State Brian Kemp has made voter suppression and intimidation his modus operandi, simply having the audacity to sign up people to vote and getting them to the polls puts the New Georgia Project squarely in the “left-wing resistance” column by default.

Everyone in Georgia’s 6th District knows that the nation’s eyes are on them. The airwaves in Atlanta are bombarded with ads for Ossoff and Handel, and the candidates’ every action is magnified by national cable networks, then regurgitated back to the local news.

Since it’s America, the grotesque racial dynamics of American politics are on full display as well; the pro-Donald Trump PAC Great American Alliance has been running ads on the popular Michael Baisden radio show telling blacks to “sit this race out,” even using audio from President Barack Obama suggesting that voting for Democrats is “plantation politics.”

The classic Republican campaign stunt of using a black-sounding voice to confuse or suppress the black vote is a sign of just how seriously the GOP is taking this race. Unlike special elections in Kansas and Montana this year, the Georgia 6th is 13 percent African American and 12 percent Latino voters, and Hillary Clinton lost the district 48 to 47 percent to Trump last November.

Combine the district’s demographics with Trump’s cratering poll numbers, and a Democratic victory has moved from total impossibility to just within the realm of not totally crazy. The fact that the race is national, even in the eyes of local voters, is also something that has both parties on edge.

“Most people really want to talk about health care or police brutality,” says Rodney, an experienced campaigner who hails from Boston. Rodney is exactly what you’d expect an election canvasser in Atlanta to look like: a tall, lanky black man with stylish, short locs, various artistic bracelets on each wrist and a T-shirt covered in buttons promoting various forms of voter engagement.

“No one can really tell me why they’re voting for either of them [Handel or Ossoff]. But people are worried about their health care, they don’t know what Congress is doing, and a lot of people want change; they really want to see change in Washington,” he said.

“Do you think people here really care about police brutality, or is that just because you’re a tall black guy who’s encouraging them to vote?” I asked.

“Nah, I’ve seen the change,” Rodney said. “People bring this and health care up the most. They’re visibly upset about it. Especially with [Philandro] Castile last weekend? A lot of people are coming right out to say they’re voting Ossoff.”

As we rounded a corner, a group of Ossoff canvassers, maybe in their late teens or early 20s, were driving from door to door. I asked them how long they’d seen Karen Handel’s campaign or other groups in the area.

“Everyone is out here,” said a young white girl in the backseat. “People are literally sick of it; they know how important this election is.” She paused for a moment to recall everyone in the area. “Planned Parenthood, Ossoff campaign, everyone. Most people aren’t coordinated with each other. I don’t see a lot of Karen Handel people, though.”

As we started to turn back for our lunch break, I asked Spencer what the reception was like for canvassers. While you don’t get the sense that local voters are hostile, you can’t ever be surprised by suburban racial politics. Ossoff’s canvassers happened to be a hipster-looking white guy and girl, and a black girl who looked as if she’d just graduated from high school. Despite having just moved from Atlanta a few months ago, I was hypercognizant of how three black men, as opposed to that group, might be perceived in the area.

“Well, it’s been pretty good,” Spencer said. “I mean, a couple of people got yelled at. I’ve gotten calls threatening our canvassers at the office. Two groups of canvassers have had people throw things at them, but other than that, it’s been OK.”

It’s telling that having American citizens throw objects at someone just for asking if they plan to vote, not who they’re voting for, is considered normal. Then again, I knew where we were. As we walked to the corner back to where our cars were parked, there were two police cars there. The cops, two 30-something white guys, were prowling around my rental car and had stopped the Ossoff canvassers and were questioning them.

“Are you with them?” they asked me.

“No, I’m a journalist following the New Georgia Project,” I explained. “Those folks are working for Ossoff. They’re just canvassing the neighborhood.”

Then, as if on cue, I heard the sentence that every single black person in America has heard dozens of times in life, the sentence that means you have about a 50-50 chance of having a really bad day, or just suffering through annoyance and indignity.

“There’s been some robberies in the area. ... And the lady at the house said that people were walking around the neighborhood,” one of the officers said.

I didn’t need to hear the rest. Obviously, the lady in the workout clothes whose door I had knocked on looking for Spencer had called the police on me, him and Rodney. Even though she knew full and well that there were canvassers walking through the area.

The police, doing their duty to acquiesce to the racial fears of suburban white women, were pulling over random cars searching for us, based on some ambiguous “robberies” in the area. Nonexistent robberies, I might add, since I checked. Fortunately, a mixture of police boredom and good luck allowed me to talk my way back to my car and head home, but not before being reminded of the sobering reality of the Georgia 6th election and what was at stake.

