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What the US Sanctions Against Venezuela Have Wrought Print
Written by   
Monday, 23 September 2019 12:54

Excerpt: "The United States's sanctions against Venezuela continue to punish ordinary Venezuelans while deepening the country's political crisis. They need to end."

Pro-government supporters shouting during an anti-Trump demonstration on August 10, 2019 in Caracas, Venezuela. (photo: Carolina Cabral/Getty Images)
Pro-government supporters shouting during an anti-Trump demonstration on August 10, 2019 in Caracas, Venezuela. (photo: Carolina Cabral/Getty Images)


What the US Sanctions Against Venezuela Have Wrought

By Rebecca Hanson and Francisco Sánchez, Jacobin

23 September 19


The United States's sanctions against Venezuela continue to punish ordinary Venezuelans while deepening the country's political crisis. They need to end.

n early August, the Trump administration ramped up economic sanctions on Venezuela, freezing foreign assets and blocking companies from doing business with the Maduro government. As was to be expected, the executive order was accompanied by grandstanding by members of the Trump administration who argued that the move would “accelerate a peaceful democratic transition.”

These new sanctions made quite the boom when announced, and understandably so. David Smilde, senior fellow at the Washington Office on Latin America, has described similar, but less extensive, sanctions as a “nuclear” option. In the following weeks after the order was issued, a flurry of reports and opinions were published, speculating on the sanctions’ potential long- and short-term economic impacts.

On the ground, the new round of sanctions accelerated disparities between the US dollar and the bolívar soberano on the black market. In late July, the exchange rate hovered around 8,000 bolívares per dollar. By late August, this had risen to 20,000 bolívares. Using this black-market rate, minimum wage in the country is now at two dollars a month.

At the same time, on a day-to-day basis, the sanctions seem to be almost undeserving of discussion. Rather than a bomb, the sanctions are perhaps better described as a blip on the radar. In the words of one friend, a single mother and state employee, “Who has time to panic over esta vaina?”

Venezuelans are, of course, concerned about the sanctions. Even for those unsure of what the sanctions actually entail, they are clear on one point: the sanctions are going to make life much more expensive. However, since long before this new round of sanctions, people have expected prices to increase on a weekly, and even daily, basis. Venezuelans already factor in rapid increases in the exchange rate when considering how far their money will — or won’t — go for the month. Yes, the sanctions have accelerated increases in prices and the cost of the dollar. But this is a change of degree, not kind.

It’s Not Just the Economy, Stupid

Sanctions carry with them many social and political implications, apart from the effects they have on the economy. Indeed, there was significant political fallout after the Trump administration made its announcement. Nicolás Maduro left the negotiating table in Barbados, which, given the timing, was likely a goal of an administration that has little faith in a negotiated end to the current crisis. And though new negotiations are in the works, the sanctions undoubtedly rolled back any progress that had been made by political actors to find some middle ground.

The sanctions highlight a larger political problem that the Trump administration’s relationship with the opposition coalition has produced. It is evident that the Trump administration’s principal interlocutor is Voluntad Popular, the party of Juan Guaidó and his mentor, Leopoldo López. Despite the fact that López is an extremely polarizing figure, considered by many to be one of the most reactionary voices of the opposition, the relationship between Voluntad Popular and Trump has begun to define the coalition’s strategies and has created an expectation of support for measures, like the sanctions, over which many in the opposition are divided.

Indeed, punitive, unilateral measures such as these tend to have a dampening effect on democratic procedures, forcing people to draw lines in the sand and rally around intransigent positions. Shortly after Washington announced the sanctions, Guaidó named a new “cabinet.” With López at the helm of the group, little room is left for discussion among leaders about what stance to take on the sanctions. Such polarizing policies ratchet up tensions, justifying the authoritarian position that, for now, there is no time for debate, discussion, and popular participation.

With each new raising of the stakes, political discourse becomes an increasingly zero-sum game. While the Guaidó-led opposition has remained silent on the suffering the sanctions will cause, some Chavista politicians have used the sanctions as means to enforce loyalty. For example, shortly after Trump signed the executive order, videos and social media messages announced that those who did not sign a circulated document against the bloqueo could be denied CLAP boxes, an indispensable — albeit inconsistent — source of food for many in the popular sectors. And for social movements and political parties, it becomes increasingly difficult to thread the needle between criticizing sanctions and the US government while at the same time positioning themselves against the Maduro government.

