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Was Mark Ruffalo Wrong to Accuse Israel of Genocide? |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51519"><span class="small">Juan Cole, Informed Comment</span></a>
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Wednesday, 02 June 2021 13:01 |
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Cole writes: "Is it bigoted to say that Israel is committing genocide against the Palestinians? No. Is it inaccurate? That is harder to say."
Actor Mark Ruffalo, on Capitol Hill in 2019. (photo: Getty)

Was Mark Ruffalo Wrong to Accuse Israel of Genocide?
By Juan Cole, Informed Comment
02 June 21
he great actor and great humanitarian Mark Ruffalo apologized on Twitter last week for asserting that Israel was committing “genocide” toward the Palestinians, saying that the accusation was inaccurate, inflammatory and disrespectful and he had thought better of it. He also implied that such language was related to anti-Semitic hate crimes.
So, is it bigoted to say that Israel is committing genocide against the Palestinians?
No.
Is it inaccurate? That is harder to say.
Is it inflammatory? I guess I would ask why that is an issue. Is it inflammatory to say that Myanmar has committed genocide against the Rohingya? The Burmese military junta’s feelings would certainly be hurt. But if they are committing genocide, then whether the charge is inflammatory or not is surely beside the point. Bringing up “inflammatory” is a form of special pleading, a logical fallacy.
Most of the countries in the world ratified the Genocide Convention in 1948, which put forward a set of definitions of genocide. These were incorporated unchanged into the 1998 Rome Statute that serves as a charter for the International Criminal Court (ICC), which came into being in 2002.
The definition is actually quite odd from a layperson’s point of view, since it does not actually require that large numbers of people be killed. Most of us think of genocide as mass murder, as with the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, who killed a fifth of the population.
The Rome Statute says,
“Article 6 – Genocide
For the purpose of this Statute, “genocide” means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
- a. Killing members of the group;
- B. Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;
- c. Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
- d.Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
- e. Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.
Note that this definition only requires that one of the five actions be committed for genocide to have taken place.
International law specialists have puzzled over this language, wondering what its lower limits are. How about if you just killed one member of an ethnic group (but on the grounds of the person’s ethnicity)? That would presumably fit section a). And does this action have to be plotted out deliberately, i.e., is it like first degree murder with regard to an individual?
At the very least, I don’t think it can be contested that Israel is “causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group” of Palestinians. It has the Gaza Strip under blockade in ways that harm the non-combatant population and there is plenty of evidence that this harm is intentional. Likewise, the creeping annexation of the Palestinian West Bank, involving the criminal flooding onto Palestinian land of Jewish Israeli squatters who usurp it, results in bodily and mental harm.
So if committing Article 6, section b is genocide, Israel is without any doubt guilty of it.
But note that it isn’t just causing bodily and mental harm that makes for genocide. It is doing it for the purpose of destroying a people.
And then we have to ask what it means to destroy a people. I think it is a plausible assertion that for Israel systematically to deny the 5 million Palestinians under its military occupation any right of citizenship in a state is intended to destroy them as a people. My late friend Baruch Kimmerling called it “politicide.” Israelis have often denied that there are any Palestinians and expressed a hope that they can be made to melt into a general “Arab” population. But Arabic is a language, not an ethnicity, and there are nearly 300 million speakers of Modern Standard Arabic. The Palestinians in Lebanon who were expelled from their homes by Zionist militias in 1947-48 still know they are Palestinians, and the Lebanese don’t let them forget it. Just as many American ethnicities may speak English but they don’t melt away as a result.
But, look. I can look at the Rome Statute and form an opinion as a historian on whether it seems to fit what Israel is doing to the Palestinians. The International Criminal Court will eventually likely rule on this matter, and then we’d be on firmer ground.
So Mr.Ruffalo’s second position, that the charge of genocide is inaccurate, is simply incorrect. It may be accurate or it may not be. It would depend on who wins the definitional arguments.
These things are very difficult to adjudicate. The government of deposed dictator Omar Bashir killed 300,000 people in Darfur and put large numbers of people in camps. But it is controversial whether he committed genocide in the sense of the term as used by the ICC. Did he really intend to destroy the Fur people? How much command and control was there on the ground such that he directed attacks? How do you tell the difference between putting down a regional guerrilla movement seeking more autonomy and simple genocide?
