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In El Salvador, 'Girls Are a Problem' Print
Wednesday, 06 September 2017 12:46

Lobo-Guerrero writes: "I don't want to go back to El Salvador. I felt afraid as a woman there more than in any other country in Latin America."

A relative with a photograph of Rosivel Elisabeth Grande, who was shot to death on her way to work in San Salvador in 2013. El Salvador is one of the world's deadliest countries for women. (photo: Ulises Rodriguez/Reuters)
A relative with a photograph of Rosivel Elisabeth Grande, who was shot to death on her way to work in San Salvador in 2013. El Salvador is one of the world's deadliest countries for women. (photo: Ulises Rodriguez/Reuters)


In El Salvador, 'Girls Are a Problem'

By Catalina Lobo-Guerrero, The New York Times

06 September 17

 

don’t want to go back to El Salvador. I felt afraid as a woman there more than in any other country in Latin America. I realized I had entered hostile territory while chatting with the taxi driver who picked me up at the airport, the first Salvadoran man I met. He told me he had a baby, a little darling called J. J., and showed me a photo.

When I asked him if he’d like more children, he said yes, but only boys.

“You know you can’t choose,” I said.


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Print
Wednesday, 06 September 2017 11:32

Milbank writes: "Did you hear the one about Jeff Sessions? I’d like to tell you, but I can’t. You see, it’s illegal to laugh at the attorney general."

Attorney General Jeff Sessions speaks at the Justice Department. (photo: Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg)
Attorney General Jeff Sessions speaks at the Justice Department. (photo: Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg)


Apparently, It’s Illegal to Laugh at Jeff Sessions

By Dana Milbank, The Washington Post

06 September 17

 

id you hear the one about Jeff Sessions?

I’d like to tell you, but I can’t. You see, it’s illegal to laugh at the attorney general, the man who on Tuesday morning announced that the 800,000 “dreamers” — immigrants brought here illegally as children — could soon be deported. If you were to find my Sessions jest funny, I would be an accessory to mirth.

This is no joke, because liberal activist Desiree Fairooz is now being put on trial a second time by the Justice Department — Jeff Sessions’s Justice Department — because she laughed at Sessions during his confirmation hearing. Specifically, she laughed at a line about Sessions “treating all Americans equally under the law” (which is, objectively, kind of funny).

Police asked her to leave the hearing because of her laugh. She protested and was charged. In May, a jury of her peers found her guilty of disorderly conduct and another offense (“first-degree chuckling with intent to titter” was Stephen Colbert’s sentence at the time). The judge threw out the verdict, objecting to prosecutors’ closing argument claiming that laughter alone was enough to convict her.

But at a hearing Friday, the Justice Department said it would continue to prosecute her. A new trial is scheduled for November. Maybe Sessions, repeatedly and publicly criticized by Trump, thinks Justice’s anti-laughing crackdown will protect whatever dignity he has left.

If Justice Department prosecutors are determined to go after those who laugh at Sessions, they are going to need an awfully big dragnet. Sessions’s mannerisms, the things he says and the way he says them dare you to laugh. It’s practically entrapment!

Sessions is a wiry man whose eyebrows soar and eyes bug out when he speaks. He often pecks his head forward, like a pigeon. His Alabama twang causes snobbish elites from outside the Deep South to snigger (thereby risking 30 days in prison). And some of what he says is so absurd the comedy must be deliberate.

At Tuesday’s announcement about the DACA program, Sessions explained that the protections would be rescinded after a delay (of six months) “to create a time period for Congress to act” on the dreamers. Congress acting on immigration in six months? Hilarious! You could give Congress six?months to affirm that there are 13?stripes in the American flag, and Ted Cruz and the Freedom Caucus would insist on an amendment reducing the stripes to 11 to reduce the size of government. Nothing would pass.

Likewise, how do Trump and Sessions suppose they are going to deport 800,000 dreamers, many of whom have no memory of the lands they were brought from as children? Cull them in a big game of DACA, DACA, goose? Sorry, that wasn’t funny. Please don’t laugh, for your own protection.

I went to the Justice Department on Tuesday to watch the Sessions announcement, and it took strength not to commit misdemeanor mirth. Sessions had no fewer than five bodyguards — earpieces, lapel pins and menacing looks — to protect him from the credentialed press corps, more than the president uses in similar settings. He put his reading glasses on the tip of his nose, pecked his way through his written statement, mispronouncing various words, and turned to go.

NBC’s Kristen Welker and Politico’s Josh Gerstein shouted questions. Sessions didn’t answer, instead giving an awkward wave to the cameras and hastily deporting himself from the room.

