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FOCUS: Racial Bias, Illegal Campaign Activity and the Shadow of Donald Trump Print
Friday, 22 December 2017 12:21

Mayer writes: "Turning Point's aim is to foment a political revolution on America's college campuses, in part by funnelling money into student government elections across the country to elect right-leaning candidates. But it is secretive about its funding and its donors, raising the prospect that 'dark money' may now be shaping not just state and federal races but ones on campus."

Documents and former employees reveal troubling issues at a charity that touts its close relationship with the Trump family. (photo: Melissa Golden/Redux)
Documents and former employees reveal troubling issues at a charity that touts its close relationship with the Trump family. (photo: Melissa Golden/Redux)


Racial Bias, Illegal Campaign Activity and the Shadow of Donald Trump

By Jane Mayer, The New Yorker

22 December 17

 

n Tuesday, in a convention center in West Palm Beach, Florida, amid chants of “USA!” and “The wall is going to be built!,” Donald Trump, Jr., kicked off a three-day annual summit for Turning Point USA, a conservative nonprofit. Based outside of Chicago, Turning Point’s aim is to foment a political revolution on America’s college campuses, in part by funnelling money into student government elections across the country to elect right-leaning candidates. But it is secretive about its funding and its donors, raising the prospect that “dark money” may now be shaping not just state and federal races but ones on campus.

Turning Point touts its close relationship with the President’s family. The group’s Web site promoted Don, Jr.,’s appearance for weeks, featuring a photo of him raising a clenched fist. Its promotional materials include a quote from the younger Trump praising Turning Point: “What you guys have done” is “just amazing.” Lara Trump, the wife of Don, Jr.,’s brother Eric, is also involved with the group. In West Palm Beach on Wednesday, she hosted a luncheon promoting Turning Point’s coming Young Women’s Leadership Summit. The group’s twenty-four-year-old executive director and founder, Charlie Kirk, told me that he counts Don, Jr., as “a personal friend.”

Turning Point casts itself as a grassroots response to what it perceives as liberal intolerance on college campuses. Kirk has called college campuses “islands of totalitarianism”; he and his supporters contend that conservatives are the true victims of discrimination in America, and he has vowed to fight back on behalf of what he has called his “Team Right.” Kirk is a frequent guest on Fox News, and last summer he was invited to give a speech at the Republican National Convention. That was where he met Donald Trump, Jr., and “hit it off” with him, Kirk said. After the convention, Kirk divided his time between Turning Point activities and working for the Trump campaign as a specialist in youth outreach. “I helped coördinate some rather successful events with him,” Kirk told me, referring to Don, Jr., “and I also carried his bags.” When friends threw Kirk a surprise birthday party earlier this year, Don, Jr., attended, as did Sebastian Gorka, the former Trump White House adviser.

As Turning Point’s profile has risen, so has scrutiny of its funding and tactics. Internal documents that I obtained, as well as interviews with former employees, suggest that the group may have skirted campaign-finance laws that bar charitable organizations from participating in political activity. Former employees say that they were directed to work with prominent conservatives, including the wife of the Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, in aid of Republican Presidential candidates in 2016. Perhaps most troubling for an organization that holds up conservatives as the real victims of discrimination in America, Turning Point USA is also alleged to have fostered an atmosphere that is hostile to minorities. Screenshots provided to me by a source show that Crystal Clanton, who served until last summer as the group’s national field director, sent a text message to another Turning Point employee saying, “I HATE BLACK PEOPLE. Like fuck them all .?.?. I hate blacks. End of story.”

Clanton, who resigned after serving as the group’s second-highest official for five years, at first declined to comment. “I’m no longer with Turning Point and wish not to be a part of the story,” Clanton told me over e-mail. Later, in a second e-mail, she said, “I have no recollection of these messages and they do not reflect what I believe or who I am and the same was true when I was a teenager.”

John Ryan O’Rourke, the former Turning Point employee who received the text messages from Clanton, requested that the messages “not be used in any article or background information concerning Turning Point” and declined to comment on them. Kirk said in an e-mail that “Turning Point assessed the situation and took decisive action within 72 hours of being made aware of the issue.” Soon after, Clanton left the organization.

While Kirk served as the public face of Turning Point, Clanton, its former field director, acted as its hands-on boss, according to former employees. In a 2016 book that Kirk co-authored with Brent Hamachek, “Time for a Turning Point: Setting a Course Toward Free Markets and Limited Government for Future Generations,” he described Clanton as “the best hire we ever could have made.” He called her “integral to the success of Turning Point while effectively serving as its chief operating officer.” He added, “Turning Point needs more Crystals; so does America.”