One thing is clear, though. For someone to look at the Rome Statute and then at what Israel is doing to Palestinians and for that person to conclude that it is genocide is a perfectly ordinary act of humane politics and there is nothing bigoted or inflammatory about it.
As for anti-Semitism, it is a serious problem in the United States. But it is not a legitimate demand that we not talk about Israeli torts toward Palestinians. It is important that people who stand for Palestinian rights also stand for the rights of Jewish individuals.
The most deadly change in the US atmosphere on that issue has in any case come not because people stand for Palestinian rights but because the US far right, including Trumpists, bought into the replacement theory that Jews back immigration to get cheap labor and make whites redundant.
It is also not legitimate to try to rule out criticism of Israel as anti-Semitic. That is mere propaganda. One can criticize the Mexican government without being anti-Latino, or the Zimbabwe government without being anti-Black. If anti-Semitism means anything it is the denunciation of bigotry toward a Jewish minority in a society. Criticizing what a state like Israel does with its F-16 fighter jets simply is not on the same plane.
All that said, it is also true that it is legitimate for someone to look at the Genocide Convention and to look at Israeli actions toward Palestinians and conclude, as Mr. Ruffalo did in the end, that those actions are not genocide.
The precise characterization is less important than an acknowledgment that it is wrong to keep Palestinians in a condition of statelessness and without basic human rights, and few have been as forthright in making that case publicly as Mr. Ruffalo.

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Biden's Provocative Pressure on Manchin and Sinema |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=25952"><span class="small">Aaron Blake, The Washington Post</span></a>
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Wednesday, 02 June 2021 12:58 |
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Blake writes: "For months, it has been clear that President Biden, once a staid defender of the at-times-arduous and long legislative process, has grown impatient with it."
President Joe Biden delivers remarks on the centennial anniversary of the Tulsa race massacre at the Greenwood Cultural Center in Tulsa, Okla., June 1, 2021. (photo: Carlos Barria/Reuters)

Biden's Provocative Pressure on Manchin and Sinema
By Aaron Blake, The Washington Post
02 June 21
or months, it has been clear that President Biden, once a staid defender of the at-times-arduous and long legislative process, has grown impatient with it. As a Democratic president with a pair of effective Democratic majorities in Congress, he sees this moment as the time to get big things done. But that same staid process he has often — including very recently — defended now poses his biggest hurdle, particularly given how slim Democrats’ majorities are.
On Tuesday, he offered perhaps his most forceful — yet still subtle — suggestion that Washington should change how it does business.
At an event in Tulsa commemorating the 100th anniversary of the massacre there, Biden spotlighted the hurdles to his agenda. In doing so, he turned attention to members of his own party.
“I hear all the folks on TV saying, ‘Why doesn’t Biden get this done?’ Well, because Biden only has a majority of effectively four votes in the House and a tie in the Senate, with two members of the Senate who vote more with my Republican friends,” he said. “But we’re not giving up.”
It wasn’t at all difficult to parse which two Democratic senators Biden had in mind: Joe Manchin III (D-W.Va.) and Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.). Perhaps Biden was indeed just being defensive about why he may not be able to get more done, but you could certainly be forgiven for thinking he chose to highlight those two senators in an effort to apply pressure on them.
But pressure for what?
Plenty of fact-checkers quickly noted a supposed problem with the argument. In fact, Manchin and Sinema have voted with Biden 100 percent of the time on big bills, according to FiveThirtyEight vote rankings.
But Biden’s argument wasn’t necessarily about that. And if you look at voting records over the past four years, he’s right to spotlight Manchin and Sinema. Among Democratic senators between early 2017 and early 2021, they voted with President Donald Trump more than any of their sitting Senate colleagues. Sinema’s record in particular, when you factor in the political lean of her constituency, skewed more toward Trump than any of her Democratic colleagues.
Manchin and Sinema haven’t been forced into a position in which they had to vote against the Democratic president on big bills. But their presence in a 50-50 Senate, no question, makes it more difficult to pass Biden’s agenda. Even the prospect of their “no” votes can mean legislation never actually comes to a vote.
