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Let 2020 Be the Year to End the Murder and Imprisonment of Journalists |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=27281"><span class="small">Amy Goodman and Denis Moynihan, Democracy Now!</span></a>
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Monday, 30 December 2019 09:38 |
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Excerpt: "Beneath the grim statistic that 10 reporters were murdered in 2019 lies an important shift toward a public rejection of impunity for violence against journalists."
Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi. (photo: Mohammed Al-Shaikh/Getty)

Let 2020 Be the Year to End the Murder and Imprisonment of Journalists
By Amy Goodman and Denis Moynihan, Democracy Now!
30 December 19
he grisly murder of Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi at the hands of Saudi Arabian operatives inside their consulate in Istanbul on Oct. 2, 2018, reportedly on direct orders of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, was compounded Monday when the Saudi Arabian public prosecutor announced that five people had been sentenced to death for the crime. Two senior members of the Saudi government, including a close adviser to the crown prince, were released for “lack of evidence.” The case of Jamal Khashoggi highlights just how dangerous the practice of journalism can be, especially when elected leaders like President Donald Trump ignore, condone or even inflame hostility and violence against reporters.
Sherif Mansour of the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) responded, saying the announcement “shows that the Saudi government under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is committed to an ongoing mockery of justice.”
CPJ defends the right of journalists to report the news safely, without fear of reprisal. Their recent report on journalists killed in 2019 named 25 journalists, the lowest number since 2002. Of those, 10 were murdered directly because of their work as journalists, which is the lowest number since CPJ started keeping records in 1992. Five of the 10 murdered were in Mexico, which is on par with Syria as the most dangerous place to work as a journalist. CPJ still has an additional 25 deaths of journalists under investigation, so the total will likely change.
CPJ also tracks reporters imprisoned around the world, and counts at least 250 currently behind bars. The greatest jailers of journalists in 2019 are China, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Egypt.
Beneath that grim statistic that 10 reporters were murdered in 2019 lies an important shift toward a public rejection of impunity for violence against journalists. CPJ’s Elana Beiser noted in their report three recent cases that define the trend: the October 2017 murder of journalist Daphne Caruana Galizia, in Malta; the 2018 killing of Jan Kuciak and his fiancee in their home in Slovakia; and the Khashoggi case. Both Galizia and Kuciak were reporting on corruption at the highest levels of government in their respective countries when they were murdered.
Recently, as thousands marched in the streets of Malta demanding accountability for the assassination of Galizia, the Mediterranean island nation’s Prime Minister Joseph Muscat announced that he will be resigning in mid-January. Public pressure on Muscat increased in part due to a consortium of journalists who continued Galizia’s work. The group calls itself “Forbidden Voices.” They coordinated the Daphne Project, with 45 journalists pursuing Galizia’s unfinished stories and investigating her assassination. Malta’s richest man, gambling tycoon Yorgen Fenech, has been charged with complicity in the journalist’s murder, and has been arrested in a separate money laundering case. Fenech is also linked to Muscat’s former chief of staff.
Similarly, in the wake of the murder of Jan Kuciak and his fiancee Martina Kusnirova, Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico resigned, and the Slovak businessman who is accused of ordering the murder, Marian Kocner, is finally set to stand trial almost two years later.
Justice for Jamal Khashoggi remains elusive. Agnes Callamard, the United Nations’ special rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, tweeted after the announcement of the Saudi convictions: “Bottom line: the hit-men are guilty, sentenced to death. The masterminds not only walk free, they have barely been touched by the investigation and the trial. That is the antithesis of Justice. It is a mockery.”
The Washington Post reported over a year ago that the CIA had concluded, on evidence that included intercepted phone calls, that Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman ordered the killing. His close friendship with Donald Trump’s son-in-law and senior adviser, Jared Kushner has certainly contributed to the impunity he has so far enjoyed. One way to punish Saudi Arabia is through sanctions and denial of military aid — options that were open until just last week, when Congress passed, and sent to the White House for Trump’s signature, the $738 billion 2020 National Defense Authorization Act. Sen. Bernie Sanders and California Democratic Congressman Ro Khanna issued a joint statement calling the NDAA “a bill of astonishing moral cowardice,” in part for failing to deny aid to Saudi Arabia.
The role of a free press is to inform the public and to hold those in power accountable. We all have a responsibility to ensure that journalists are free to do their work, without threats of injury, imprisonment or death.

