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If Corporations Are People, Some of Them Should Go to Jail Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Friday, 01 February 2019 09:11

Pierce writes: "But we'll settle for the people who run them."

Massachusetts Attorney General Maura Healey. (photo: Getty)
Massachusetts Attorney General Maura Healey. (photo: Getty)


If Corporations Are People, Some of Them Should Go to Jail

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

01 February 19


But we'll settle for the people who run them.

p in the Commonwealth—God save it!—we have this attorney general named Maura Healey. She isn't the biggest person, but she's a former Boston College point guard who can still play. And she is not someone whose attention you want to draw, especially if you happen to be someone working scams that end up killing people and starting nationwide epidemics.

The Sackler family, which got rich developing and marketing Oxycontin, has drawn Healey's attention. From WBUR:

"I promise you that we will hold opioid makers accountable for the role they played in creating this crisis...we will do whatever it takes to hold this company accountable and get the justice our families so deserve," she said Wednesday during her inauguration — and she's making good on that promise.

In a complaint filed against the company that makes the opioid painkiller OxyContin, Healey alleges Purdue and its owners deceived Massachusetts doctors and patients in an effort to get more people to use its drugs — even though they knew the drugs are addictive and deadly. The complaint is the first to name individuals of the Sackler family, and alleges that they and Purdue executives directed misleading sales and marketing practices that influenced doctors to prescribe more opioids to vulnerable patients.

On January 15, Healey's office filed a massive amount of documents in support of its lawsuit. In those documents are statements and corporate communications pried out of Purdue Pharmaceuticals that clearly indicated that Richard Sackler, the company's former president, aggressively marketed the opioid, consequences be damned. From Boston Magazine:

The first came in 1997, when Sackler told a crowd at a launch party for OxyContin about Purdue’s plans to make the powerful painkiller a smash hit in hospitals around the country. “The launch of OxyContin tablets,” he allegedly said, “will be followed by a blizzard of prescriptions that will bury the competition. The prescription blizzard will be so deep, dense, and white.” Later, in his zeal to take over the market for pain drugs, the documents allege, Sackler sent an email with advice on how to deal with a pesky problem executives faced: addicts.“We have to hammer on abusers in every way possible,” he wrote, the documents show. “They are the culprits and the problem. They are reckless criminals.”

Get them hooked and then blame them for it. Crack dealers are more warm-blooded than these quotes make this guy out to be.

The documents detail efforts to court doctors and hospitals, including Tufts and Mass General, and the blind eye Purdue allegedly turned to over-prescribing and other issues that fueled the epidemic, which has led to the deaths of thousands in Massachusetts and around the country.

And, because you can count on thoroughgoing bastards to be, well, thorough, according to ProPublica, Purdue not only created and sustained a market for opioid addicts, it bought into the industry of curing them, too.

In internal correspondence beginning in 2014, Purdue Pharma executives discussed how the sale of opioids and the treatment of opioid addiction are “naturally linked” and that the company should expand across “the pain and addiction spectrum,” according to redacted sections of the lawsuit by the Massachusetts attorney general. A member of the billionaire Sackler family, which founded and controls the privately held company, joined in those discussions and urged staff in an email to give “immediate attention” to this business opportunity, the complaint alleges.

The interesting thing about this complaint is that it was lodged not merely against the company, but against the individuals who run it. This is the kind of thing of which we need a lot more. Corporations are people, too, my friend, and some of them should go to jail.

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Why I Strongly Oppose US Intervention in Venezuela Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=50063"><span class="small">Ro Khanna, The Washington Post</span></a>   
Friday, 01 February 2019 09:11

Khanna writes: "The Trump administration's embrace of the self-proclaimed new leader of Venezuela, Juan Guaido, reeks of the highly ambitious social engineering that has been at the cornerstone of neoconservative thinking for a century. The old gang is back at it."

Venezuela's opposition leader, Juan Guaidó, speaks during a rally in Caracas, Venezuela, January 26. (photo: Andres Martinez Casares/Reuters)
Venezuela's opposition leader, Juan Guaidó, speaks during a rally in Caracas, Venezuela, January 26. (photo: Andres Martinez Casares/Reuters)


Why I Strongly Oppose US Intervention in Venezuela

By Ro Khanna, The Washington Post

01 February 19

 

he Trump administration’s embrace of the self-proclaimed new leader of Venezuela, Juan Guaidó, reeks of the highly ambitious social engineering that has been at the cornerstone of neoconservative thinking for a century. The old gang is back at it.