It was darkly funny that Sessions thought he could banish 800,000 people, Americans in all ways but on paper, and then refuse to answer questions — just as it’s funny that he thinks people who laugh at him should be prosecuted.

But I bit my tongue. Sessions likes to prosecute journalists as well as people who laugh at his expense. To commit both crimes simultaneously might be a capital offense.

If the attorney general is going to continue doing laughable things and the Justice Department is going to keep making laughing at him a crime, we are going to need some new guidelines about which laughter is illegal (Fairooz claims her offense was “involuntary,” “reflexive” and at most a “chortle of disdain,” while others have described it as “two snorts” and a “giggle”) and a schedule of penalties.

A misdemeanor chuckle at the attorney general’s expense, for example, could be punished with up to 30 days in prison for first-time offenders. An aggravated guffaw would get you a year, and if you were to confront Sessions with a premeditated ROFLMAO, you’d be looking at 10 years, some of that in solitary listening to Sessions’s old Senate speeches. If you split your sides when you laughed at Sessions, your trial would be postponed until you were medically fit.

Of course, Sessions, as the victim of the crime, must recuse himself, and a special prosecutor for laughter must be appointed. I suggest James Comey, just for giggles.


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FOCUS: Don't Be Surprised if Trump's Assault on 'Dreamers' Works - Politically Print
Wednesday, 06 September 2017 10:59

Taibbi writes: "Here is an unpopular observation about Donald Trump's latest assault on immigrants: It might work, politically."


"We must also have heart and compassion for unemployed, struggling and forgotten Americans," Trump said Tuesday after Jeff Sessions announced DACA would be rescinded. (photo: Nicholas Kamm/AFP/Getty)


Don't Be Surprised if Trump's Assault on 'Dreamers' Works - Politically

By Matt Taibbi, Rolling Stone

06 September 17


The president is behaving like a candidate again, which is bad news for his political opponents

ere is an unpopular observation about Donald Trump's latest assault on immigrants: It might work, politically.

Delivering the odious message through his feckless, oft-humiliated Justice Department subordinate, Jeff Sessions, Trump this week announced that the Department of Homeland Security would stop processing applications under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, or DACA.

Begun under Barack Obama's administration in 2012, DACA allowed undocumented immigrants who entered the country as minors to receive work permits and renewable exemptions from deportation.

Sessions delivered the news with anxious excitement, like he was finally getting to the fun part of being the designated organ grinder's monkey of the Trump administration. He insisted that he was only righting a wrong, undoing an executive branch dictum that Obama had forced down the throats of Congress years before.

"Such an open-ended circumvention of immigration laws," Sessions said, "was an unconstitutional exercise of authority by the executive branch."

Sessions was just warming up. The bulk of his argument against DACA was phrased with an unmistakable nod to the kind of nationalist, identitarian rhetoric you'd expect to hear from someone like Steve Bannon.

"We have inherited from our founders, and have advanced, an unsurpassed legal heritage," Sessions said. "[This] is the foundation of our freedom, our safety and our prosperity."

The idea of anyone from Alabama bragging about his unsurpassable "legal heritage" sounds like a joke, but it's not – there's not a lot of irony to go around in American politics these days.

In a statement issued after Sessions', Trump himself doubled down on the Bannonite themes. He promised to "resolve the DACA issue with heart and compassion," but added that compassion isn't just for penniless children fleeing violence and corruption in foreign countries.

"We must also have heart and compassion for unemployed, struggling and forgotten Americans," Trump explained.

Trump announced a plan to continue renewing permits for anyone whose status expires in the next six months, then saddled Congress with the mess, giving them a March 5th, 2018, deadline to preserve or kill DACA.

The press, a parade of celebrities and a significant portion of our national elected officials denounced the maneuver as transparent racism and cruelty.

Apple CEO Tim Cook and Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg both ripped the decision. Lena Dunham, Susan Sarandon and George Takei unsurprisingly chimed in with their own denunciations. Director Rob Reiner put it as follows: "Unfortunately there is no other way to say this: Donald J. Trump is a heartless prick."

Democrats, too, lined up one after another to take a whack. The move, said Elizabeth Warren, was "part of the bigoted policies that are a cornerstone of [Trump's] administration."

"Cruel. Not America," was Joe Biden's contribution.

Some Republicans rushed to condemn the move, or at least seemed to. Paul Ryan said he hoped Congress could find a solution so that "those who have done nothing wrong can still contribute." Sen. Jeff Flake, facing re-election in Arizona, said that DACA kids "should not be punished for the sins of their parents." John McCain said in a statement that Trump's move was the "wrong approach."

It's these Republicans who are being targeted politically with this move.