Former Turning Point employees say that the organization was a difficult workplace and rife with tension, some of it racial. Gabrielle Fequiere, a former Turning Point employee, told me that she was the only African-American hired as a field director when she worked with the group, three years ago. “In looking back, I think it was racist,” she said. “At the time, I was blaming myself, and I thought I did something wrong.” Fequiere, who now works as a model, recalled that the young black recruits that she brought into the organization suddenly found themselves disinvited from the group’s annual student summit, and that when she herself attended, she watched speakers there who “spoke badly about black women having all these babies out of wedlock. It was really offensive.” (Kirk, through a spokesman, denied that any such incidents occurred, and said, “These accusations are absolutely baseless and even absurd.”)

Fequiere said that Clanton fired her on Martin Luther King, Jr., Day, on the grounds that she was not performing her job well. “I was the only black American employee they had, and they fired me on M.L.K. Day—it was so rude!” Fequiere told me. She added, “I felt very uncomfortable working there because I was black,” but she said she had seen white employees mistreated, as well. “My Democratic friends had told me that some Republicans didn’t care about the poor and minorities, and I thought it wasn’t true, but then I found the people they were talking about!”

Speakers at Turning Point events on various college campuses have been accused of going out of their way to thumb their noses at ethnic and cultural sensitivities. The conservative provocateur Milo Yiannopoulos, for instance, whose appearance Turning Point co-hosted with the College Republicans at the University of Colorado, in Boulder, said that despite being gay, he hated “faggots,” lesbians, and feminists, who, he said, “fucking hate men.”

In an effort to mock campus opposition to hate speech, members of the Turning Point chapter at Kent State University staged a protest last fall in which they appeared on campus wearing adult diapers and sucking on pacifiers while proclaiming “Safe Spaces are for Children.” The protest stirred widespread ridicule, and Kirk’s spokesman said that he disapproved of the display and later issued guidelines against other chapters repeating it.

Kirk grew up in Wheeling, Illinois, and was an Eagle Scout; in a 2015 speech to the Conservative Forum of Silicon Valley, he said that his “No. 1 dream in life” was to attend West Point, but the slot he considered his went to “a far less-qualified candidate of a different gender and a different persuasion” whose test scores he claimed he knew. (Kirk said he was being sarcastic when he made the comment.) An older acquaintance encouraged him to forgo college and launch a conservative analogue to the progressive advocacy group MoveOn.org. Kirk acknowledged in an interview that it is something of an irony that he heads an organization devoted to waging political warfare on campuses when he never actually attended college himself. “I joke that I wasn’t smart enough to go to a four-year school,” Kirk told me, although he noted that he continued his studies at a community college.

MoveOn, however, has one part set up as a super PAC, and another as a 501(c)4 “social-welfare group,” both of which are legally allowed to engage in political elections. It also has a policy of disclosing the names of anyone contributing five thousand dollars or more. In contrast, Turning Point is a 501(c)3 charity. This means that, unlike MoveOn donors, Turning Point donors can take tax deductions for their contributions and remain anonymous. In exchange for these benefits, however, the Internal Revenue Service strictly prohibits charities such as Turning Point from engaging either directly or indirectly in political elections.

Several former Turning Point employees told me in interviews that they felt they were asked to participate in activities that crossed lines drawn by campaign-finance laws for groups like theirs. Payden Hall, who worked for Turning Point during the 2016 Presidential campaign, told me that Clanton, who was her boss, e-mailed her at her Turning Point address to make arrangements for her to coördinate with Ginni Thomas, the wife of the Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, to help Ted Cruz’s Presidential campaign. “That’s where the ambiguity began,” Hall recalled. Soon after, she said, Ginni Thomas, who was supporting Cruz’s candidacy and is on Turning Point’s advisory council, left a voice message for Hall and her sister, who also worked for Turning Point, saying that she was sending two hundred Cruz placards to them to distribute in the coming Wisconsin Presidential primary.

Audio: Listen to Ginni Thomas’s voice mail.

“Crystal gave Ginni Thomas my private mailing address without my permission,” Hall recalled. “They gave out employees’ personal information to the wife of a Supreme Court Justice.” The next thing she knew, she said, hundreds of Cruz placards arrived at her home. “We threw them out,” Hall said. She was a Cruz supporter, but, she says, “We wanted to volunteer on our own terms, not to give in to pressure from a boss. I felt that if it wasn’t crossing a legal line, it was crossing a professional one.”

Trevor Potter, a former Republican commissioner on the Federal Elections Commission who is the founder and president of the Campaign Legal Center, a nonpartisan campaign-finance-law watchdog group, said that Turning Point is barred from aiding political campaigns. “Under the law, a 501(c)3 can’t engage in political action or give anything of value to a campaign, including students, or the names of students,” he said. “If what Turning Point USA was doing was helping Republicans on campus and feeding them to campaigns, that’s a political operation, and it sounds as if it crosses the line.”