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Imagining a World Without Capitalism |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=52764"><span class="small">Yanis Varoufakis, Project Syndicate</span></a>
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Monday, 30 December 2019 09:36 |
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Varoufakis writes: "Anti-capitalists had a miserable year. But so did capitalism."
Yanis Varoufakis. (photo: Getty Images)

Imagining a World Without Capitalism
By Yanis Varoufakis, Project Syndicate
30 December 19
On September 24, 1599, not far from where Shakespeare was struggling to finish Hamlet, the first corporation with tradable shares was born. Liberalism’s fatal hypocrisy was to celebrate the virtuous neighborhood butchers, bakers, and brewers in order to defend all the East India Companies that have since made a mockery of freedom.
nti-capitalists had a miserable year. But so did capitalism.
While the defeat of Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour party in the United Kingdom this month threatened the radical left’s momentum, particularly in the United States, where the presidential primaries loom, capitalism found itself under fire from some unexpected quarters. Billionaires, CEOs, and even the financial press have joined intellectuals and community leaders in a symphony of laments about rentier capitalism’s brutality, crassness, and unsustainability. “Business cannot continue as usual,” seems to be a widespread sentiment even in the boardrooms of the most powerful corporations.
Increasingly stressed and justifiably guilt-ridden, the ultra-rich – or those with any sense, at any rate – feel threatened by the crushing precariousness into which the majority are sinking. As Marx foretold, they form a supremely powerful minority that is proving unfit to preside over polarized societies that cannot guarantee non-asset owners a decent existence.
Barricaded in their gated communities, the smarter among the uber-rich advocate a new “stakeholder capitalism,” even calling for higher taxes on their class. They recognize the best possible insurance policy in democracy and the redistributive state. Alas, at the same time, they fear that, as a class, it is in their nature to skimp on the insurance premium.
Proposed remedies range from languid to ludicrous. The call for boards of directors to look beyond shareholder value would be wonderful if it were not for the inconvenient fact that only shareholders decide directors’ pay and tenure. Similarly, appeals to limit exorbitant power of finance would be splendid were it not for the fact that most corporations answer to the financial institutions that hold the bulk of their shares.
Confronting rentier capitalism and fashioning firms for which social responsibility is more than a marketing ploy requires nothing less than re-writing corporate law. To recognize the scale of the undertaking, it helps to return to the moment in history when tradable shares weaponized capitalism, and to ask ourselves: Are we ready to correct that “error”?
The moment occurred on September 24, 1599. In a timbered building off Moorgate Fields, not far from where Shakespeare was struggling to complete Hamlet, a new type of company was founded. Its ownership of the new firm, called the East India Company, was sliced into tiny pieces to be bought and sold freely.
Tradable shares allowed private corporations to become larger and more powerful than states. Liberalism’s fatal hypocrisy was to celebrate the virtuous neighborhood butchers, bakers, and brewers in order to defend the worst enemies of free markets: the East India Companies that know no community, respect no moral sentiments, fix prices, gobble up competitors, corrupt governments, and make a mockery of freedom.
Then, toward the end of the nineteenth century, as the first networked mega-companies – including Edison, General Electric, and Bell – were formed, the genie released by marketable shares went a step further. Because neither banks nor investors had enough money to plough into the networked mega-firms, the mega-bank emerged in the form of a global cartel of banks and shadowy funds, each with its own shareholders.
Unprecedented new debt was thus created to transfer value to the present, in the hope of profiting sufficiently to repay the future. Mega-finance, mega-equity, mega-pension funds, and mega-financial crises were the logical outcome. The crashes of 1929 and 2008, the unstoppable rise of Big Tech, and all the other ingredients of today’s discontent with capitalism, became inescapable.
In this system, calls for a gentler capitalism are mere fads – especially in the post-2008 reality, which confirmed the total control over society by mega-firms and mega-banks. Unless we are willing to ban tradable shares, first introduced in 1599, we will make no appreciable difference to the distribution of wealth and power today. To imagine what transcending capitalism might mean in practice requires rethinking the ownership of corporations.
Imagine that shares resemble electoral votes, which can be neither bought nor sold. Like students who receive a library card upon registration, new staff receive a single share granting a single vote to be cast in all-shareholder ballots deciding every matter of the corporation – from management and planning issues to the distribution of net revenues and bonuses.
Suddenly, the profit-wage distinction makes no sense and corporations are cut down to size, boosting market competition. When a baby is born, the central bank automatically grants her or him a trust fund (or personal capital account) that is periodically topped up with a universal basic dividend. When the child becomes a teenager, the central bank throws in a free checking account.
Workers move freely from company to company, carrying with them their trust-fund capital, which they may lend to the company they work in or to others. Because there are no equities to turbocharge with massive fictitious capital, finance becomes delightfully boring – and stable. States drop all personal and sales taxes, instead taxing only corporate revenues, land, and activities detrimental to the commons.
But enough reverie for now. The point is to suggest, just before the New Year, the wondrous possibilities of a truly liberal, post-capitalist, technologically advanced society. Those who refuse to imagine it are bound to fall prey to the absurdity pointed out by my friend Slavoj Žižek: a greater readiness to fathom the end of the world than to imagine life after capitalism.