As The Washington Post’s Sean Sullivan and Mike DeBonis wrote Tuesday, Manchin in particular is facing lots of party pressure to support Democrats’ voting rights bill. There are fears that if the senator from the second-Trumpiest state in the 2020 election strays from the party on voting rights, he could also torpedo future legislation on things such as climate change, gun control and immigration.
But it is Manchin’s and Sinema’s shared stance against reforming the Senate’s filibuster rules that poses the biggest roadblock to Biden’s agenda.
The effective 60-vote threshold the filibuster creates for most legislation means there’s a premium on Democratic unity to, at the very least, pressure Republicans to negotiate. It’s very doubtful that Republicans will suddenly warm to bipartisanship, given the example of the past decade-plus, but you can’t really press that issue if you can’t even win the votes of your own senators.
What’s perhaps most interesting to me about all this, though, is what it says about Biden and his approach.
There’s another guy who has supported maintaining the filibuster in the relatively recent past: Biden. The president defended the filibuster as recently as the 2020 campaign, but he has since gradually moved toward supporting a potential change, suggesting support for restoring the “talking filibuster” and possibly going even further than that.
But to make any changes, he needs all 50 Democratic senators to go along, including Manchin and Sinema.
Again, it’s possible that Biden’s comments on Tuesday were simply defensive when it comes to what lies ahead and the possibility that his agenda will go no further. But he’s also extremely studied in the ways of Washington, in which everyone knows calling out allies is dicey. He had to know that not terribly subtly spotlighting Manchin and Sinema would be viewed as provocative.
The potential downside is that you alienate those you depend upon. Manchin, in particular, has plenty of incentive not to align with Democrats’ agenda. (Indeed, you could certainly argue that Democrats should be happy to have a senator from deep-red West Virginia voting with them on much of anything.) Sinema has also proved rather strong-willed in the face of lots of pressure for her to fall in line and criticism from liberals on things such as voting against an amendment to increase the minimum wage to $15 per hour. (Her objection wasn’t to the increasw, but rather it being included in a coronavirus relief package.)
Manchin’s and Sinema’s offices declined to comment on Biden’s remarks.
If we’re reading into Biden’s comments on Tuesday, it’s that he recognizes that his agenda goes nowhere without keeping the troops in line — and that the possibility it completely stalls is very real. It also seems to be the latest iteration in his gradual warming to changing filibuster rules which, after all, is mostly what Manchin and Sinema are standing in the way of.
Keep an eye on whether he keeps it up; that will be the surest sign that he’s moving toward going nuclear.

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My COVID-19 Teaching Year |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=59657"><span class="small">Belle Chesler, Tom Dispatch</span></a>
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Wednesday, 02 June 2021 12:56 |
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Chesler writes: "It would be no exaggeration to say that I did not love my job this year, but I did it with diligence and fortitude because it was the way that I could still contribute."
Teachers and students had a very difficult school year. (photo: Frederic J. Brown/AFP)

My COVID-19 Teaching Year
By Belle Chesler, Tom Dispatch
02 June 21
I’ve thought about my situation more than once (who hasn’t?) in these pandemic months. As it happens, I was in the equivalent of a work lockdown for years before Covid-19 hit our shores. I deserted an office setting early in this century and I’ve been running TomDispatch, while editing books from the small office in my apartment in New York City, ever since.
Nonetheless, that was a voluntary act. My choice. As soon as the pandemic hit big-time and President Trump began to blow it even bigger time, I felt imprisoned in a way I never had before. It was eerie, really. And the moment only got worse in the many months it took until I got vaccinated. The masks went on, the bottle of hand sanitizer slipped into my pocket, and my friends fell away. Their apartments became half-remembered zones in a forbidden universe. (Two of them, even older than me, got desperately sick from Covid-19.) The restaurants we used to visit — not that we would have eaten in them in those pandemic months — largely became empty holes in a neighborhood filled with closed shops and vacant storefronts. Zoom and FaceTime were new and, for me at least, uncomfortable realities. The phone became my lifeline to the world. It couldn’t have been eerier, all in all, even if my wife and I didn’t face the full-scale suffering of so many Americans, from essential workers to those in danger of losing homes, livelihoods, everything that mattered, even their lives, in the pandemic moment.