Reached by phone, Ginni Thomas declined to comment. Clanton’s lawyer, Robert Grabermann, said that if she e-mailed Hall “at her TPUSA email address, it was an honest oversight and sincere mistake on Ms. Clanton’s part. Ms. Clanton categorically denies using TPUSA resources to aid any political campaign activities. She fully understands the 501 (c)(3) guidelines, and has on many occasions consulted with legal counsel to ensure that all personal campaign involvement was compliant with 501 (c)(3) rules.”

Susan Walker, who worked for Turning Point USA in Florida, in 2016, told me that the group did aid Republican political campaigns. Walker said that a list she created while working for Turning Point, with the names of hundreds of student supporters, was given without her knowledge to someone working for Marco Rubio’s Presidential campaign. “That list had, like, seven hundred kids, and I worked my ass off to get it,” she said. “I had added notes on every student I talked to, and they were all on it still.” The Rubio operative, she added, “shouldn’t have had that list. We were a charity, and he was on a political campaign.”

E-mails and interviews from other former Turning Point employees in South Carolina and Ohio showed crossover between Presidential-campaign work and work for the charity, as well. In South Carolina, a chain of e-mails shows, Kirk asked a Turning Point USA employee to round up students to support Cruz at the behest of two officials with a pro-Cruz super PAC. In a January 25, 2016, e-mail, Drew Ryun, a Turning Point advisory-council member who was helping run one of the pro-Cruz super PACs, asked Kirk to get another Turning Point employee to “send” the super PAC “as many kids as possible.” Ryun, a former deputy director of the Republican National Committee, explained that he needed “as many kids as you can generate for a WSJ piece on efforts in” South Carolina. After Kirk agreed to help, the e-mail thread shows, Kirk coördinated with Dan Tripp, Ryun’s associate at the pro-Cruz super PAC, who headed its operations in South Carolina and is the founder and president of Ground Game Strategies.

“Yes!” Kirk answered Tripp when asked for help from Turning Point. “What part of SC?”

“Greenville, Spartenburg or Anderson Counties,” Tripp replied.

“Time of day and how long?” Kirk asked.

“I’m thinking 2 hours late Sunday afternoon. Canvassing, training and pizza,” Tripp responded.

“You got it, will recon shortly,” Kirk e-mailed back. Kirk explained that a Turning Point employee in South Carolina named Anna Scott Marsh would be the point person, and added that “Anna will be helping. Let’s rock this!”

Soon after, e-mails show, Marsh, the Turning Point employee, promised to round up the requested recruits. “Sending something out tonight, and will send you a list hopefully tomorrow .?.?. I’m sure we can find some solid students here.” Marsh declined to comment about her e-mails.

Asked about these practices, Kirk referred me to a statement from his lawyer, Sally Wagenmaker: “Turning Point USA works diligently to comply entirely with all relevant laws and regulations governing not-for-profit organizations. Turning Point USA focuses on fiscal conservatism, free market economics, and related student education and advocacy, all completely within applicable Section 501(c)(3) legal constraints.”

Ryun confirmed that the exchanges occurred, but said that Kirk e-mailed him “via his personal e-mail and on his personal time!” Tripp, too, confirmed the e-mails, but said, “We welcomed many volunteers to our efforts and were grateful for their support. It would be quite troubling if campaign finance rules were interpreted to prevent conservative volunteers from exercising their right to be involved in the political process.”

In a phone interview, Kirk declined to identify the donors who have supplied his group’s eight-million-dollar-plus annual budget, noting that many prefer to remain anonymous. But Kirk has spoken and fund-raised at various closed-door energy-industry gatherings, including those of the 2017 board meeting of the National Mining Association and the 2016 annual meeting of the Independent Petroleum Association of America. In our interview, Kirk acknowledged that some of his donors “are in the fossil-fuel space.”

Kirk’s ties to fossil-fuel magnates are controversial because Turning Point has helped organize opposition on campuses to students calling for schools to divest from fossil-fuel companies. Turning Point distributed a guide for college students with a foreword by Kirk, titled “10 Ways Fossil Fuels Improve Our Daily Lives.” In it, he argues, “Across the nation, college students are clamoring for their campuses to divest from fossil fuel .?.?. students are indoctrinated to believe the myth that fossil fuels are dirty and renewable energy is a plausible alternative .?.?. ” Turning Point, which also runs an online “Professor Watch List” that targets professors it believes are liberal, blamed “leftist professors” in its booklet for having “perpetuated” these “myths.” In the interview, Kirk told me that “We think targeting fossil fuels is rather unfair, and it is not really in the best interests of the universities to favor one type of political agenda over another.” It’s a message that “went great,” he said, when he delivered it at energy-industry meetings.