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Democracy Is Not for Cowards. We Used to Know That. |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>
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Sunday, 29 December 2019 13:24 |
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Pierce writes: "We will be returning to our regularly scheduled blogging next week, god and heating pads permitting."
Times Square on election night 2016.(photo: Michael Reaves/Getty Images)

Democracy Is Not for Cowards. We Used to Know That.
By Charles Pierce, Esquire
29 December 19
A new story in Politico describes a plethora of really weird happenings in and around election day in 2016.
e will be returning to our regularly scheduled blogging next week, god and heating pads permitting. Nonetheless, Thursday’s edition of Politico had a couple of pieces worth discussing before I go elbows-deep into the Christmas leftovers. First, it seems that Democratic “insiders” are catching on to the elephant that’s been lounging in the room before them all these weeks.
For months the Vermont senator was written off by Democratic Party insiders as a candidate with a committed but ultimately narrow base who was too far left to win the primary. Elizabeth Warren had skyrocketed in the polls and seemed to be leaving him behind in the race to be progressive voters’ standard-bearer in 2020. But in the past few weeks, something has changed. In private conversations and on social media, Democratic officials, political operatives and pundits are reconsidering Sanders’ chances... ...Democratic insiders said that they are rethinking Sanders’ bid for a few reasons: First, Warren has recently fallen in national and early-state surveys. Another factor, they said, is that he has withstood the ups and downs of the primary, including his own heart attack. At the same time, other candidates with once-high expectations, such as Kamala Harris, Cory Booker and Beto O’Rourke, have dropped out or languished in single digits in the polls. “I believe people should take him very seriously. He has a very good shot of winning Iowa, a very good shot of winning New Hampshire, and other than Joe Biden, the best shot of winning Nevada,” said Dan Pfeiffer, who served as a adviser to former President Barack Obama. “He could build a real head of steam heading into South Carolina and Super Tuesday.” I am dubious about that last part, although a major Super Tuesday split is more possible than it ever has been, what with California in the mix. And it is true that, for all their complaints about a Bernie Blackout, if they have the brains god gave geese, the stalwart Sanders base voters should be happy with a relative lack of attention, given the nitpicking to which Senator Professor Warren has been subjected since she began rising in the polls.
I’ve thought all along that, given its druthers, the Democratic establishment “ referred" Sanders as the progressive alternative to Joe Biden simply on a devil-you-know basis. In addition, the idea that two progressive candidates might contest the nomination among themselves, leaving behind Biden and other more centrist alternatives like Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar, always was the scenario that gave the Democratic donor class the vapors. And it’s pretty plain that, on that basis, Warren has taken most of the incoming. Nevertheless, the numbers are what they are. Sanders’s support has been solid throughout the process thus far. (I mean, the man had a heart attack, for pity’s sake.) Barring a catastrophic event, it shows no sign of moving to any of the other candidates and I think we know from experience that Sanders is in this all the way to the convention in Milwaukee next summer. Of course, a lot of this might just be moot, as our second Politico report makes clear. I maintain that we yet don’t know half of the effect of the Russian ratfcking on the 2016 election, particularly in the area of tampering with the voting infrastructure, except that, report by report, we seem to be inching closer to a conclusion that nobody in the political and media establishments seems to want to believe—that there was some monkey-wrenching done to the actual numbers. From Politico: To this day, no one knows definitively what happened with Durham’s poll books. And one important fact about the incident still worries election integrity activists three years later: VR Systems had been targeted by Russian hackers in a phishing campaign three months before the election. The hackers had sent malicious emails both to VR Systems and to some of its election customers, attempting to trick the recipients into revealing usernames and passwords for their email accounts. The Russians had also visited VR Systems’ website, presumably looking for vulnerabilities they could use to get into the company’s network, as the hackers had done with Illinois’ state voter registration system months earlier. But significant questions remain about what happened in Durham and just how close the Russians actually came to hacking the 2016 election. North Carolina state election officials say Durham County’s investigation was incomplete and inconclusive, and they cannot say with certainty that the problems were due to human error. Indeed, there’s no indication the investigators looked for malware or even contemplated the possibility of foul play. And VR Systems bases its assertion that it was not hacked on a forensic investigation of its computers that was done by a third-party security firm nearly a year after the Russian phishing campaign—plenty of time for any Russian hackers to have erased their tracks in the meantime. There are also questions about the thoroughness of that investigation... ...the government has also suggested in one report and asserted outright in others—among them a 2017 National Security Agency document leaked to the press, a 2018 indictment of Russian intelligence officers, and the Senate Intelligence Committee report and Mueller report—that the hackers successfully breached (or very likely breached) at least one company that makes software for managing voter rolls, and installed malware on that company’s network. Furthermore, an October 2016 email obtained recently by POLITICO, sent by the head of the National Association of Secretaries of State to its members around the country two weeks before the election, states that the Department of Homeland Security “confirmed” to NASS at the time that a “third-party vendor” in Florida that worked with local jurisdictions on their voter registration systems “experienced a breach.” The story describes a plethora of really weird happenings in and around election day in 2016. It also makes quite plain that almost nothing has been done to solve many of those weird happenings this time around. It has been the general position here at the shebeen that all it will take is proof that three votes were changed in, say, Raleigh by some guy at a console in St. Petersburg to collapse the country’s faith in its elections entirely. Which may be partly why so many important people are timid about exploring the possibility that it’s already happened. If DHS looked only at the Durham laptops and did not also have mirror images preserved in 2016 of VR Systems’ own computers and the Durham County workstation that experienced problems the days before that election, its investigation might resolve the questions about what occurred with Durham's laptops in 2016—but not the question of whether VR Systems was hacked. Those questions could be resolved if the FBI and the intelligence community were to provide more transparency around the assertions made in the Mueller report, the Justice Department indictment and the NSA document. But three years after the fact, no one in government seems prepared or willing to provide that clarity. Democracy is not for cowards. We used to know that.