Sanctions and Signaling Where the Country Stands

Sanctions also have less “visible” impacts, enforcing restrictions and constraints often missed in economic analyses, but that have profound effects on morale and how Venezuelans evaluate the state of the country. Take something as simple as baseball. In response to sanctions, US Major League Baseball (MLB) has suspended relations with the Liga Venezolana de Béisbol Profesional, meaning that Venezuelans who play in the MLB will not be able to play in their home country. Keep in mind that baseball has a quasi-religious status in Venezuela. As one Caraqueño put it: “It’s the one thing that Venezuelans have left to enjoy, and sanctions fuck that up too.”

Or take the case of Miguel Pérez (pseudonym), a young welterweight boxer from a poor barrio in Caracas who had the chance to compete in a match in the United States, marking the height of his current professional career. Although Pérez had a visa and was able to travel, his teammates did not have the same luck; their visas were denied. Without his coach and cornermen, and lacking the moral support of his team, Pérez went into the fight demoralized, unable to maintain a competitive advantage. He lost.

Along with demoralization comes disenchantment; with each punitive move the United States makes, cynicism grows and hope for political change contracts.

The degree to which this cynicism has saturated political worldviews was on full display during a dinner conversation we had with friends a few weeks ago in a neighborhood in west Caracas. When the topic of the “embargo” came up in conversation, Susana — an ardent Chavista who has remained supportive but critical of the Maduro government — balked at the suggestion that the opposition wanted negotiations to succeed. However, she held the same criticism of the Maduro government. From her perspective, neither the government nor the opposition care to end the crisis, as both “sides” are enriching themselves despite — or perhaps even partly due to — the crisis.

Of course, it is unlikely that politicians, as Susana believes, want the crisis to continue. If only out of self-interest, they could make out much better with the economy on the mend, depending on the terms of the negotiations. But the perception that the well-being of the people is at best a marginal concern is not uncommon, and sanctions exacerbate this idea.

Accepting responsibility for mistakes and errors, and their consequences, could potentially revive some hope around politics. Hugo Chávez is famously remembered for accepting responsibility for the consequences of a failed coup in 1992, a move that made him stand out among other politicians when he ran for president six years later. For now, though, political parties and their spokespeople continue to play a game of hot potato, doing everything they can to cast blame on the other side.

As for political currency among everyday Venezuelans, neither the government nor the opposition stand to benefit much from these measures. Yes, the sanctions feed into the Maduro government’s criticisms of imperial intervention. And the opposition can try to leverage the lifting of sanctions to bring the government back to the negotiation table. But on the ground, both sides come across as callous in their responses to the sanctions, further detached from the reality of those not included in their respective echo chambers.

Many recognize that sanctions will not incentivize politicians to change course, because they are not the ones who suffer from them. Venezuelans are acutely aware of what policy analysts and academics have been saying since the announcement of the sanctions: the victims are the Venezuelan people. The situation is perhaps best summed up by an observation a friend made, after sanctions were applied earlier this year: “El partido trancado y el pueblo con la cochina en la mano.” Drawing on a metaphor from domino, this can be translated to: “Those playing the political game have no moves left, and it’s the people who end up being screwed in the end.”

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FOCUS: Impeach-O-Meter: Democrats Are Making Coded Allusions to Maybe Finally Doing Something (Potentially) Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=43149"><span class="small">Ben Mathis-Lilley, Slate</span></a>   
Monday, 23 September 2019 11:58

Mathis-Lilley writes: "Even the Democratic caucus's most cautious leaders are acknowledging that, yes, this Ukraine business sounds bad-and maybe impeachment-level bad."