Last May, The Chronicle of Higher Education published an investigative report on what it called Turning Point’s “stealth plan for political influence.” The story recounted accusations on multiple campuses that the group had funnelled money into student elections in violation of the spending caps and transparency requirements set by those schools. It detailed how student candidates backed by Turning Point had been forced to drop out of campus elections at the University of Maryland and Ohio State “after they were caught violating spending rules and attempting to hide the help they received from Turning Point.” It also quoted Kirk saying in an appearance before a conservative political group in 2015 that his group was “investing a lot of time and money and energy” in student-government elections. (In the story, Kirk denied any wrongdoing and said it was “completely ludicrous and ridiculous that there’s some sort of secret plan.”)

A copy of a Turning Point brochure prepared for potential donors that I obtained provides a glimpse into the group’s tactics. (A former Turning Point employee said the brochure was closely held, and not posted online so that it couldn’t leak.) Its “Campus Victory Project” is described as a detailed, multi-phase plan to “commandeer the top office of Student Body President at each of the most recognizable and influential American Universities.”

Phase 1 calls for victory in the “Power 5” conference schools, including the Atlantic Coast Conference, the Big Ten Conference, the Pacific 12 Conference, the Big 12 Conference, and the Southeastern Conference. Phase 2 calls for winning the top student-government slots in every Division 1 N.C.A.A. school, of which it says there are more than three hundred. In the first three years of the plan, the brochure says, the group aims to capture the “outright majority” of student-government positions in eighty per cent of these schools.

Once in control of student governments, the brochure says, Turning Point expects its allied campus leaders to follow a set political agenda. Among its planks are the defunding of progressive organizations on campus, the implementation of “free speech” policies eliminating barriers to hate speech, and the blocking of all campus “boycott, divestment and sanctions” movements. Turning Point’s agenda also calls for the student leaders it empowers to use student resources to host speakers and forums promoting “American Exceptionalism and Free Market ideals on campus.”

Today, Turning Point claims to have a presence on more than a thousand college campuses nationwide, and to have “a stronger, more organized presence than all the left-wing campus groups combined.” Kirk told me his group had started three hundred new chapters in the past year. The Campus Victory Project brochure names more than fifty four-year colleges and universities where it claims the group helped effectuate student government victories in the 2016–17 year, including the University of California, Los Angeles, Syracuse, Purdue, Michigan State, Wake Forest, and the University of Southern California, and it names a hundred and twenty-two more schools whose governments the group hopes to “commandeer” in Phase 2. The brochure notes that completing the task will take money: specifically, $2.2 million.

Kirk, in his interview, denied that any of these funds would directly pay for students’ campaigns. “We do not directly fund any of these candidates,” he said. Instead, he explained, “We will support them through levels of leadership,” including training and what he called “leadership scholarships.”

The prospect of “dark money”—contributions from anonymous donors to national ideological groups—flowing into campus elections has alarmed some students. “Students were outraged that our elections were being influenced from outside,” Danielle Di Scala, who last year was vice-president of the student government at Ohio State University, said. “I’d never seen that before, but it’s starting to be a trend. The problem,” she told me, “is it can price some student candidates out of the market when others are getting money from groups with unlimited funds.”

Andy MacCracken, the executive director of the National Campus Leadership Council, said he worries that campus elections are “particularly vulnerable” to outside money, “because there aren’t really any standard rules.” MacCracken says it’s been “shocking to see how much of an operation there is from Turning Point,” adding that “there’s really nothing comparable that I’m aware of from left-wing groups.” The push, he suggested, reflects a recognition on the part of conservatives about the future value of student leaders. “I can totally imagine they’re thinking that if we can win this on campuses, they will be the thought leaders down the road. This is a way to win it efficiently at the start. The challenge, though,” he says, “is that so much of this is in the dark.”


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FOCUS: The Republican Party Has Bowed, Completely, to the Mad King Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Friday, 22 December 2017 11:53

Pierce writes: "They're now running interference in the Russia probe and kissing the Trumpian ring."

The Republican Party. (photo: Getty)
The Republican Party. (photo: Getty)


The Republican Party Has Bowed, Completely, to the Mad King

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

22 December 17


They're now running interference in the Russia probe and kissing the Trumpian ring.

fter Wednesday’s extended carnival of sycophancy, in which the leaders of the institutions of American government did everything except toss a virgin into a volcano in tribute to the president*, it seems almost too obvious a thing to point out that the Republican Party has handed itself over to this president* as his personal chew-toy. They have figured out that flattering this walking ego is the way for them to get what they want, and he can’t live outside a constant bubble of counterfeit affection. It’s a marriage made several levels lower than heaven.

But there’s more to it than the revolting spectacle to which we were treated after the Loot the Joint Act of 2017 was passed. Over the past week, there has been a staggering welter of reporting about back-channels, hidden agendas, and covert shenanigans that makes the opaque creation of the tax bill look like a town meeting in Vermont. The phrase, “a small group of influential Republicans” has come to mean something very dark and crooked.