Vice President Pence has teamed up with national security adviser John Bolton and new special envoy for Venezuela Elliott Abrams to argue that it is our moral responsibility to stand up to Nicolás Maduro’s regime and support a new government that will be friendlier to us. Sound familiar? This is the same argument that led to U.S. blunders in Iraq, Honduras, Syria, Libya and elsewhere. Again and again, there is no respect for the United Nations Charter that makes it illegal under international law to seek regime change.

To be sure, Maduro is an authoritarian leader who has presided over unfair elections, failed economic policies, extrajudicial killings by police, food shortages and cronyism with military leaders. But before we intervene in another nation, we must, at the very least, pause to ask whether our efforts will make a bad situation even worse.

For decades, I have watched neoconservatives paint those who oppose their interventionism as appeasers of dictators standing in solidarity with socialists, soft on Russia, naive about terrorism, lacking moral clarity and unappreciative of America’s unique role in the world. The truth is such jingoism scares off dissent at a time when it is most needed. Progressives unfortunately seem to win the argument after the fact, decrying interventions years after the human suffering and financial costs are all too obvious. Should we not ask the difficult questions before we get ourselves into another mess?

It is theoretically possible that our gamble to recognize Guaidó will shift the military’s allegiances and begin an orderly transition to a new regime that will improve life for Venezuelans. But there is also a strong likelihood that foreign aggression will lead to chaos and bloodshed. What if the military splits and doesn’t fully align with Guaidó? There are many among the military brass who still revere Maduro’s predecessor and role model, Hugo Chávez; they could fight the opposition on the streets or even as insurgents, especially if Guaidó is seen as a beneficiary of American help.

More problematically, Venezuela is an armed nation with 1.6 million people in its civil militia. They could resent our involvement and fight foreign interference. There is a risk that overt American support for Guaidó could shore up Maduro’s base and trigger displays of military force, potentially plunging Venezuela into a civil war. Precisely because of this, the charter of the Organization of American States (OAS), to which the United States is a signatory, prohibits foreign intervention.

The Trump administration was also misguided in announcing Monday drastic new sanctions against Venezuela’s state-owned oil firm. This is likely to accelerate Venezuela’s economic collapse and lead to a new explosion of migrants — an irony given Trump’s obsession with building a wall to keep migrants out.

Aside from ending these new sanctions, what should the United States do to address the suffering in Venezuela? Congress should pass a resolution supporting Pope Francis’ approach of a “just and peaceful solution” to the crisis. More than any political leader, the pope understands the primary risk is not which regime is in power, but a potential “bloodbath,” as he put it. Both the Venezuelan and American people will be better served by a negotiated solution between Maduro and Guaidó than by a conflict that leads to increased instability and violence.

Congress must also make it clear to the Trump administration that military action in Venezuela requires congressional authorization. If Trump does take military action without congressional authorization, I am prepared to invoke the War Powers Act to remove our troops from the conflict as I have done in the case of Yemen.

The United States should lend its support to diplomatic efforts to find some form of power-sharing agreement between opposition parties, and only until fair elections can take place, so that there is an orderly transition of power. Mexico and Uruguay have already proposed a “new process of inclusive and credible negotiations” to seek a peaceful resolution to the conflict. Rather than defer to Pence, Bolton and Abrams, Trump should follow a policy of responsible restraint when it comes to Venezuela. Progressives need to stand up firmly to the neocons who have hijacked much of this administration.

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Trump Comes Out Strongly Against Intelligence Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9160"><span class="small">Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Thursday, 31 January 2019 13:34

Borowitz writes: "Using some of his harshest rhetoric in recent memory, President Donald J. Trump came out strongly against intelligence on Wednesday morning."

Members of the U.S. Intelligence Community. (photo: Getty)
Members of the U.S. Intelligence Community. (photo: Getty)


Trump Comes Out Strongly Against Intelligence

By Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker

31 January 19

 

The article below is satire. Andy Borowitz is an American comedian and New York Times-bestselling author who satirizes the news for his column, "The Borowitz Report."


sing some of his harshest rhetoric in recent memory, President Donald J. Trump came out strongly against intelligence on Wednesday morning.

“I’ve listened to these people with so-called intelligence go on and on, and, quite frankly, it’s a waste of time,” he said. “I know a lot more than people with intelligence do.”