It’s strange when you think about it. For all of us, this has been our year-plus personal nightmare, so who doesn’t have a story? How could we not? TomDispatch regular and public school teacher Belle Chesler (the daughter, I might add, of my first friend on Planet Earth) was one of those Americans locked into an all-too-essential occupation and yet locked away herself. What a tale of what a year she has to tell! Tom
-Tom Engelhardt, TomDispatch
My Covid-19 Teaching Year A World Unraveling Amid Smoke and Death and How One Teacher and Her Students Dealt With It
t seems appropriate that the 2020-2021 school year in Portland, Oregon, began amid toxic smoke from the catastrophic wildfires that blanketed many parts of the state for almost two weeks. The night before the first day of school, the smoke alarm in my bedroom went off. Looking back, I see it as a clarion call, a shrieking, beeping warning of all the threats, real and existential, we’d face in the year to come.
On that first day of what would be that fall’s online version of school, I was still reeling from the loss of one of my dear friends. As wildfires approached her remote Sonoma County, California, home, she chose to end her life. She’d spent the initial months of the pandemic isolated from friends and loved ones, her serene mountain retreat no longer offering solace. She left no note, only a tidied kitchen and, according to those who’d attended a virtual yoga class with her on the last day of her life, a peaceful smile. She was my friend and I loved her.
Marooned inside our house, all the windows and doors tightly sealed, I stared into the grid of black boxes on Zoom that now represented the students in my high-school visual arts classes. I wondered how I’d find the strength to carry us all through the year.
As I greeted them, the air inside my home was stale, smoky, and distinctly claustrophobic. It was becoming harder to breathe. I struggled to find words of uplift. What do you say when the world is burning up all around you?
Ad-Hoc Childcare
Unable to find solutions to the larger and more menacing threats outside my door, I shifted my focus to managing the chaos inside. My first and most pressing concern was what to do with my nine-year-old daughter during the school day. My husband, who works outside our home as a studio artist, was under contract for a job that would last much of the year, ensuring us needed income at a time when so many had none. However, it also left us in a new type of childcare bind.
Last spring, a few friends, also teachers, realized that it was going to be next to impossible to juggle parenting and homeschooling, while simultaneously running our own classrooms. In the spirit of self-preservation and of maintaining a shred of sanity, we decided that three days a week we’d set the kids up, masked — and with blankets and heaters once it got cold — on our porches or in open garages. We decided that, at the very least, left largely to themselves they’d develop skills of resiliency and independence, and learn to navigate their fourth-grade year together.
We put our trust in our kids and gave up control. In truth, we had little choice. We all felt lucky and incredibly privileged even to have such an option. No matter how imperfect, at least it was a plan. Our kids were old enough to make our ad-hoc solution work and they seemed desperate enough to socialize in the midst of a pandemic that they were willing to tough out Portland’s cold and rainy fall and winter outdoors together.
And so, until they resumed in-person learning in April 2021, our kids spent a majority of the school week together outside. When it was our day to host such a gathering, my husband set up the heaters, made sure the kids could log on, and left for work. For the rest of the school day, I would rush out to check on them between my classes, delivering food, warm tea, and more blankets if needed. I couldn’t, of course, monitor their classroom attendance or help them with their work, but at least I knew that they were together, and could rely on one another. I’d then retreat back to the little room that I’d converted from an art studio to an office/classroom in order to teach my own students.
Going It Alone
The energy, problem solving, and logistics involved in creating a “solution” to our individual childcare problems in the midst of a pandemic will undoubtedly be familiar to many parents. The disastrous spread of Covid-19 forced families to repeatedly engineer solutions to seemingly impossible, ever-evolving problems. It stretched families, especially women, to our breaking points.
It’s no wonder, then, that the push to restore the only support most of us rely on for free, consistent, and dependable childcare and resources — the public school — remains one of the most urgent and divisive issues of this period. However, the toxic dialogue that developed around in-person versus online learning created a false dichotomy and unnecessary rancor between parents and teachers. The idea that somehow there was a conflict between what teachers (like me, often parents, too) and non-teaching parents desired functionally obfuscated the true situation we all faced. Parents didn’t want their children to suffer and they needed the resources and childcare support schools provide. Teachers wanted a safe school environment for our students and us — and not one more person to die, ourselves included.