The inevitable assault on Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid is hardly a secret anymore. It’s the second stage of Paul Ryan’s grand plan, and everybody knows it. But there is a general effort now to prop up the administration*, especially as Robert Mueller and his hounds get to baying more audibly outside the wrought-iron fence. On Thursday morning, for example, Attorney General Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III, who previously recused himself from “all aspects” of the investigation into the Russian ratfcking of the 2016 presidential election, apparently has decided that the Uranium One “controversy” is not one of those aspects. From NBC News:

A senior law enforcement official who was briefed on the initial FBI investigation told NBC News there were allegations of corruption surrounding the process under which the U.S. government approved the sale. But no charges were filed. As the New York Times reported in April 2015, some of the people associated with the deal contributed millions of dollars to the Clinton Foundation. And Bill Clinton was paid $500,000 for a Moscow speech by a Russian investment bank with links to the transaction. Hillary Clinton has denied playing any role in the decision by the State Department to approve the sale, and the State Department official who approved it has said Clinton did not intervene in the matter. That hasn't stopped some Republicans, including President Trump, from calling the arrangement corrupt — and urging that Clinton be investigated

(Here I would like once again to congratulate The New York Times for getting into bed with Bannonite apparatchik Peter Schweitzer, whose book-like product, Clinton Cash, jump-started all of this nonsense.)

At the same time, according to Politico, Devin Nunes, the chairman of the House Intelligence Committee and midnight White House creeper, has been running a parallel “investigation” apparently aimed at pre-emptively discrediting whatever it is that Mueller finds.

The people familiar with Nunes' plans said the goal is to highlight what some committee Republicans see as corruption and conspiracy in the upper ranks of federal law enforcement. The group hopes to release a report early next year detailing their concerns about the DOJ and FBI, and they might seek congressional votes to declassify elements of their evidence. That final product could ultimately be used by Republicans to discredit special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into whether any Trump aides colluded with Russia during the 2016 campaign — or possibly even to justify his dismissal, as some rank-and-file Republicans and Trump allies have demanded. (The president has said he is not currently considering firing Mueller.) Republicans in the Nunes-led group suspect the FBI and DOJ have worked either to hurt Trump or aid his former campaign rival Hillary Clinton, a sense that has pervaded parts of the president’s inner circle. Trump has long called the investigations into whether Russia meddled in the 2016 election a “witch hunt,” and on Tuesday, his son Donald Trump Jr. told a crowd in Florida the probes were part of a “rigged system” by “people at the highest levels of government” who were working to hurt the president.

There is an undercurrent of shared fantasy now driving a Republican Party that controls all the institutions of the government and can do pretty much anything it wants, as long as it doesn’t get in its own way, for which it also has something of a gift. It is armored in unreality, which protects it from all the checks and balances to which this system of government is heir. Clinton sold all our uranium to Russia. The FBI conspired with the Clinton campaign against the Trump campaign. And all this unreality is being weaponized now to one purpose: to protect the presidency* of Donald Trump.

(Count me as someone who doesn’t believe that the president* will fire Mueller. Absent an uncontrollable fit of Trumpian pique, even I don’t think the president* is that stupid. I think the campaign to delegitimize Mueller and his investigation will go on as long as the investigation does. It will be said to be a waste of time and money. Smokescreens and squid ink will fly thick and fast until most of the country loses the plot entirely. The Russian ratfcking will be yet another something on which Experts Disagree. This was the game-plan the Reagan people used against Lawrence Walsh in Iran-Contra and, by and large, it worked. Of course, it all depends on sane people being able to keep this president* from having a nutty.)

I am sure that, among conservative intellectuals, there are some people sincerely and seriously opposed to the current president*. But among conservative Republican politicians of any influence, there are none. Bob Corker pretty much called the president* a lunatic, and now he’s profiting handsomely from being a performing seal like all the rest of them. Lindsey Graham is conceding putts at Bedminster and dreaming of being Secretary of State. Orrin Hatch may well be seen within the month, climbing up Mount Rushmore with a chisel between his teeth, ready to get to work. The Department of Justice is now acting as an adjunct to a Breitbart comment section.

And the members of the responsible committee of the House are acting at cross-purposes with each other, with some members meeting secretly to undermine their own investigation. (The Senate committee seems marginally more reasonable, for now, anyway. At the very least, they found someone to put gunpowder in Mark Warner’s oatmeal.) There is no such thing as #NeverTrump among Republicans anymore, and, because of that, the essential destructive corruption that is the very nature of this presidency* now has spread so widely that rooting it out completely may well be impossible. There is the shadow of ruin hanging over everything.