African Americans engaging in our constitutional right to participate in politics are still considered a threat in this country, whether from conservative forces, or random people in Anywheresville America. Let’s be honest—I have no idea who that woman was voting for or how Tuesday will play out, but I do know this: When faced with that kind of naked racism and aggression, one of the few resources we have is the ability (often under duress) to get ourselves to a polling station and vote.

No matter what happens with Karen Handel and Jon Ossoff on Tuesday, my only hope is that black voters’ voices are heard at the polls, if for no other reason than to fight back against everyone, local and national, who wants to keep us silent.

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
FOCUS: How the Bail System Exploits Brown and Black People Print
Thursday, 22 June 2017 11:47

Jay Z writes: "If you're from neighborhoods like the Brooklyn one I grew up in, if you're unable to afford a private attorney, then you can be disappeared into our jail system simply because you can't afford bail."

Jay Z speaks during a Q&A following the 'Time: The Kalief Browder Story' Sundance World Premiere, on January 25, 2017, in Park City, Utah. (photo: Neilson Barnard/Getty)
Jay Z speaks during a Q&A following the 'Time: The Kalief Browder Story' Sundance World Premiere, on January 25, 2017, in Park City, Utah. (photo: Neilson Barnard/Getty)


How the Bail System Exploits Brown and Black People

By Jay Z, TIME

22 June 17

 

eventeen years ago I made a song, "Guilty Until Proven Innocent." I flipped the Latin phrase that is considered the bedrock principle of our criminal justice system, ei incumbit probatio qui dicit (the burden of proof is on the one who declares, not on one who denies). If you're from neighborhoods like the Brooklyn one I grew up in, if you're unable to afford a private attorney, then you can be disappeared into our jail system simply because you can't afford bail. Millions of people are separated from their families for months at a time — not because they are convicted of committing a crime, but because they are accused of committing a crime.

Scholars like Ruthie Gilmore, filmmakers like Ava Duvernay, and formerly incarcerated people like Glenn Martin have all done work to expose the many injustices of the industry of our prison system. Gilmore's pioneering book, The Golden Gulag, Duvernay's documentary 13th and Martin's campaign to close Rikers focus on the socioeconomic, constitutional and racially driven practices and polices that make the U.S. the most incarcerated nation in the world.

But when I helped produce this year's docuseries, Time: The Kalief Browder Story, I became obsessed with the injustice of the profitable bail bond industry. Kalief's family was too poor to post bond when he was accused of stealing a backpack. He was sentenced to a kind of purgatory before he ever went to trial. The three years he spent in solitary confinement on Rikers ultimately created irreversible damage that lead to his death at 22. Sandra Bland was also forced to post bail after her minor traffic infraction in Prairie View, Texas, led to a false charge of assaulting a public servant (the officer who arrested her was later charged with perjury regarding the arrest). She was placed in a local jail in a pre-incarcerated state. Again, she was never convicted of a crime. On any given day over 400,000 people, convicted of no crime, are held in jail because they cannot afford to buy their freedom.

When black and brown people are over-policed and arrested and accused of crimes at higher rates than others, and then forced to pay for their freedom before they ever see trial, big bail companies prosper. This pre-incarceration conundrum is devastating to families. One in 9 black children has an incarcerated parent. Families are forced to take on more debt, often in predatory lending schemes created by bail bond insurers. Or their loved ones linger in jails, sometimes for months—a consequence of nationwide backlogs. Every year $9 billion dollars are wasted incarcerating people who've not been convicted of a crime, and insurance companies, who have taken over our bail system, go to the bank.

Last month for Mother's Day, organizations like Southerners on New Ground and Color of Change did a major fundraising drive to bail out 100 mothers for Mother's Day. Color of Change's exposè on the for-profit bail industry provides deeper strategy behind this smart and inspiring action. This Father's Day, I'm supporting those same organizations to bail out fathers who can't afford the due process our democracy promises. As a father with a growing family, it's the least I can do, but philanthropy is not a long fix, we have to get rid of these inhumane practices altogether. We can't fix our broken criminal justice system until we take on the exploitative bail industry.

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
FOCUS: Some Reflections on the Special Election in Georgia Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=40776"><span class="small">Dan Rather, Dan Rather's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Thursday, 22 June 2017 10:57

Rather writes: "Democrats have overperformed in heavily Republican districts in every special election, even if they haven't won. That is a big deal."

Dan Rather in his office in Manhattan in 2009. (photo: Jennifer S. Altman/LA Times)
Dan Rather in his office in Manhattan in 2009. (photo: Jennifer S. Altman/LA Times)


Some Reflections on the Special Election in Georgia

By Dan Rather, Dan Rather's Facebook Page

22 June 17

 

ome reflections on last night's special election in Georgia:

Is it a sign that it won't be easy for Democrats to take the House in 2018? Yes, but we already knew that. The way the districts are drawn make that even more difficult. However, Democrats have overperformed in heavily Republican districts in every special election, even if they haven't won. That is a big deal.