This just-concluded month of August saw Trump in political freefall, denounced worldwide for his decision to stand up for the "very fine people" who, according to him, were included among a crowd of marching neo-Nazis in Charlottesville.

But September so far shows Trump returning to what has worked for him over and over in the past two years: Daring establishment Republicans to enter into policy agreement with the liberal consensus, particularly on immigration.

Trump won the presidency thanks in significant part to the Republican Party's misread of its own electorate on that issue heading into 2016. Essentially, Trump and the Republican leaders were reading the same tea leaves, but coming to two different conclusions.

While leaders in both parties saw a general trend toward acceptance of immigrants – in January of 2016, 55 percent of Americans overall said immigrants strengthen America – Trump courted the recalcitrant half of Republican voters who continued to decry immigrants as a menace who weakened the country.

The establishment Republicans saw they couldn't be viable as a national political party long-term if they continued to maintain an intolerant stance on immigration.

But Trump, thinking on a more selfish and short-term basis, understood that he could control the Republican Party in the here and now by running sharply in the other direction. He wiped out the likes of "low-energy Jeb" and "little Marco," both party-approved choices with some pro-immigration leanings, by blasting both as "weak" on the issue.

Ted Cruz, who probably never imagined he'd have to start off running to the left of anyone on immigration, spent much of the campaign trying to prove he was just as dickish as Trump on border matters – a tough trick to pull off, when you're leading off your stump speeches with tales of your immigrant dad sneaking into Texas with a hundred bucks sewn into his underpants. Ben Carson found himself promising a campaign of drone-striking border-crossers, and it still wasn't enough. And so on.

A few weeks ago, Trump looked finished as a politician. He was wrapping his arms around Nazis in public and then emptying his id for all the world to see in a pair of remarkable unscripted tirades, first at Trump Tower, and then in a 77-minute rant in Phoenix.

He is now fighting back, and it's a mistake to be distracted by the transparent loathsomeness of this DACA maneuver. Trump knows that while this doesn't play in newsrooms or in Lena Dunham's trailer, it goes over pretty damn well in other parts of the country.

He also knows that other Republicans are watching what's happening with the likes of Flake, who is currently getting roasted for opposing Trump on this and other issues. The Arizona Republican is getting beaten like a gong in the polls by a more conservative and Trump-aligned primary challenger in Dr. Kelli Ward.

Flake's numbers are currently so bad that there are some who think he might consider dropping out before the primary. If such a wipeout were to take place, it would have a devastating effect on the opposition to Trump generally.

For all the talk about unseating Trump with impeachment or an Article 25 proceeding, the reality is that Trump will likely have a chance to rack up some kills of his own first in the midterm elections – even if they come from his own party. Longtime Trump advisor Roger Stone said as much at the end of last month:

"Most members of Congress are arrogant, and until a scalp is actually taken they are going to continue to be defiant," Stone told The Hill.

Though this is not the smartest strategy in the world, it is, at least, a kind of plan. Trump won the White House by battering the Republican establishment with an exaggerated, parodized version of its own irresponsible rhetoric. If he can continue to show he dominates the party base, even if it’s just a thin plurality of voters overall, he can put some doubt into the minds of any Republicans who are thinking of joining in an effort to topple his presidency.

Just one particularly gruesome loss by an open Trump antagonist like Flake or even the suddenly-waffling Bob Corker of Tennessee – who recently wondered aloud about Trump's "stability" and "competence" – might be enough to chill out any hint of serious Republican rebellion. Trump just tweeted a clear, if ungrammatical, 2018-themed warning to Corker: "Tennessee not happy!"

As historically unpopular as Trump has been as a president, he is still nowhere near as unpopular as the institutions of the House and Senate generally. Last month, across five different polling agencies – Gallup, CNN, CBS News, Monmouth University and Quinnipiac University – public approval of Congress never exceeded 20 percent. Trump's numbers, hideous as they are, consistently run about twice as high.

Meanwhile, a major Republican leader like Mitch McConnell was last month running at about 30 percent approval rating among Republicans, according to Public Policy Polling. That's compared with 81 percent favorability for Trump among the same Republican respondents. Trump still has a hammer over most of the elected hacks in his own party.

For two years now Americans have been bewildered by the train-wreck persona of Donald Trump, wondering how he could be succeeding despite a seemingly fierce determination to offend every voting bloc on earth outside of angry half-literate white dudes.

The answer lay in the fact that the rest of the political landscape is increasingly fragmented, and other institutions – Congress, the media, the Republican and Democratic Party establishments – all have ratings that are nearly as low or lower even than Trump's. This allows the Orange One to survive seemingly unsurvivable scandals.