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Sanders Would Be the Instant Frontrunner for 2020 Print
Friday, 22 December 2017 09:26

Budowsky writes: "If Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) decides to run for president in 2020, he would be the instant frontrunner for the nomination and favored in the general election against Trump or any other GOP nominee."

Senator Bernie Sanders. (photo: Getty)
Senator Bernie Sanders. (photo: Getty)


Sanders Would Be the Instant Frontrunner for 2020

By Brent Budowsky, The Hill

22 December 17

 

he passage of the tax cut bill locks President Trump and Republicans in Congress together as the party of the rich and the rulers of the swampland in Washington. The stage is set for a historic progressive renaissance that will win the 2018 midterm elections and lead the nation after the 2020 presidential campaign.

The tax cut bill was designed to provide lavish financial windfalls to America’s wealthiest citizens, largest multinational conglomerates, leading money center banks and most powerful Wall Street firms.

Many middle-class citizens will receive modest and temporary tax cuts, which were cleverly created by Republicans to expire, unlike the lavish benefits given by the bill to our largest corporations, which were cleverly created by Republicans to be permanent.

However, between 5 and 10 percent of middle-class Americans, measured in the millions of voters, will be hit with a tax increase. What's more, countless Americans, comprising tens of millions of voters, will be whacked by insurance premium increases that will create anger against Trump and Republicans from these voters.

The tax bill has always been, and will remain, highly unpopular with voters who understand that this is “a tax cut for the rich” that offers them comparatively little benefit and imposes significant pain through insurance premium increases and, in some cases, tax increases.

Beneath the surface of American politics is a powerful and profound trend creating broad support for a progressive renaissance of historic dimension.

The Gilded Age abuses of the late 19th century were followed by the progressive renaissance under President Teddy Roosevelt. The Wall Street frenzies and socially unjust policies of the 1920s were followed by the progressive renaissance of Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal.

The Wall Street scandals and financial crash during the presidency of George W. Bush were followed by landslide Democratic victories in congressional elections and the huge victory of President Barack Obama in 2008.

History will repeat itself. The stage is set for a potentially epic Democratic landslide that could bring a Democratic House and even potentially a Democratic Senate after the 2018 midterm elections. It is increasingly likely that a progressive Democratic president and strong Democratic majorities in Congress could lead and govern the nation after the 2020 presidential campaign.

If Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) decides to run for president in 2020, he would be the instant frontrunner for the nomination and favored in the general election against Trump or any other GOP nominee. If Sanders decides not to run, there is a strong likelihood that the ultimate nominee will campaign, win and govern as a true progressive in the Sanders mold.

When historians look back on the Sanders campaign in 2016, they will note two fundamentally important and lasting contributions that Sanders and his supporters made.

First, the Sanders platform in the 2016 primaries, which was significantly but not fully included in the Democratic platform at the convention, will provide the policy blueprint for the next Democratic presidential campaign and the next great Democratic president.

The progressive populist policies of William Jennings Bryan evolved into the progressive populist presidency of Teddy Roosevelt. The populist policies of Teddy Roosevelt, when he campaigned to regain the presidency as the progressive candidate after abandoning the Republican Party, were largely incorporated by Franklin Roosevelt into his New Deal.

Similarly, the programs championed by Sanders in 2016 will largely be adopted in the Democratic platform in 2020 and fervently championed by the 2020 nominee, whether it is Sanders or a similar candidate.

The second historic legacy of the Sanders campaign in 2016 was that he challenged, and defeated, the old style campaign fundraising paradigm of previous major candidates. It was revolutionary and historic that Sanders energized a gigantic army of small donors and became a fundraising leader who changed campaign fundraising forever.

The Sanders small-donor paradigm thrives today in the pro-Sanders group, Our Revolution, and in the enormous impact small donors have had since 2016, most recently in the Alabama Senate election.

The most profound political change in 2017 is that the Trump presidency and the GOP rule in the House and Senate that produced bills that most Americans oppose and many consider legislative monstrosities, fomented a powerful and growing resistance that provoked a huge turnout from anti-Trump and anti-GOP voters in elections throughout 2017.

While the Trump and Republican tax cuts will create yet another substantial increase in income inequality in America, they will provoke an equally substantial further increase in Democratic voter turnout to “throw the bums out.”

While Trump and Trump Republicans in Congress now speak as one and lavishly praise each other while celebrating the tax bill that most Americans oppose, the stage is set for the progressive renaissance that will bring far greater celebrations after its ultimate repeal.

It will either be led by Sanders or a candidate like Sanders, who will turn the progressive vision into the law of the land after the 2018 and 2020 elections.

Brent Budowsky was an aide to former Sen. Lloyd Bentsen (D-Texas) and former Rep. Bill Alexander (D-Ark.), who was chief deputy majority whip of the U.S. House of Representatives. He holds an LLM in international financial law from the London School of Economics.