Nancy Pelosi. (photo: Stephen Crowley/NYT)
Nancy Pelosi. (photo: Stephen Crowley/NYT)


Impeach-O-Meter: Democrats Are Making Coded Allusions to Maybe Finally Doing Something (Potentially)

By Ben Mathis-Lilley, Slate

23 September 19


The original Impeach-O-Meter was a wildly subjective and speculative estimate of the likelihood that Donald Trump would be removed before his term ended. Republicans have since established that there’s nothing that Trump could do to lose their support, making a conviction in the GOP-held Senate inconceivable. But as evidence of the president’s criminal unfitness for office continues to accumulate, an increasing number of Democrats are willing to say that he should be held accountable, at the least, via impeachment proceedings in the House. So we’ve relaunched the Impeach-O-Meter as a (still wildly subjective and speculative) estimate of the likelihood that the House votes to impeach Trump before the end of his first term.

he story that seems to be making the impeachment question simpler for Democrats is a complicated one. Donald Trump, according to reporting that describes an as-yet-unreleased intelligence agency whistleblower complaint, repeatedly badgered Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky during a July phone call to let Trump’s personal lawyer Rudy Giuliani help Ukrainian authorities launch an investigation of Joe Biden’s son Hunter over vague allegations that the younger Biden may have done something corrupt involving a Ukrainian natural gas company. 

Using the leverage of an official office to benefit yourself politically is a textbook abuse of power, and there might be even more to the story: The White House was already known to have been withholding U.S. aid to Ukraine at the time Trump’s conversation with Zelensky took place, and a Washington Post report about the whistleblower complaint asserts that the complaint involves a “promise” Trump made to a foreign leader. This raises the possibility that Trump planned to use his authority not just to encourage but to reward a country that carried out dirty tricks on behalf of his presidential campaign, just as he did in late 2016 and 2017 when he tried to roll back economic sanctions against Russia. 

On Sunday, Trump confirmed having done at least part of what he’s suspected of doing—the part about asking Zelensky to have Biden investigated—in comments to the press. 

So is it impeachment o’clock, or what? 

Even the Democratic caucus’s most cautious leaders are acknowledging that, yes, this Ukraine business sounds bad—and maybe impeachment-level bad. Here’s House Intelligence Committee Chairman Adam Schiff on Sunday

I have been very reluctant to go down the path of impeachment, for the reason that I think the founders contemplated, in a country that has elections every four years, that this would be an extraordinary remedy, a remedy of last resort, not first resort. But if the president is essentially withholding military aid at the same time that he is trying to browbeat a foreign leader into doing something illicit, that is, providing dirt on his opponent during a presidential campaign, then that may be the only remedy that is coequal to the evil that that conduct represents.

“We may very well have crossed the Rubicon here,” Schiff said. 

The caucus’s least tentative members, meanwhile, are in this mood: 

But what about the most important Democrat, Nancy Pelosi? 

Any acknowledgement by Pelosi that the molasses-paced quasi-impeachment proceedings that Democrats are currently conducting might have to move to a “new stage” counts as progress toward impeachment. On the other hand, her fixation on the relatively mundane procedural question of whether the whistleblower complaint gets formally turned over is evidence that Pelosi is still acting as if the question of whether Trump has committed impeachable offenses is an open one that Americans have only just started to consider, rather than one that was already all but settled when Dems took power in the House in January. 

That said, given that Democrats (and everyone else who’s paying attention) seem to more or less know what’s contained in the complaint—which is to say they appear confident that it’s going to be incriminating, rather than a “nothingburger,” when ultimately revealed—it’s not the worst idea to make a big deal of the administration’s refusal to turn it over. What are they hiding? is an easy concept to understand, and, notably, trying to avoid having to release a key piece of evidence to investigators did not work out well for the last administration that was facing potential impeachment over campaign-related ratfuckery. 

We’ll need to see rank-and-file members in the House start putting pressure on Pelosi to raise the Meter into more-likely-than-not territory, but for the first time in a while, it’s going up

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Will Biden Be a Rerun of 2016 Tragedy? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=14693"><span class="small">Jeff Cohen, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Monday, 23 September 2019 10:53

Cohen writes: "Joe Biden is a throwback to an earlier time. Much of it could be called 'the Clintonite era' - when Democratic presidential contenders openly cozied up to the wealthy by appearing at one high-dollar fundraising event after another."

Former Vice President Joe Biden during the Democratic presidential debate in Houston on Thursday. (photo: Mike Blake/Reuters)
Former Vice President Joe Biden during the Democratic presidential debate in Houston on Thursday. (photo: Mike Blake/Reuters)


Will Biden Be a Rerun of 2016 Tragedy?