Will the Democrats be demoralized? Probably, at least for a short spell. You always want to win. And the party hasn't. And they will have to change that. But these special elections are skirmishes before the big war. There will be 435 Congressional races on the ballot in 2018. The Republicans can't play this level of defense on all of them. It is a very different game, about candidate recruitment, tactical decision making and competing in races no one saw as on the radar.

Will this sap Democrats' energy and resolve? It could, but I think in a few days, after some more Donald Trump tweets and who knows what else in the news cycle, the state of politics will return to what it has been.

Will this embolden the Republicans and President Trump to pursue their agenda? Yes. They will claim it as a mandate. For all the talk about the problems facing Trump and the GOP in Congress, a standard Republican candidate won an affluent, educated Congressional district. Still, the President and the Republican Congress remain highly unpopular in the nation at large. The political fundamentals in the country haven't changed.

Should the Democrats change their messaging? There will be a lot of soul searching and second guessing in the wake of this loss. Many are saying that the Democrats haven't made a strong enough case of what they stand for, particularly on economic issues. I think that t it always helps to run on something rather than just against someone. In many ways, Hillary Clinton thought that being not Donald Trump would be good enough. That said, Donald Trump is extremely unpopular and opposition parties by definition run against who is in power. And the Democrats didn't make a big case of tying the Republicans to Trump in the election in Georgia. So I think you can do both if you are a Democrat - say why you think President Trump is a disaster - and then why and what you would do differently.

Is unity going to be a problem for the Democrats between the moderate and liberal wings? It could be, but then there always is President Trump. I suspect he will unify Democrats in the end. A desire to win helps with that. But it is unclear if Donald Trump will drive be enough Republican voters or inspire enough people who often down vote in non-presidential elections to vote for Democratic candidates in 2018. That's the challenge. Again, I think it helps to have big ideas to set the debate and rally people to your cause.

For Democrats, does this one hurt? Yes. A lot. But today is another day. It's the first day of summer. Go for a walk, listen to the birds chirping. Take in the fragrance of the Earth. And resolve to keep fighting for what you believe in. What were your takeaways from yesterday's election?

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
The Case for Obstruction of Justice Print
Thursday, 22 June 2017 08:41

Reich writes: "Obstruction of justice was among the articles of impeachment drafted against both Presidents Nixon and Clinton. The parallel between Nixon and Trump is almost exact."

Robert Reich. (photo: Getty)
Robert Reich. (photo: Getty)


The Case for Obstruction of Justice

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

22 June 17


The Case for Obstruction of Justice

bstruction of justice was among the articles of impeachment drafted against both Presidents Nixon and Clinton. The parallel between Nixon and Trump is almost exact. White House tapes revealed Nixon giving instructions to pressure the acting FBI director into halting the Watergate investigation.

Two weeks after Trump told Comey privately “I need loyalty. I expect loyalty,” he had another private meeting with Comey in the Oval Office. After shooing out his advisers – all of whom had top security clearance – Trump said to Comey, according to Comey’s memo written shortly after the meeting, “I hope you can see your way clear to letting this go, to letting Flynn go.”

Then on May 9, Trump fired Comey. In a subsequent interview with NBC Trump said he planned to fire Comey “regardless of [the] recommendation” of the Attorney and Deputy Attorney General, partly because of “this Russia thing.” Trump also revealed in the interview that he had had several conversations with Comey about the Russia investigation, and had asked Comey if he was under investigation.

The federal crime of obstruction of justice applies to “[w]hoever corruptly, or by threats or force, or by any threatening letter or communication influences, obstructs, or impedes or endeavors to influence, obstruct, or impede the due and proper administration of the law” in a proceeding or investigation by a government department or agency or Congress.

As in Nixon’s case, a decision to support an “inquiry of impeachment” resolution in the House—to start an impeachment investigation—doesn’t depend on sufficient evidence to convict a person of obstruction of justice, but simply probable cause to believe a president may have obstructed justice.

There’s already more than enough evidence of probable cause to begin that impeachment inquiry of Donald Trump.

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
<< Start < Prev 1601 1602 1603 1604 1605 1606 1607 1608 1609 1610 Next > End >>

Page 1605 of 3432

THE NEW STREAMLINED RSN LOGIN PROCESS: Register once, then login and you are ready to comment. All you need is a Username and a Password of your choosing and you are free to comment whenever you like! Welcome to the Reader Supported News community.

RSNRSN