If nothing else, the pandemic served as a stark reminder of at least two things: that the nuclear family is not enough and that schools can’t be its sole safety net. The ethos of toxic individualism that permeates this society can’t sustain families in such crises (or even, often enough, out of them). It’s a shoddy stand-in for a more communal and federally subsidized version of such support.
Since March 2020, we’ve suffered as our children suffered because we’ve had to do so much without significant help. And yet teachers like me endured our jobs through those terrible months at enormous personal cost, even as we were repeatedly punished on the national stage for doing so. We were called selfish, accused of being lazy, and told to toughen up and shut up, even as the most unfortunate among us lost their lives. What’s been missing in this conversation is the obvious but often overlooked reality that many teachers are also parents. Almost half of all teachers have school-aged children at home and, let me just add, 76% of all public school teachers are women.
What Students Actually Learned This Year
By the time my aunt, who contracted Covid-19 in the spring of 2020, died of sudden and inexplicable heart failure in October, I was no longer able to pretend that my personal life was separate from my professional persona. Isolated from my larger family, I found myself grieving the loss of a beloved relative without the normal rituals or sort of support I would have had under other circumstances. On the morning of her death, I logged on as usual and taught each of my classes, digging deep to make it through the day. I then cooked, cleaned the house, answered emails, and negotiated my own sadness. There just wasn’t the space or time to stop and grieve.
Despite waking with a heavy heart morning after morning, I would still log on and try to connect with my students. I had to ask myself: if I was feeling this exhausted, worn-down, grief-stricken, and anxious, how were they feeling? I had the benefit of financial security, experience, and years of therapy, and I was still really struggling. My students were coping with the loss of their autonomy, routines, and social worlds. Some had lost family members to the virus, a few had even contracted it themselves. Others were taking care of younger siblings or working jobs as well to support desperate families. Some were simply depressed. It was a wonder that any of them showed up at all.
I decided I would have to shift my thinking about what learning should look like in that strange pandemic season. If my students owed me nothing and their time was a gift, then I would have to approach teaching with a kindness, openness, and willingness to listen unmatched in my 20 years in the profession. I showed up because I knew that, even if students were silent and didn’t turn their cameras on, most of them were actually there and were, in fact, taking in far more than they were being given credit for.
Extraordinary learning has taken place in this school year. It’s just not the learning we expected. All the hand-wringing and fears of students’ “falling behind,” not taking in specific material in the timelines we’ve adopted for them, reflect the setting of goalposts that are completely arbitrary. That way of thinking is rooted in viewing certain kinds of students as eternally deficient and their struggles as individual failings rather than indications of historically inequitable systemic design and deprivation, or extraordinary circumstances like those we faced together this year.
The skills and the knowledge we promote as most valuable are tied to workforce demands — not to what should count as actual life learning or growth. When you narrow achievement to what’s quantifiable, you miss so much. You fail to see just how infinitely resourceful and resilient kids can actually be. You ignore skills and learning that haven’t historically been considered valuable, because it can’t be quantified. We’ve become accustomed to looking for skills that can be neatly measured and distributed like any other commodity. We’ve adopted standardized benchmarks, standardized modes of assessment, standardized testing, and standardized curriculum, but the truth of the matter is that knowledge is rarely neat and tidy, or immediately measurable.
This year our children figured out how to navigate complex technologies and online platforms, and many did so, despite considerable disadvantages. They had to learn how to self-regulate, how to deal with complex time management, often under genuinely difficult circumstances at home. Older students sometimes had to sort out not just how to manage their own schooling, but that of younger siblings. Some of my students demonstrated extraordinary emotional growth. Sometimes, they would even talk with me about how the pandemic had shifted their understanding of themselves and their relationships. They learned the beauty of slowing down and the preciousness of family and friends. They have a far clearer sense now of what’s most worth valuing in life as they step back into a world radically altered by Covid-19.