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Will Trump Fire Mueller? What You Need to Know Print
Friday, 22 December 2017 09:24

Dreyfuss writes: "Will the president who fired FBI Director James Comey in May - against the advice of many of his closest advisers, including Steve Bannon - demand the ouster of Special Counsel Robert Mueller as soon as this week? Truth is, no one knows."

Special Counsel Robert Mueller after a closed meeting with members of the Senate Judiciary Committee on June 21st. (photo: Alex Wong/Getty)
Special Counsel Robert Mueller after a closed meeting with members of the Senate Judiciary Committee on June 21st. (photo: Alex Wong/Getty)


Will Trump Fire Mueller? What You Need to Know

By Bob Dreyfuss, Rolling Stone

22 December 17


Aides urge restraint, but allies warn of a special counsel "coup d'etat"

ill the president who fired FBI Director James Comey in May – against the advice of many of his closest advisers, including Steve Bannon – demand the ouster of Special Counsel Robert Mueller as soon as this week? Truth is, no one knows. And that probably includes Trump himself, who said on Monday that he has no intention of firing Mueller. Yet, it could happen. And if it does, it will plunge the country into a constitutional crisis and a political civil war.

Around Trump, some of his friends, members of Congress and supporters in the media are sounding the alarm about Mueller, whose investigation into possible Trump-Russia collusion seems to be closing in on the White House, and their rhetoric is getting downright apocalyptic. Christopher Ruddy, the Newsmax exec who is one of Trump's confidantes, and who says he's spoken to Trump about the special counsel, told ABC's This Week, "Robert Mueller poses an existential threat to the Trump presidency." And a chorus of Republicans and right-wing media personalities have echoed each other, calling Mueller's investigation part of a coup against the president.

Rep. Matt Gaetz, the Florida Republican who serves on the House Judiciary Committee, said, "We are at risk of a coup d'état in this country if we allow an unaccountable person, with no oversight, to undermine the duly elected president of the United States." Fox News provocateur Jesse Watters said, "We have a coup on our hands in America"; Kellyanne Conway, counselor to the president, who was being interviewed by Watters, seemed to agree. And Gov. Mike Huckabee, whose daughter is Trump's press secretary, tweeted, "It's an attempted coup d'etat."

In recent statements and tweets, President Trump himself has demeaned the FBI, accused Mueller of using underhanded tactics ("quite sad to see that"), called Attorney General Jeff Sessions "weak" and disparaged Rod Rosenstein, the deputy U.S attorney general who oversees Mueller, as "a Democrat." And, of course, Trump has repeatedly attacked the Mueller investigation as a "hoax" and a "witch hunt." Against the background of the outcry from his allies, it not at all unreasonable to think the president is getting ready to act.

To be sure, most of the people around Trump, including his legal team, are counseling the president to be patient, to stay the course and to let Mueller finish his investigation, and some aides are trying to calm the waters. Marc Short, a top White House aide, told NBC's Meet the Press this week, "There's no conversation about [firing Mueller] in the White House whatsoever."

Their advice is well-reasoned. Each of the options theoretically available to the president – ordering the firing of Mueller, defunding or disbanding the Office of the Special Counsel, demanding orders be given that Mueller restrict his inquiry to certain areas only, or pardoning any or all of the people already indicted or who might be charged – risk driving the White House into dangerous, uncharted territory. Any of those actions is guaranteed to result in an uproar, one that would rally Democrats, rip apart the Republican Party, galvanize public opinion against the president and trigger widespread calls for his impeachment. "Firing Mueller would cause a severe political upheaval," Rep. Eric Swalwell, a California Democrat who sits on the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, tells Rolling Stone. "It would create a constitutional crisis, and I believe it would be a clear case of obstruction of justice."

But Trump might do it anyway, like Samson toppling the pillars of the temple (Judges 16:29). Trump is nothing if not erratic and pugnacious, with contempt for the Washington establishment and for basic rules of civility and America's legal and constitutional order. As his Twitter rants and penchant for knife-like personal attacks on those who challenge him reveal, his first instinct – learned at the knee of a vicious, street-fighting lawyer, the late Roy Cohn – is to punch back, and hard. So it's impossible to rule out the likelihood that a man frequently given to rages inside the confines of the White House could erupt, Captain Queeg-like, and demand Mueller's head.

Were he to do so, there'd be both legal and political pushback. Under the Justice Department rules that govern special counsels, Mueller can only be fired for good cause, not on an arbitrary whim of the president's. So, if Mueller were fired without good cause, both Mueller and the DOJ would have grounds to challenge the firing in court, according to Lawfare's Jack Goldstein, a professor at Harvard Law School. Furthermore, Trump can't do the deed himself; he'd have to ask Rosenstein to do it. But Rosenstein, who appointed Mueller, has already made it clear he sees no good reason to fire him – and would certainly refuse, choosing to resign. Then, Trump would have to work his way down DOJ's food chain until he found an official who'd agree to fire Mueller, perhaps after a series of explosive and high-profile refusals and resignations. (See: Richard Nixon's 1973 Saturday Night Massacre.) Still, none of this means Trump won't do it, especially if he believes Mueller poses an "existential threat" to his tenure.