Not even Trump can thrive embracing torch-bearing Nazis. But just a slight retreat from that extreme, pushing Jeff Sessions forward to air out a watered-down, tie-clad version of the same racialist politics, might be enough to help Trump reassert control over the same furious anti-immigration plurality that won him the election.

That giant blob of dumb support might not be enough to help him win re-election. But it could easily be enough to help him survive all four years, and that's bad enough.

Watch below: Attorney General Jeff Sessions announces Trump's plans to end DACA.


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The Deal Trump Wanted With Russia Print
Wednesday, 06 September 2017 08:28

Marcus writes: "There comes a point in the unspooling of every complex political-financial-legal scandal when the story becomes so complicated that it’s easy to lose the thread of what matters."

Donald Trump. (photo: CNN)
Donald Trump. (photo: CNN)


The Deal Trump Wanted With Russia

By Ruth Marcus, The Washington Post

06 September 17

 

here comes a point in the unspooling of every complex political-financial-legal scandal when the story becomes so complicated that it’s easy to lose the thread of what matters. The facts dribble out, in ever more confusing increments. The lengthy cast of characters resembles a Russian novel. Competing news demands our attention.

That is where we are now when it comes to the investigation of President Trump and Russia. Harvey deluged the Texas Coast, drowning out the news about Trump’s involvement with Russia. Still, that news is, or should be, huge. The latest revelations feel, at least for now, like more of a political bombshell than a legal problem, but the two are closely related; consider how many public officials have landed themselves in legal jeopardy trying to save their political hides.

To recap, what we know now that we did not know a week ago:

While he ran for president, Trump was simultaneously — and secretly — pursuing financial opportunities with a foreign adversary. Not just any adversary, but Russia, a country described by his party’s previous presidential nominee as the United States’ “No. 1 geopolitical foe.” And not just pursuing financial opportunities in Russia, but actively seeking the help of at least one senior Russian official to gain government approval for the project.

Once again: This is not okay. When you run for president, you cannot — you should not — put yourself in the position of using that candidacy as a door-opening business opportunity. You cannot — even if the prospect of winning seems remote — put yourself in a position of being financially beholden to a hostile foreign power.

Trump Tower Moscow was not another instance of Trump as unabashed cross-promoter-in-chief, like using the campaign press corps to help tout the reopening of his Scottish golf course. It represented something much more disturbing, even unpatriotic.

It was possible, when The Post first broke the news of the failed deal, to discount the proposal as braggadocio from Felix Sater, the Russian-born real estate developer pushing the deal. “Our boy can become president of the USA and we can engineer it,” Sater emailed Trump Organization executive vice president Michael Cohen, detailed by the New York Times.

But as it turned out, this was more than Sater freelancing in Trump’s name. The Post next reported that Cohen emailed Putin spokesman Dmitry Peskov in January 2016 in a bid to save the languishing deal; that Cohen discussed the project with Trump on three occasions; and that the effort was dropped when Russian government permission was unforthcoming.

The Trump Organization not only pursued this opportunity in secret, it — indeed, Trump himself — actively misled the public. Imagine how much more sharply people would have responded to Trump’s already repulsive praise of Russian President Vladimir Putin during that time — “He’s running his country, and at least he’s a leader, you know, unlike what we have in this country” — if they knew that Trump had just signed a letter of intent with a Russian firm to develop a Trump-branded tower in Moscow.

And as the question of Trump’s Russian connections became increasingly controversial, he somehow omitted the just-abandoned deal. “For the record, I have ZERO investments in Russia,” he tweeted in July 2016. This past January, as Trump prepared to take office, he reiterated, “I HAVE NOTHING TO DO WITH RUSSIA — NO DEALS, NO LOANS, NO NOTHING!” Shades of Bill Clinton — it depends on what the meaning of “have” is.

As recently as his interview this summer with the New York Times, Trump disingenuously played down his financial interests in Russia. “I mean, it’s possible there’s a condo or something, so, you know, I sell a lot of condo units, and somebody from Russia buys a condo, who knows? . . . They said I own buildings in Russia. I don’t. They said I made money from Russia. I don’t. It’s not my thing. I don’t, I don’t do that. Over the years, I’ve looked at maybe doing a deal in Russia, but I never did one.” Including the one he was pursuing while running for president, but failed to mention.

We have become inured to Trumpian self-dealing, from doubling membership fees at Mar-a-Lago to profiting off his government-owned D.C. hotel. This one goes beyond pure greed. It edges into serious questions about whether Trump’s positions on Putin and Russia have been and remain tainted by considerations not of what is best for the nation but what benefits Trump’s bottom line.