Trump added that he has stopped receiving intelligence briefings at the White House, arguing, “I can do my job without any intelligence whatsoever.”

He said that he has chosen, instead, to seek advice from his son-in-law, Jared Kushner, and from his elder children, Ivanka, Eric, and Donald, Jr. “You won’t find a trace of intelligence in anything they say,” he boasted.

At a briefing for the White House press corps, the President’s press secretary, Sarah Huckabee Sanders, denied that Trump’s war on intelligence was a new development. “Intelligence has never played a role in Donald Trump’s life,” she said.

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The National Emergencies Act Was Never Meant for Something Like Trump's Wall Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=50061"><span class="small">Gerald S. Dickinson, The Washington Post</span></a>   
Thursday, 31 January 2019 13:34

Dickinson writes: "Trump's threat to declare an emergency is an arguably 'frivolous' and 'partisan' matter unconnected and unrelated to defending the country from an 'essential' problem."

Prototypes of border walls in San Diego in October 2017. (photo: Elliot Spagat/AP)
Prototypes of border walls in San Diego in October 2017. (photo: Elliot Spagat/AP)


ALSO SEE: Pelosi: No Wall Money in US Border Deal Talks

The National Emergencies Act Was Never Meant for Something Like Trump's Wall

By Gerald S. Dickinson, The Washington Post

31 January 19


The history of the law shows the White House would be misusing its powers.

ith the federal government now reopened, President Trump is threatening to invoke the National Emergencies Act as a lever to find money for the construction of a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border — a policy that Congress very clearly does not support. Soon after announcing Friday that he would sign legislation to fund the government for three weeks, Trump declared, “If I don’t get a fair deal from Congress … I will use the powers afforded to me … to address this emergency.” He says he has the “absolute right” to declare a national emergency and order the military to build the wall to stop the threat of “illegal immigration” in the country. But the real threat is the specter of a sitting president wielding emergency powers to implement a public policy he can’t persuade Congress, let alone the public, to support. The law Trump is threatening to use was never meant to allow something like this.

Throughout the mid-1970s, Congress debated whether to terminate certain authorities given to the president to declare a national emergency. In particular, U.S. involvement in Vietnam and Cambodia piqued the interest of several members of Congress, who demanded a special study of the consequences of terminating a 1950 national emergency proclamation regarding the Vietnam War. At the time, the nation had technically been under a state of emergency for more than 40 years. Those emergency powers were extraordinary: The president could, among other things, restrict travel, seize property, organize and control the means of production and assign military forces abroad.

For example, Franklin D. Roosevelt declared a national emergency to combat the Great Depression days after he took office. Harry S. Truman attempted to seize steel mills amid a strike during the Korean War. Richard Nixon invoked the power amid a postal workers' strike. A year later, Nixon declared a national emergency again to impose controls on foreign trade. Although Truman’s exercise of the emergency power was thwarted by the Supreme Court in Youngstown Steel v. Sawyer, the substance of the majority and concurring opinions offer useful insight into today’s debate about circumventing Congress to achieve a policy goal.

Justice Robert Jackson, for example, wrote an extraordinary concurring opinion in Youngstown. He looked to history as a road map for why restraints on executive emergencies powers were crucial to our constitutional republic. Germany’s Weimar constitution, Jackson wrote, was designed to secure civil liberties in the Western tradition, yet “the President of the Republic, without concurrence of the Reichstag, was empowered temporarily to suspend any or all individual rights if public safety and order were seriously disturbed or endangered … in 13 years suspension of rights was invoked on more than 250 occasions. Finally, Hitler persuaded President von Hindenburg to suspend all such rights, and they were never restored. …”

Likewise, Jackson noted that Britain went through both world wars under a “sort of temporary dictatorship created by legislation.” This, some argued, was the “high-water mark in the voluntary surrender of liberty.” But as Winston Churchill noted, the parliamentary regime “stands custodian of these surrendered liberties, and its most sacred duty will be to restore them in their fullness when victory has crowned our exertions and our perseverance.” In other words, Jackson was comforted by “parliamentary controls [that] made emergency powers compatible with freedom . . . only when control [of emergency powers] is lodged elsewhere than in the Executive who exercises them.”

Even the French Republic, which operated under a similar emergency regime called the “state of siege,” was cited as an example of why executive restraints are necessary. Jackson noted that the French had essentially secured limitations in that the emergency powers “could not be assumed at will by the Executive” but, instead, permitted only by parliamentary action.