As it happens, much of their learning has taken place outside school walls, so they’ve developed a deeper understanding of the forces that shape and control their world. Students in Oregon watched climate crises unfold in the form of catastrophic wildfires in the fall and terrible ice storms in the winter. Together, we all had a real-time civics lesson in the fragility of our democracy. They watched — and a number participated in — a civil-rights uprising. They experienced their families and their communities being torn apart by political divisions, conspiracy theorizing, and a deadly virus. They suffered as the holes in what passed for America’s social safety net were exposed.
And yet most of them continued to show up for school day after day, still trying. And it’s a goddamn miracle that they did!
One More Layer
When it was announced that we would be returning to our school buildings in late April, I realized I had finally hit my own personal wall. My daughter, who attends school in a different district from the one where I teach, was to be in-person at school for only 2 hours and online for the remainder of the day. I, on the other hand, would be required to be in my building full-time, four days a week (with Wednesdays still remote). I had no options for outside childcare and no extended family or friends who could help me cobble together a plan.
Logistically, my husband and I were at an impasse. Personally, I was a mess. I’d lost four more loved ones and our cat had been eaten by a coyote. My husband, struggling to remain sober without the support of his recovery community, relapsed. My daughter had become increasingly anxious and fearful. When I tried to problem-solve an answer to our childcare predicament, my mind simply shut down.
For the decade since my daughter was born, I’d been trying to manage a difficult balance of working, commuting, taking care of myself, and raising her. I considered myself fortunate to have healthcare covered and an option at work for maternity leave. After all, my own mother, a kindergarten teacher, had been forced to return to her classroom a mere six weeks after giving birth to me (and she already had two kids at home to care for). Many women in America are ineligible even for unpaid Family Medical Leave. Upon returning to work after her birth and a three-month maternity leave, I had no sick days banked and had exhausted our savings. When I experienced a period of severe postpartum depression I pushed through it and never missed a day of work. I didn’t feel then as if I could rest or be vulnerable or simply put the needs of my baby, or even myself, first. It took me years to recover from the physical, emotional, and financial toll of having a baby. And then the pandemic struck.
As the discourse about schools, teachers, and teachers’ unions became more vitriolic and antagonism toward educators grew louder, I realized that I was experiencing yet another layer of trauma. It was as if the work I’d sacrificed so much for had not only been invisible, but I was actually being punished for it.
This time, I decided, I needed a different answer. I applied for a leave of absence and left school for the last two months of the semester in order to take care of my child and myself. I did so knowing how lucky, how privileged I was even to be able to make such a decision.
As We Emerge
It would be no exaggeration to say that I did not love my job this year, but I did it with diligence and fortitude because it was the way that I could still contribute. I developed an entirely new online curriculum and learned to teach by Zoom. I also showed up each and every day for my students, no matter what was happening to me personally. I did that because I witnessed the ways in which my daughter’s teacher showed up every morning for her and how much that simple interaction with another adult buoyed her, how much it kept her spirits high despite the mounting mental-health challenges she faced.
My situation is neither unique nor extraordinary. If anything, I’m lucky. Nevertheless, I feel irrevocably changed by the past year. Some days, I’m flattened by grief, wrung out and hopeless. Other days I find myself daydreaming of the transformative potential of this hardship, imagining a future that better serves all our children — one that acknowledges their shared humanity, the fragility of our existence, and the tenderness required of all of us to build something better together.
Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the newest Dispatch Books, John Feffer’s new dystopian novel Frostlands (the second in the Splinterlands series), Beverly Gologorsky’s novel Every Body Has a Story, and Tom Engelhardt’s A Nation Unmade by War, as well as Alfred McCoy’s In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power and John Dower’s The Violent American Century: War and Terror Since World War II.

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Louie Gohmert Says He Isn't a QAnon Supporter, Just a Moron |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51076"><span class="small">Molly Jong-Fast, The Daily Beast</span></a>
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Wednesday, 02 June 2021 12:55 |
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Jong-Fast writes: "Some people spent Memorial Day at parades or BBQing with friends, but not Loonie Louie Gomhert, who was in Dallas speaking at The For God & Country Patriot Roundup hosted by 'Q power couple' Amy and John 'QAnon John' Sabal."