By Jeff Cohen, Reader Supported News

23 September 19


You might ask what it takes to remember
When you know that you’ve seen it before


– Jackson Browne, “Lives in the Balance”

oe Biden is a throwback to an earlier time. Much of it could be called “the Clintonite era”– when Democratic presidential contenders openly cozied up to the wealthy by appearing at one high-dollar fundraising event after another. A time when they served up (consultant-approved) language about “feeling the pain” of “working families” … without identifying any corporate villains or transformative policies to fix the rigged system.   

Donald Trump’s victory seemed to put a catastrophic end to that era in November 2016. Unfortunately, Biden and the Democratic establishment still haven’t gotten the memo.  

Party leaders continue to believe that a Democrat can win the White House by catering to corporate donors and eagerly cashing their fat checks. Leading Democrats keep throwing their endorsements at Biden – as he spends day and night glad-handing the 1 percent at top-dollar fundraisers.

Wake-up alert to Democrats: Donald Trump may well be the most effective faux-populist in our country’s history. He was that in 2016, when he won “Rust Belt” swing states. And he remains that today for millions of voters – despite his barrage of policies favoring the rich and powerful.

Like Hillary Clinton in 2016 (with her Wall Street connections and well-paid speeches), Biden would be a perfect target in 2020 for Trump’s pretend-populism. Steve Bannon is gone, but Trump’s campaign team will make sure every swing state-voter knows about Biden’s record in the Senate serving big banks and credit card companies, as well as his 1993 vote to approve the disastrous NAFTA trade deal. 

If there’s a single word that explains why Clinton lost Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania in 2016, it’s not “Russia” or “Comey.” It’s probably not “misogyny.” Most likely, that word is “NAFTA.” Biden supported NAFTA, alongside most Republicans and a minority of Democrats in Congress.

In recent months, when I’ve publicly discussed Biden’s long record of corporatism, some Democrats have complained that I’m “helping the Trump campaign” – as if that campaign has not already catalogued every Biden vote and quote that a populist charlatan like Trump can exploit.

In continuing to rally behind Biden, Democratic leaders seem compelled to relive the tragic 2016 defeat – as if trapped in a recurring bad dream. In fairness to Hillary Clinton, she was a far more informed candidate in 2016 than Biden is now and a far better debater, with campaign rhetoric and policies far more substantive than Biden’s (a low bar).

The developing Biden nightmare became more vivid to me last week when I started tracking his series of high-dollar fundraisers, as described by individual pool reporters the Biden campaign allows into each “finance event.” Here’s the beginning of Thursday’s report by Tina Sfondeles of the Chicago Sun-Times on a lavish lunch gathering:

At the first of three Chicago fundraisers, Joe Biden stopped by a luncheon at the residence of billionaire real estate and casino magnate Neil Bluhm, also co-hosted by GCM Grosvenor CEO Michael Sacks – who was not present due to a death in the family – and real estate developer Elzie Higginbottom. The fundraiser was in a sprawling 65th floor residence full of original art, including a Lichtenstein in the kitchen. Biden was introduced by Bluhm, who told his high-profile guests that both Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders ‘don’t represent the Democratic Party’ that he supports. Bluhm said Biden ‘has the best chance of defeating Trump.’

Here’s the final paragraph:

Tickets to the fundraiser were $1,000 a piece, or $2,800 for a ticket which included a photo with Biden. There were less than 100 guests in attendance. 

In between the first and last paragraphs, the Sun-Times reporter recounts that Biden served up 22 minutes of his standard stump-speech, decrying “our standing in the world” and worrying about “the soul of this country.” It’s the kind of stale rhetoric guaranteed not to offend billionaires. 

And unlikely to inspire many voters.

Lesson #1 from the 2016 catastrophe: In a time of anxiety, anger, and rampant economic inequality, the candidate of status quo corporatism can be defeated by one spouting anti-elite populism, even a con artist like Trump.

Lesson #2: Without bold campaign proposals aimed at un-rigging “the rigged economy,” a Democratic candidate will lose white working-class voters – and, more importantly, will fail to energize the base: voters of color and youth. For proof, check out Clinton’s low voter turnout in cities like Detroit and Milwaukee, and the number of young voters who stayed home or went third-party.

It’s no surprise that Neil Bluhm, one of Biden’s billionaire supporters, fears Warren and Sanders. They are the two candidates in the race with the most low-dollar donors and most energized activists, with crowds rallying behind their candidates’ specific plans to address inequality, college affordability, debt, healthcare, and climate … with programs paid for by increasing taxes on the wealthy

Higher taxes on billionaires may mean fewer Lichtenstein paintings in Mr. Bluhm’s luxury condo.   