To temper the potentially dictatorial powers available to the president, Congress stepped in to enact the National Emergencies Act to ensure that proper safeguards were in place to allow for congressional review when the president declared an emergency.

Sens. Frank Church (D-Idaho) and Charles Mathias (R-Md.) were especially interested in getting the act passed as soon as possible. Their bipartisan efforts stand in sharp contrast to today’s hyperpartisan political climate over the border wall fight.

Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.) recently called for Trump to invoke the powers no matter how the shutdown was resolved. Rep. Mark Meadows (R-S.C.) said, “Obviously, a national emergency declaration is an option but it should be the last option used.” Rep. Mo Brooks (R-Ala.) supports declaring an emergency to build an international wall simply because the “United States code says so.”

As co-chairs of the Special Committee on the Termination of National Emergencies, Church and Mathias led a bipartisan effort to study the history of national emergencies. They reported grave concerns about the powers granted to the executive before then. Their objection to granting “absolute” power was founded on legitimate principles of limiting executive powers and, at the very least, giving Congress oversight authority when the president invoked the powers.

It’s clear from the congressional record that Church and Mathias were acutely aware of and sought to prohibit a future president from taking advantage of the emergency powers for partisan and policy purposes. They worked for several years to persuade colleagues to insert provisions into the bill to ensure that Congress would exercise continuing oversight of any future emergencies. Although congressional testimony and legislative history is not binding law, they serve as a useful window to peer into statements made long ago by those who once debated the very law that has generated so much controversy among members from Congress — and the public — today.

Perhaps most enlightening is Church’s testimony during a hearing before the Committee on Government Operations on Feb. 25, 1976. There, he explained that the president “should not be allowed to invoke emergency authorities or in any way utilize the provision of [the National Emergencies Act] for frivolous or partisan matters, nor for that matter in cases where important but not ‘essential’ problems are at stake.

Trump’s threat to declare an emergency is an arguably “frivolous” and “partisan” matter unconnected and unrelated to defending the country from an “essential” problem. Illegal immigration across the southwest border is an “important” problem to address — and Congress has already given, in the Secure Fence Act of 2006, the secretary of Homeland Security the power to take action that is “necessary and appropriate” to secure the border with fencing and patrol. In fact, the offer from Democrats during negotiations to reopen the government to approve additional funding for border security advances prior efforts by Congress under the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack Obama.

But the situation along the border arguably does not rise, in the words of Church, to an “essential” problem now, nor is the construction of a physical contiguous border wall a necessary solution. (It’s hard to take seriously the idea that a years-long construction project is an emergency action, if only because it wouldn’t have any effect until well into the future.) Illegal crossings are at the lowest ebb since the Clinton administration. Although Trump cites migrant caravans as evidence of an emergency, those caravans are not crossing the border illegally but, rather, arriving at legal ports of entry to request asylum, as the law permits. Half of the undocumented immigrants in the United States arrive legally through airports but then overstay their visas. Likewise, there is simply no empirical evidence to suggest that thousands of terrorists are crossing the border illegally.

All this strongly suggests that threatening to invoke an emergency to build the wall is a “frivolous” decision influenced by partisanship, not by responding to an essential problem.

Church’s parting words in his 1976 testimony are noteworthy: “Congress should be forewarned that it is inherent in the nature of modern government that the Executive will seek to enlarge its power in small ways and large.” That’s exactly what Trump is trying to do today.

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RSN: 46 Ways a BIG Green New Deal Can Raise the Spirit of Godmother Eleanor Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=50060"><span class="small">Joel Segal and Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Thursday, 31 January 2019 12:51

Excerpt: "The Green New Deal's demand to make our energy system 100% renewable has become central to the new American Dream. It's essential to our survival, both economically and ecologically."

Young activists demonstrate in favor of a Green New Deal at the U.S. Capitol building. (photo: Civil Eats)
Young activists demonstrate in favor of a Green New Deal at the U.S. Capitol building. (photo: Civil Eats)


46 Ways a BIG Green New Deal Can Raise the Spirit of Godmother Eleanor

By Joel Segal and Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News

31 January 19

 

he Green New Deal’s demand to make our energy system 100% renewable has become central to the new American Dream. It’s essential to our survival, both economically and ecologically.