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Why LGBTQ People Should Vote in Their Home State |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=52760"><span class="small">Tyler Curry, The Advocate</span></a>
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Sunday, 29 December 2019 13:18 |
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Curry writes: "Ever since I was little, I have been a blue-ribbon homosexual in a bright red state."
'If we want any chance at defeating Trump, we need our LGBTQ family to stay put.' (photo: Shutterstock)

Why LGBTQ People Should Vote in Their Home State
By Tyler Curry, The Advocate
29 December 19
ver since I was little, I have been a blue-ribbon homosexual in a bright red state. As soon as I could stand, I wanted to dance. As soon as I could walk, I wanted to strut. And as soon as I saw Patrick Swayze in Dirty Dancing, I knew that someday I wanted to kiss a boy on the mouth. But it wasn’t until the reality of being in Texas came into focus that I realized my swishy, sparkly tendencies were going to be an issue.
The thing about being born queer is you can’t exactly choose where you get to grow up. I was fortunate enough to be born in America, but that is where my luck stopped. My family was from the sticks of east Texas, where there were more churches than libraries and Friday night football was a spiritual experience. But just like my sexuality, I wouldn’t change my Texas roots if I could. They’re as much a part of me as anything else, and to deny them is to reject all of the things I loved about my childhood, my family, and my culture.
But in our current political atmosphere, many LGBTQ Americans view Texas and other red states as places that are devoid of any redeeming qualities, too far gone to be worth the trouble. To these LGBTQ folks who reside in blue utopias, I say shame on you for becoming complacent simply because your neighborhood is welcoming.
The characteristics of any culture are not a zero-sum game. Instead, they are as richly layered as the people who are a part of it. I was born a Texan gay man, and many of the qualities and characteristics of my home state are as much a part of me as any conservative cowboy on the ranch. After moving around the globe, I came to the realization that I do not have to abandon my roots just because a small part of what it means to be a Texan can be coupled with anti-LGBTQ leanings. I am a Texan and I am LGBTQ. I am proof that the two aren’t mutually exclusive, and there are many others like me who deserve to be able to call their birth state home.
I also have the means and ability to move if I want to. It’s a part of my privilege, which is also a part of the problem in our country. Those with privilege don’t have to concern themselves with the problems of those without. This is exactly why everyone who has the privilege of moving away from their red hometowns should be encouraged to stay and make a difference, both for themselves and for the LGBTQ Americans who don’t have the option of fleeing to a blue paradise.
To suggest that LGBTQ Americans in red states should escape homophobia and transphobia by moving to blue states is to deny the immense progress we have made in LGBTQ rights. People’s minds can be changed, and often are by familiarity with what they’d originally feared. Victories can be won in every local and state government, no matter how difficult it may initially seem. Twenty years ago, the state and federal rights we now have were merely pipe dreams, but our community refused to let hate beat out hope.
Today, we are on the precipice of the most important presidential election in our lifetime. Given the realities of our Electoral College-based democracy, now, more than ever, we need our red state LGBTQ Americans to stay put and take their queerness to the ballot box. We have the power to influence our communities and an ability to effect actual change in the numbers game. Without us, the future of LGBTQ rights, even for the coastal elite, is in peril.
So, blue state babies, quit complaining about how you want to secede from the red states and throw your full support behind your LGBTQ brothers and sisters who are still trying to make a difference where they are.
Yee-haw.

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