As a throwback to the Clintonite 1990s, Biden says he feels the pain of victims but won’t name many villains. That approach no longer works – and actually plays into the hands of demagogues like Trump.  

So do remarks like the one Biden made to the Brookings Institution last year: “I love Bernie, but I’m not Bernie Sanders. I don’t think 500 billionaires are the reason why we’re in trouble…. The folks at the top aren’t bad guys.”

Let me be clear: Despite current polls showing Biden, Warren, and Sanders each beating Trump in hypothetical match-ups, I can’t say for certain that the progressive populism of Warren or Sanders would defeat Trump in 2020. 

But I’m convinced that either Warren or Sanders would fare better against Trump than a candidate like Biden, who is easily tied to moneyed elites and a blatantly unfair status quo. We’ve seen that movie before, and it ended in the 2016 disaster.



Jeff Cohen is co-founder of the online activism group RootsAction.org and author of Cable News Confidential: My Misadventures in Corporate Media.”

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Why I Decided Not to Delete My Old Internet Posts Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=32656"><span class="small">Edward Snowden, The Intercept</span></a>   
Monday, 23 September 2019 08:35

Snowden writes: "I didn't want to live in a world where everyone had to pretend that they were perfect, because that was a world that had no place for me or my friends."

Whistleblower Edward Snowden. (photo: Platon)
Whistleblower Edward Snowden. (photo: Platon)


Why I Decided Not to Delete My Old Internet Posts

By Edward Snowden, The Intercept

23 September 19


While working for the National Security Agency, Edward Snowden helped build a system to enable the United States government to capture all phone calls, text messages, and emails. Six years ago, he provided documents about this electronic panopticon to journalists, and the shocking revelations that ensued set off massive changes — changes in attitudes and behaviors, in policies and technologies, across private industry and the public sector, in the U.S. and around the world.

Now, in his new memoir “
Permanent Record,” Snowden explains how his revolutionary act of whistleblowing came to occur. At its root was a decision dating to Snowden’s earliest contact with the NSA — “the first thing that you might call a principle that occurred to me during this idle but formative time,” as the future government systems engineer puts it in the excerpt below: The determination to live in an honest world, a world where people could show their true faces and own their full history, a world without shame. This was the ideal that guided Snowden into the NSA. And of course it would be the ideal that guided him out, as well.


fter my injured legs forced me out of the Army, I still had the urge to serve my country. I would have to serve it through my head and hands — through computing. That, and only that, would be giving my country my best. Though I wasn’t much of a veteran, having passed through the military’s vetting could only help my chances of working at an intelligence agency, which was where my talents would be most in demand and, perhaps, most challenged.

That meant that I needed a security clearance. There are, generally speaking, three levels of security clearance in the American Intelligence Community, or IC: from low to high, confidential, secret, and top secret. The last of these can be further extended with a Sensitive Compartmented Information qualifier, creating the coveted TS/SCI access required by positions with the top-tier agencies — CIA and NSA. The TS/SCI was by far the hardest access to get, but also opened the most doors, and so I went back to Anne Arundel Community College while I searched for jobs that would sponsor my application for the grueling background investigation the clearance required. The approval process for a TS/SCI can take a year or more. All it involves is filling out some paperwork, then sitting around with your feet up and trying not to commit too many crimes while the federal government renders its verdict. The rest, after all, is out of your hands.

On paper, I was a perfect candidate. I was a kid from a service family, nearly every adult member of which had some level of clearance; I’d tried to enlist and fight for my country until an unfortunate accident had laid me low. I had no criminal record, no drug habit. My only financial debt was the student loan for my Microsoft certification, and I hadn’t yet missed a payment.

None of this stopped me, of course, from being nervous.

I drove to and from classes at community college as the National Background Investigations Bureau rummaged through nearly every aspect of my life and interviewed almost everyone I knew: my parents, my extended family, my classmates and friends. They went through my spotty school transcripts and, I’m sure, spoke to a few of my teachers. I got the impression that they even spoke to a guy I’d worked with one summer at a snow cone stand at Six Flags America. The goal of all this background checking was not only to find out what I’d done wrong, but also to find out how I might be compromised or blackmailed. The most important thing to the IC is not that you’re 100 percent perfectly clean, because if that were the case, they wouldn’t hire anybody. Instead, it’s that you’re robotically honest — that there’s no dirty secret out there that you’re hiding that could be used against you, and thus against the agency, by an enemy power.