But the original New Deal, whose Godmother was Eleanor Roosevelt, embraced a broad vision of remaking society as a whole. It aimed to end poverty, win social justice, promote the arts, and much, much more.

So here’s a partial list of New Deal-style changes to create a fair, decent, sustainable world. We welcome your own suggestions at www.solartopia.org.

  1. All power generation must come, no later than 2030, from 100% renewable sources, primarily wind and solar, but also from ocean thermal, geothermal, wave and tidal technologies, eco-friendly biomass, and more.

  2. All such facilities must be produced and sited in harmony with the natural and socially-just human environment.

  3. Environmentally sound batteries must be deployed to guarantee continuity of supply, with massive increases in funding for research into new technologies based on cheap, widely available, eco-friendly materials.

  4. Deployment of these large-scale batteries must be accompanied by a global infrastructure established to collect, reuse, and recycle all old batteries of any and all sizes, keeping them out of landfills, where they’re an eco-disaster.

  5. A massive push for increased efficiency, as with LED lighting, must be rapidly deployed to minimize future energy consumption while enhancing output.

  6. This new green energy system must be structured to ensure maximum local ownership and control through the use of micro-grids and other community-based networks, to maximize the democratization of our power supply.

  7. Our entire transportation system must be converted to electric power, with a major new grid of public-owned mass transit and commuter bike paths to ease the crisis of traffic jams plaguing our cities.

  8. The production of gas-fired internal-combustion vehicles must be banned by 2030.

  9. All existing fossil and nuclear fuel burners must be shut to counteract the climate chaos. Our energy system must be 100% clean and renewable by 2030.

  10. All residual fossil/nuke wastes must be managed with minimal damage to the eco-human future, especially as concerns the potential use of radioactive waste to make nuclear weapons.

  11. The Solartopian transition will create millions of jobs to be managed through a Green Jobs Corps that will provide retraining for at least three million workers and guarantee these jobs are unionized, well-paid, and open to all.

  12. While this conversion from obsolete fossil/nuke generators to green renewables will produce massive wealth, its interim up-front conversion costs will be covered with savings redirected from the imperial military.

  13. The transition will be guided by a “Brain Trust” of experts, activists, and administrators appointed by the Congressional Progressive Congress, operating through a Green Marshall Plan, Green Trust Fund, Green Labor Transition Fund, and other “alphabet agencies” to coordinate the various programs.

  14. A global campaign to collect, recycle, and reuse the countless tons of plastics spewed throughout our planet must be deployed in concert with a restructuring and ultimate phase-out of plastics production in a way to create maximum energy recapture and jobs production.

  15. American agriculture must transition from toxic pesticides, herbicides, and fertilizers into organics that will sustain a food supply that’s cleaner, cheaper, more reliable, and more abundant than today’s chemical-based disaster.

  16. The original New Deal’s Civilian Conservation Corps planted some 32 million trees; climate scientists have proposed planting six billion to serve as our best carbon sink, creating countless jobs along the way.

  17. Small-scale family/community-based farming must be encouraged to the greatest extent possible in place of environmentally destructive agribusiness.

  18. A national health system – “Medicare for All” – must be installed to guarantee all Americans adequate health care coverage.

  19. Such a program will create jobs while saving American society trillions in terms of reduced delivery costs, improved health, lowered anxiety, extended lifespans, reduced bankruptcies, and much more.

  20. A national program to reduce and ultimately eliminate residual medical debt must be enacted.

  21. A national program to rebuild and reboot our educational system must include hiring at least a million new teachers to reduce class sizes as much and as soon as possible.

  22. Our schools must be upgraded, removing lead pipes and asbestos while installing efficient lighting, insulation, and rooftop solar panels, saving billions annually.

  23. All community college tuition must be immediately eliminated, followed by all tuition at all other federal- and state-run institutions of higher learning.

  24. A national program to reduce and ultimately eliminate residual student debt must be enacted.

  25. Cannabis in all forms, including industrial hemp, must be wholly legalized.

  26. All citizens incarcerated for nonviolent cannabis-related offenses must be immediately released and their records expunged.

  27. All private prisons must be taken over by the community, with an end to internal violence, involuntary servitude, sexual abuse, and administrative corruption.

  28. All homelessness must end with sufficient affordable (eco-friendly) housing, social and psychiatric counseling, general health care, and other necessary programs for the mental, physical, and other health issues causing millions of Americans (many of them veterans) to be without decent shelter.