Besides the legal challenges and procedural obstacles, firing Mueller is guaranteed to trigger widespread calls for Trump's impeachment among members of Congress. But would those calls succeed? Impeaching Trump would require a majority vote in the House of Representatives and then a two-thirds majority vote in the Senate – and given the extreme polarization in Congress and the seeming willingness of elected GOP officials to accept virtually anything that Trump does, it's by no means clear that the president couldn't survive.

Meanwhile, opposition to Trump would skyrocket, among Democrats, among the public, in the media and among legal scholars. (MoveOn.org has already planned hundreds of protest rallies across the country immediately to follow Mueller's potential ouster.) The president's approval rating, already in the mid-30s, would plummet. As Eric Holder, who served as President Obama's attorney general, tweeted, "Any attempt to remove Bob Mueller will not be tolerated."

And consider, for one moment, the darkest and scariest possibilities that could follow a showdown over Mueller. The very foundations of our legal and constitutional system would be shaken to the core, and at the top, in the White House, there would be a besieged and vindictive man with authoritarian proclivities. Would Trump call on his hard-core, white nationalist supporters, many of whom are armed and angry, to take to the streets? Would he threaten to call on the military and the National Guard? Would he order military action overseas to distract the country from the political crisis at home? Such scenarios, given Trump's temper and unpredictability, don't seem unthinkable.

Last week, Rosenstein sat down before a hearing of the House Judiciary Committee, where for several hours a phalanx of GOP members of Congress ripped into him, the department, Mueller and Russiagate. Among the most vocal were Reps. Jim Jordan of Ohio, Trey Gowdy of South Carolina – the former prosecutor who led the years-long Benghazi hearings targeting Hillary Clinton – and, last but not least, Matt Gaetz. After the hearing, Gaetz told CNN's Chris Cuomo, "Congress has an obligation to expose what I believe is a corrupt investigation and I call on my Republican colleagues to join me in firing Bob Mueller." Worryingly, the week before the Rosenstein hearing, Gaetz had a tete-a-tete with Trump, joining the president aboard Air Force One on a political trip in support of failed U.S. Senate candidate Roy Moore of Alabama. And it's advice like Gaetz's that the mercurial Trump is most likely to take to heart.


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We're Not in Kansas Anymore? More Like, We Will All Be in It Soon Enough. Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=40776"><span class="small">Dan Rather, Dan Rather's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Thursday, 21 December 2017 14:18

Rather writes: "The headlines and many of the news writers are calling this big tax bill a 'win' for President Trump and the Republicans in Congress. I suppose it is, as far as it goes. That is if you define wins and losses solely in vote tallies and Presidential signatures. But is it a win for America?"

Dan Rather. (photo: CBS)
Dan Rather. (photo: CBS)


We're Not in Kansas Anymore? More Like, We Will All Be in It Soon Enough.

By Dan Rather, Dan Rather's Facebook Page

21 December 17

 

he headlines and many of the news writers are calling this big tax bill a "win" for President Trump and the Republicans in Congress. I suppose it is, as far as it goes. That is if you define wins and losses solely in vote tallies and Presidential signatures. But is it a win for America? Or even the long-term political fortunes of the Republican party?

That seems to be a pretty short-termed assessment. This bill is unpopular - very unpopular. The Republicans say they can sell it to the public, but they are having a hard time just explaining it to themselves. If you can't get a simple narrative in order, that usually suggests there is something wrong with the underlying policy.

The truth is that according to most non-partisan economic analysts who have studied the bill, this tax "cut" is really a handout to the rich and powerful. And it will almost assuredly enrich individual members of Congress - and almost definitely the President and his family. Of course we would know a lot more about that if he released his tax returns. This tax bill also explodes the deficit (all those deficit hawks seemed to have long since fled the aerie for the green pasture of donor dollars)

Perhaps all the naysayers will be proven wrong. But I sense that this will be a rallying cry for diverse constituencies who really don't like to think that they are being played for suckers by Washington lobbyists, Wall Street and cynical elected representatives. There is a state model for what is happening here. It's Kansas, and if you want to google it the results aren't pretty. We're not in Kansas anymore? More like, we will all be in it soon enough.

Thankfully laws are written on paper and not in stone. A new Congress and eventually a new President could lead the way to fiscal sanity. But damage, perhaps a lot of damage, could lie in its wake.

Perhaps this is a teaching moment about the idea of a Pyrrhic victory.


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