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Do Muslim-Americans Need a Civil Rights Movement? Print
Wednesday, 06 September 2017 08:15

Cury writes: "U.S. Muslims face serious challenges, but they are also increasingly motivated to confront them. Their efforts show how minority groups in America work to secure their collective interests and continue the process of building an inclusive democracy."

A woman holds banners and a flag as she takes part in the Americans Against Terrorism, Hate and Violence rally on the National Mall in Washington, DC, on July 23, 2016. (photo: Andrew Biraj/Getty)
A woman holds banners and a flag as she takes part in the Americans Against Terrorism, Hate and Violence rally on the National Mall in Washington, DC, on July 23, 2016. (photo: Andrew Biraj/Getty)


Do Muslim-Americans Need a Civil Rights Movement?

By Emily Cury, The Coversation

06 September 17

 

he past year has been a difficult one for American Muslims.

According to a July 2017 Pew survey, 48 percent of Muslims report experiencing at least one incident of discrimination in the past 12 months. The Council on American-Islamic Relations and other Muslim advocacy organizations found these trends were particularly intense during the 2016 campaigns and the early months of the Trump presidency.

And while the survey shows that Americans report warmer feelings toward Muslims today than they did in 2014, Muslims continue to be the most negatively rated religious group – followed closely by atheists. In fact, about half of Americans (49 percent) believe that at least “some” Muslim Americans are anti-American.

As a scholar of religion and politics, I’ve studied how U.S. Muslim advocacy organizations have advanced their community’s integration in America. Their work reminds us that minorities in the U.S. are still struggling for civil rights.

Islamophobia in politics

Spikes in anti-Muslim sentiments and hate crimes appear to correlate with elections cycles. This is not a coincidence. In recent years, politicians have increasingly relied on anti-Muslim rhetoric to mobilize voters. What was once considered unacceptable discourse by members of both parties has gradually been normalized, particularly among Republican candidates.

During the 2016 presidential primaries, for example, Sen. Ted Cruz called for law enforcement to “patrol and secure Muslim neighborhoods.” Ben Carson claimed that Islam was incompatible with the Constitution. And former Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal warned that some immigrants were trying to “change our fundamental culture and values and set up their own.”

Then, candidate Donald Trump called for “a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States.” Many critics consider that statement the basis for his January 27 executive order banning immigration from seven Muslim majority countries.

Muslim Americans are responding through organizations that represent their interests, and are increasingly visible, engaged and assertive. At the grassroots level, their presence is seen through the work of activists like Linda Sarsour, a co-sponsor of the 2017 Women’s March. At the policy level, Muslim advocacy organizations such as the Council on American-Islamic Relations also work to advance the community’s legislative agenda.

Advocating for Muslim Americans

There are an estimated 3.35 million Muslims in the U.S. A majority of them, 58 percent, are first-generation Americans who arrived in the U.S. after the passage of the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965. As these immigrants began to settle in the U.S., they established institutions. In fact, most Muslim advocacy groups were founded in the late 1980s and early 1990s, but gained prominence in the post-9/11 era.

The Council on American-Islamic Relations, the Muslim Public Affairs Council and the more recently established U.S. Council of Muslim Organizations are among the largest at the national level.

By working on behalf of one of the most stigmatized religious minority groups, Muslim advocacy organizations aspire to uphold the most cherished of American ideals and values: liberty, equality and the inalienable rights of all citizens. They aim to make U.S. Muslims agents of their own narratives, fostering their civic engagement and strengthening the social fabric of our nation.

Muslim American advocacy today

For years, these organizations have encouraged and registered Muslim citizens to vote. More recently, they’ve begun encouraging them to run for office. These efforts are significant because many Muslims are not registered to vote, and only 44 percent of those who are voted during the 2016 elections.

Muslim advocacy organizations are also actively bringing their community’s concerns to the attention of elected officials. Some of their most recent lobbying efforts include calling on the House and Senate to support two bills. The No Religious Registry Act of 2017 (H.R. 489) would protect the constitutional rights of American Muslims. And Senate Bill 248 would block Trump’s travel ban on seven Muslim majority countries.

They’ve also lobbied for the protection of immigrant communities and the cessation of religious and racial profiling. In particular, they have focused on building support for the BRIDGE Act, which would protect young undocumented immigrants from deportation, and the End Racial and Religious Profiling Act of 2017 (S.411), which would protect all Americans from discriminatory profiling by law enforcement.

U.S. Muslims face serious challenges, but they are also increasingly motivated to confront them. Their efforts show how minority groups in America work to secure their collective interests and continue the process of building an inclusive democracy.


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