Rep. Louie Gohmert (R-Tex.) was one of several prominent Trump backers who spoke to a crowd gathered for the 'For God & Country Patriot Roundup' on Saturday. (photo: Kevin Dietsch/Getty)

Louie Gohmert Says He Isn't a QAnon Supporter, Just a Moron
By Molly Jong-Fast, The Daily Beast
02 June 21
ome people spent Memorial Day at parades or BBQing with friends, but not Loonie Louie Gomhert, who was in Dallas speaking at The For God & Country Patriot Roundup hosted by “Q power couple” Amy and John “QAnon John” Sabal.
It was like CPAC meets a flat earther convention, but with more talk of coups and overthrowing the government, including former Trump National Security Adviser Mike “Madman” Flynn calling for a Myanmar-style military coup in America (he later denied saying that, but he said it on camera) and Sidney “Kraken” Powell musing that former President Donald Trump should be “reinstated” and then installed as president with a “new inauguration date.” Powell, of course, is defending herself from a defamation suit from Dominion Voting Systems, which she said rigged the 2020 election on behalf of Hugo Chavez, who died in 2013, by arguing that “no reasonable person” would take seriously the things she says.
So Rep. Gohmert maybe wasn’t the craziest guest at this cavalcade of crazy, but he was the only elected member of Congress there, giving a speech under a banner with a QAnon slogan on it. Gohmert didn’t embrace Q on stage, which I guess is better than the alternative, but he did play down the Jan. 6 attacks and say, “I would submit that weaponizing the FBI and the Department of Justice against one administration was an attack on democracy.” After his speech, he hung out with such Q’minaries as Capitol rioter Zak Paine, better known online as redpill78.
You’d think that a sitting United States congressmen would stay away from a cult that FBI Director Christopher Wray told Congress “can lead to violence.” But Louie is no fool or, rather, he’s a fool who can read the writing on the wall, which is that QAnon is very popular with the Republican base, which counts on roughly 100 percent of the votes from the “15 percent of Americans (who) say they think that the levers of power are controlled by a cabal of Satan-worshiping pedophiles.” Maybe he’s not crazy but is just trying to meet the base where they are, which is nowhere good.
When the local CBS affiliate asked Gohmert’s office what he was doing there, a member of his staff insisted that he wasn’t there even though he was on camera.
Later, the station’s David Lippman got a long email from Gohmert that said his staff got its days mixed up and wasn’t lying about him being at the event (which organizers had tried to distance from QAnon amid lots of coverage about how it was a QAnon event) and also claiming that he does not even “know who or what QAnon is.”
But I was too stupid to know what the event I spoke at was about isn’t the defense Louie seems to think it is.
It’s been quite the year of being on the wrong side of history for Rep. Gohmert. First there was COVID, which he came down with after months of refusing to wear a mask, and reportedly berating staffers who did.
Then there was the lawsuit he filed to try and overturn the election results after Trump lost to overturn the Constitution and grant VP Pence “exclusive authority and sole discretion” to decide which electors to count in each state. After the suit was dismissed, Louie was big mad, going on Newsmax to declare that the “bottom line is, the court is saying, ‘We’re not going to touch this. You have no remedy’—basically, in effect, the ruling would be that you gotta go the streets and be as violent as Antifa and BLM.” During that same interview, he said that if the 2020 election isn’t overturned, “it will mean the end of our republic, the end of the experiment in self-government.”
That’s terrifying talk from a member of Congress, though at least he said it on Newsmax, a “news” channel no one actually watches.
But back to this weekend’s fuckery. Gohmert went on about how “it wasn’t just right-wing extremists” rioting in the Capitol (although it was). He’s talked previously about how, in the words of Trump, there were lots of “very fine people” there at the insurrection.
People may be right that Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene, the Rothschild space lasers lunatic, is the worst member of Congress, but she has at least been stripped of her committee assignments by Democrats and scolded, for what little that’s worth, by her own party’s leaders after comparing mask mandates to what happened to Jews in Nazi Germany. Louie Gohmert remains a party member in good standing in his R+25 district.
Texas can do better than this guy. It would be hard to do worse.

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