This, of course, set me thinking — sitting stuck in traffic as all the moments of my life that I regretted went spinning around in a loop inside my head. Nothing I could come up with would have raised even an iota of eyebrow from investigators who are used to finding out that the middle-aged analyst at a think tank likes to wear diapers and get spanked by grandmothers in leather. Still, there was a paranoia that the process created, because you don’t have to be a closet fetishist to have done things that embarrass you and to fear that strangers might misunderstand you if those things were exposed. I mean, I grew up on the Internet, for Christ’s sake. If you haven’t entered something shameful or gross into that search box, then you haven’t been online very long — though I wasn’t worried about the pornography. Everybody looks at porn, and for those of you who are shaking your heads, don’t worry: Your secret is safe with me. My worries were more personal, or felt more personal: the endless conveyor belt of stupid jingoistic things I’d said, and the even stupider misanthropic opinions I’d abandoned, in the process of growing up online. Specifically, I was worried about my chat logs and forum posts, all the supremely moronic commentary that I’d sprayed across a score of gaming and hacker sites. Writing pseudonymously had meant writing freely, but often thoughtlessly. And since a major aspect of early Internet culture was competing with others to say the most inflammatory thing, I’d never hesitate to advocate, say, bombing a country that taxed video games, or corralling people who didn’t like anime into reeducation camps. Nobody on those sites took any of it seriously, least of all myself.

When I went back and reread the posts, I cringed. Half the things I’d said I hadn’t even meant at the time — I’d just wanted attention — but I didn’t fancy my odds of explaining that to a gray-haired man in horn-rimmed glasses peering over a giant folder labeled PERMANENT RECORD. The other half, the things I think I had meant at the time, were even worse, because I wasn’t that kid anymore. I’d grown up. It wasn’t simply that I didn’t recognize the voice as my own — it was that I now actively opposed its overheated, hormonal opinions. I found that I wanted to argue with a ghost. I wanted to fight with that dumb, puerile, and casually cruel self of mine who no longer existed. I couldn’t stand the idea of being haunted by him forever, but I didn’t know the best way how to express my remorse and put some distance between him and me, or whether I should even try to do that. It was heinous, to be so inextricably, technologically bound to a past that I fully regretted but barely remembered.

This might be the most familiar problem of my generation, the first to grow up online. We were able to discover and explore our identities almost totally unsupervised, with hardly a thought spared for the fact that our rash remarks and profane banter were being preserved for perpetuity, and that one day we might be expected to account for them. I’m sure everyone who had an Internet connection before they had a job can sympathize with this — surely everyone has that one post that embarrasses them, or that text or email that could get them fired.

My situation was somewhat different, however, in that most of the message boards of my day would let you delete your old posts. I could put together one tiny little script — not even a real program — and all of my posts would be gone in under an hour. It would’ve been the easiest thing in the world to do. Trust me, I considered it.

But ultimately, I couldn’t. Something kept preventing me. It just felt wrong. To blank my posts from the face of the earth wasn’t illegal, and it wouldn’t even have made me ineligible for a security clearance had anyone found out. But the prospect of doing so bothered me nonetheless. It would’ve only served to reinforce some of the most corrosive precepts of online life: that nobody is ever allowed to make a mistake, and anybody who does make a mistake must answer for it forever. What mattered to me wasn’t so much the integrity of the written record but that of my soul. I didn’t want to live in a world where everyone had to pretend that they were perfect, because that was a world that had no place for me or my friends. To erase those comments would have been to erase who I was, where I was from, and how far I’d come. To deny my younger self would have been to deny my present self’s validity.

I decided to leave the comments up and figure out how to live with them. I even decided that true fidelity to this stance would require me to continue posting. In time, I’d outgrow these new opinions, too, but my initial impulse remains unshakable, if only because it was an important step in my own maturity. We can’t erase the things that shame us, or the ways we’ve shamed ourselves, online. All we can do is control our reactions — whether we let the past oppress us, or accept its lessons, grow, and move on.