  29. All Americans who retire or who face special challenges should receive a minimum of $3,500/month through Social Security, SSDI, or unemployment payments.

  30. A Federal Unemployment Insurance Fund at the Department of Labor will strengthen support and retraining programs for those losing their jobs in the transition to the Solartopian economy.

  31. A “Federal Resiliency/Adaptation Fund” will work through FEMA to help communities devastated by global climate change.

  32. All US troops must come home. Our overseas bases must be sold and the empire dissolved. US military and covert agencies must refrain from further invasions of foreign countries and manipulations of their elections and other governmental operations – except in cases of mass murder and eco-destruction when joined by other forces in conjunction with a legitimate vote of the United Nations General Assembly.

  33. Funds thus saved will provide all Americans with the basics for a decent life, i.e., food, housing, clothing, medical care, transportation, and education.

  34. All US elections will use hand-marked, hand-counted paper ballots.

  35. Open-source electronic machines may be used to print ballots on demand at designated precincts, creating a digital image of all such ballots which can be electronically counted and recounted while preserving the original ballots for recounts, which shall be conducted freely and openly.

  36. All Congressional, state, and local legislative districts shall be drawn by independent, nonpartisan commissions.

  37. As per the Tillman Act of 1907, no corporation may contribute funds directly or indirectly, in cash or in kind, to any candidate running for public office.

  38. Individual contributions, in cash or in kind to any candidate for public office must be limited to $27.

  39. All discrimination based on race, gender, sexual preference, religion, different abling, or any other diverse aspect of the human panoply must end.

  40. The Progressive Caucus of Congress will establish a “Brain Trust” to engineer the Green Marshall Plan, Green Trust Fund, Green Labor Transition Trust Fund, and other agencies needed to administer the above.

  41. The Green Marshall Plan will pay for the upfront costs of building energy-efficient and solar-powered affordable housing and buildings to address the U.S. homeless and affordable housing crisis. We need to build about 7 million units of affordable housing, built by non-profit developers, or by the City entities such as Housing Authorities or other City housing agencies.

  42. The dedicated Green Trust Fund will have an ironclad revenue stream like the Medicare and Social Security Trust Funds to fund the Green Marshall Plan and Green New Deal, reverse the death tax (reinstate taxes on wealthy estates upon death – we lost hundreds of billions of dollars), reverse the Trump, George W. Bush, and Reagan tax cuts for the wealthy, tax millionaires and billionaires, levy a federal tax on e-cigarettes, end corporate welfare and off-shore bank accounts, levy a luxury tax on foreign automobiles such as Mercedes Benz, BMW, and yachts.

  43. The Green Labor Transition Fund of the Department of Labor will pay the salaries, housing, and benefits, for up to two years, for workers from the fossil fuel industry who will be trained and rehired in the new green economy.

  44. The Great Clean Renewable Energy Transition Plan will become a federal bill, accompanied by Hill briefings, town hall meetings, floor statements, and one-minutes on the House Floor. We need 170 co-sponsors by June 1, 2019, and a hearing and mark-up on the bill by June 1, 2019. We want the bill passed in the next two years.

  45. Getting this radical, transformative Green New Deal bill through Congress will demand a WWII-scale mobilization with a politically and strategically coordinated united front, inside and outside of Congress, and an unprecedented level of solidarity. A “critical mass” and “grand strategy” to defeat the fossil/nuke industry, Wall Street, the big banks, and “elected” officials owned by these corporate behemoths is a heavy lift. But there are more of us than them! And we have no choice.

  46. A massive new Green Arts Fund will sponsor a rebirth of public creativity, funding murals, plays, music, films, books, radio, TV, and internet works to echo the PWA, WPA and other public arts programs of the original New Deal, with enhanced funding for NPR, PBS, and other public news, information, and creative arts endeavors.

There is much more. We look forward to your Green New Solartopian suggestions at www.solartopia.org.

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Joel Segal is National Coordinator of the Justice Action Mobilization Network and former Senior Congressional Staffer for Rep. John Conyers. Harvey Wasserman’s Green Power & Wellness Show is podcast at prn.fm; California Solartopia is broadcast at KPFK-Pacifica, 90.7 fm, Los Angeles. His Life & Death Spiral of US History: From Deganawidah to Trump to Solartopia will soon be at www.solartopia.org.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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