This was the first thing that you might call a principle that occurred to me during this idle but formative time, and though it would prove difficult, I’ve tried to live by it.

Believe it or not, the only online traces of my existence whose past iterations have never given me worse than a mild sense of embarrassment were my dating profiles. I suspect this is because I’d had to write them with the expectation that their words truly mattered — since the entire purpose of the enterprise was for somebody in Real Life to actually care about them, and, by extension, about me.

I’d joined a website called HotOrNot.com, which was the most popular of the rating sites of the early 2000s, like RateMyFace and AmIHot. (Their most effective features were combined by a young Mark Zuckerberg into a site called FaceMash, which later became Facebook.) HotOrNot was the most popular of these pre-Facebook rating sites for a simple reason: It was the best of the few that had a dating component.

Basically, how it worked was that users voted on each other’s photos: Hot or Not. An extra function for registered users such as myself was the ability to contact other registered users, if each had rated the other’s photos Hot and clicked “Meet Me.” This banal and crass process is how I met Lindsay Mills, my partner and the love of my life.

Looking at the photos now, I’m amused to find that 19-year-old Lindsay was gawky, awkward, and endearingly shy. To me at the time, though, she was a smoldering blonde, absolutely volcanic. What’s more, the photos themselves were beautiful: They had a serious artistic quality, self-portraits more than selfies. They caught the eye and held it. They played coyly with light and shade. They even had a hint of meta fun: there was one taken inside the photo lab where she worked, and another where she wasn’t even facing the camera.

I rated her Hot, a perfect 10. To my surprise, we matched (she rated me an eight, the angel), and in no time we were chatting. Lindsay was studying fine art photography. She had her own website, where she kept a journal and posted more shots: forests, flowers, abandoned factories, and — my favorite — more of her.

I scoured the Web and used each new fact I found about her to create a fuller picture: the town she was born in (Laurel, Maryland), her school’s name (MICA, the Maryland Institute College of Art). Eventually, I admitted to cyberstalking her. I felt like a creep, but Lindsay cut me off. “I’ve been searching about you, too, mister,” she said, and rattled off a list of facts about me. She’d checked my email address against dozens of sites, figuring out which ones I’d registered on.

These were among the sweetest words I’d ever heard, yet I was reluctant to see her in person. We scheduled a date, and as the days ticked down my nervousness grew. It’s a scary proposition, to take an online relationship offline. It would be scary even in a world without ax murderers and scammers. In my experience, the more you’ve communicated with someone online, the more disappointed you’ll be by meeting them in person. Things that are the easiest to say on-screen become the most difficult to say face-to-face. Distance favors intimacy: No one talks more openly than when they’re alone in a room, chatting with an unseen someone alone in a different room. Meet that person, however, and you lose your latitude. Your talk becomes safer and tamer, a common conversation on neutral ground.

Online, Lindsay and I had become total confidants, and I was afraid of losing our connection in person. In other words, I was afraid of being rejected.

I shouldn’t have been.

Lindsay — who’d insisted on driving — told me that she’d pick me up at my mother’s condo. The appointed hour found me standing outside in the twilight cold, guiding her by phone through the similarly named, identical-looking streets of my mother’s development. I was keeping an eye out for a gold ’98 Chevy Cavalier, when suddenly I was blinded, struck in the face by a beam of light from the curb. Lindsay was flashing her brights at me across the snow.

“Buckle up.” Those were the first words that Lindsay said to me in person, as I got into her car. Then she said, “What’s the plan?”

It’s then that I realized that despite all the thinking I had been doing about her, I’d done no thinking whatsoever about our destination.

If I’d been in this situation with any other woman, I’d have improvised, covering for myself. But with Lindsay, it was different. With Lindsay, it didn’t matter. She drove us down her favorite road — she had a favorite road — and we talked until we ran out of miles on Guilford and ended up in the parking lot of the Laurel Mall. We just sat in her car and talked.

It was perfection. Talking face-to-face turned out to be just an extension of all our phone calls, emails, and chats. Our first date was a continuation of our first contact online and the start of a conversation that will last as long as we will. We talked about our families, or what was left of them. Lindsay’s parents were also divorced: Her mother and father lived 20 minutes apart, and as a kid Lindsay had been shuttled back and forth between them. She’d lived out of a bag. Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays she slept in her room at her mother’s house. Tuesdays, Thursdays, and Saturdays she slept in her room at her father’s house. Sundays were the dramatic day, because she had to choose.

She told me how bad my taste was and criticized my date apparel: a button-down shirt decorated with metallic flames over a wifebeater and jeans (I’m sorry). She told me about the two other guys she was dating, whom she’d already mentioned online, and Machiavelli would’ve blushed at the ways in which I set about undermining them (I’m not sorry). I told her everything, too, including the fact that I wouldn’t be able to talk to her about my work — the work I hadn’t even started. This was ludicrously pretentious, which she made obvious to me by nodding gravely.

I told her I was worried about the upcoming polygraph required for my clearance, and she offered to practice with me — a goofy kind of foreplay. The philosophy she lived by was the perfect training: Say what you want, say who you are, never be ashamed. If they reject you, it’s their problem. I’d never been so comfortable around someone, and I’d never been so willing to be called out for my faults. I even let her take my photo.

I had her voice in my head on my drive to the NSA’s oddly named Friendship Annex complex for the final interview for my security clearance. I found myself in a windowless room, bound like a hostage to a cheap office chair. Around my chest and stomach were pneumographic tubes that measured my breathing. Finger cuffs on my fingertips measured my electrodermal activity, a blood pressure cuff around my arm measured my heart rate, and a sensor pad on the chair detected my every fidget and shift. All of these devices — wrapped, clamped, cuffed, and belted tightly around me — were connected to the large black polygraph machine placed on the table in front of me.

Behind the table, in a nicer chair, sat the polygrapher. She reminded me of a teacher I once had — and I spent much of the test trying to remember the teacher’s name, or trying not to. She, the polygrapher, began asking questions. The first ones were no-brainers: Was my name Edward Snowden? Was 6/21/83 my date of birth? Then: Had I ever committed a serious crime? Had I ever had a problem with gambling? Had I ever had a problem with alcohol or taken illegal drugs? Had I ever been an agent of a foreign power? Had I ever advocated the violent overthrow of the United States government? The only admissible answers were binary: “Yes” and “No.” I answered “No” a lot, and, before I knew it, the test was over.

I’d passed with flying colors.

As required, I had to answer the series of questions three times in total, and all three times I passed, which meant that not only had I qualified for the TS/SCI, I’d also cleared the “full scope polygraph” — the highest clearance in the land.

I had a girlfriend I loved, and I was on top of the world.

I was 22 years old.

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We Are Ending Netanyahu's Grip on Israel Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51673"><span class="small">Ayman Odeh, The New York Times</span></a>   
Sunday, 22 September 2019 13:40

Odeh writes: "The Arab Palestinian citizens of Israel have chosen to reject Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, his politics of fear and hate, the inequality and division he advanced for the past decade. Last summer, Mr. Netanyahu declared that Arab Palestinian citizens of Israel, who make up a fifth of the population, were to be second-class citizens, officially."

Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu. (photo: EPA)
Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu. (photo: EPA)


We Are Ending Netanyahu's Grip on Israel

By Ayman Odeh, The New York Times

22 September 19


The leader of the Arab Joint List explains why it will use its power to help make Benny Gantz prime minister of Israel.

he Arab Palestinian citizens of Israel have chosen to reject Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, his politics of fear and hate, the inequality and division he advanced for the past decade. Last summer, Mr. Netanyahu declared that Arab Palestinian citizens of Israel, who make up a fifth of the population, were to be second-class citizens, officially. “Israel is not a state of all its citizens,” Mr. Netanyahu wrote on Instagram after passing the Nation-State law. “According to the basic nationality law we passed, Israel is the nation state of the Jewish people — and only it.”

The Israeli government has done everything in its power to reject those of us who are Arab Palestinian citizens, but our influence has only grown. We will be the cornerstone of democracy. Arab Palestinian citizens cannot change the course of Israel alone, but change is impossible without us. I have argued earlier that if the center-left parties of Israel believe that Arab Palestinian citizens have a place in this country, they must accept that we have a place in its politics.

Today, those parties no longer have a choice. At least 60 percent of the Arab Palestinian citizens have voted in the recent elections and the Joint List, our coalition representing Arab and Arab-Jewish parties, has won 13 seats and become the third-largest list in the Knesset. We will decide who will be the next prime minister of Israel.

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