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Work and Death in Sri Lanka's Garment Industry Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=60091"><span class="small">Tansy Hoskins, Juan Mayorga, Dil Afrose and Nidia Bautista, Jacobin</span></a>   
Sunday, 11 July 2021 12:38

Excerpt: "Sri Lanka is home to some of the biggest garment manufacturers in the world, and while clothing exports have risen, so have COVID-19 infections among workers. We talk to people who face the daily choice of disease or impoverishment."

Sri Lanka’s garment workers are currently caught between production targets and destitution, sickness and increasing authoritarianism. (photo: War on Want)
Sri Lanka’s garment workers are currently caught between production targets and destitution, sickness and increasing authoritarianism. (photo: War on Want)


Work and Death in Sri Lanka's Garment Industry

By Tansy Hoskins, Juan Mayorga, Dil Afrose and Nidia Bautista, Jacobin

11 July 21


Sri Lanka is home to some of the biggest garment manufacturers in the world, and while clothing exports have risen, so have COVID-19 infections among workers. We talk to people who face the daily choice of disease or impoverishment.

itting alone in a room containing two narrow beds and a small table, Priyangika is sick with COVID-19. She fell ill after the virus spread through the garment factory where she works in the vast Katunayake Free Trade Zone outside Colombo, Sri Lanka.

“When I called the owner of the boarding house to say I tested positive for coronavirus, he scolded me, saying that we bring filthy diseases,” said Priyangika, whose name has been changed to protect her anonymity.

Sri Lanka is home to some of the largest garment manufacturers in the world. Its central bank has reported a 183 percent rise in exports since April 2020 — largely attributed to the apparel sector. But even as wealthy nations in the West begin to open back up thanks to plentiful vaccines and hospital capacities, the island nation is currently experiencing a deadly third wave of COVID-19 and recently reported its highest single day of fatalities. In a globalized world of both virus transmission and clothing production, Sri Lanka’s garment workers are currently caught between production targets and destitution, sickness and increasing authoritarianism.

While Sri Lanka’s apparel industry has a hard-earned reputation for being safer than many other countries’, garment factories have stayed open during recent lockdowns with the Public Health Inspectors Union now saying most COVID patients are in the clothing sector. In a statement, Amnesty International noted apparel production continuing despite limited testing and inadequate quarantine or care facilities for sick factory workers, as well as a lack of vaccine prioritization for those garment workers.

As factories continue to churn out jeans, T-shirts, bras, and sportswear, unions and labor rights campaigners say workers’ rights in Sri Lanka have deteriorated. Ashila Dandeniya is a former garment worker who founded the Stand Up Movement to represent garment workers in Sri Lanka and has spent the pandemic distributing over six thousand emergency food parcels to quarantining workers.

“There were a lot of unfair terminations — maybe someone was five minutes late to work, or they were unable to meet production targets, or they were just terminated because they’d been working in the factory for less than six months,” Dandeniya says.

According to Dandeniya, the belief that extreme measures were needed to get factories “back on track” has in turn normalized draconian behavior from management. Even measures intended to protect workers have led to deeper exploitation. Social distancing, for example, means factories are reducing the number of workers who clock in each day. “Before it would be fifteen to twenty people doing one operation; now it is five people. Five people to do the work of fifteen to twenty,” Dandeniya says. “No matter how difficult or physically straining it is, if workers say they can’t do it, they are asked to leave.”

Roshani, whose name has also been changed, spent most of the pandemic as a temporary “manpower” worker earning 900 LKR ($4.50) per day. Her job consisted of sitting on the floor surrounded by machines and snipping loose threads off clothes, then packaging them into bundles so heavy she could barely drag them across the factory floor. Managers set harsh targets and anyone who failed to meet them was not asked back the next day.

Being a temporary worker came with an additional stigma: “Permanent staff think about manpower workers as spreaders of corona, as we work in different factories each day,” Roshani says. “They don’t talk much with us, and they treat us as inferior. When we walk, they give us a wide berth.”

In March 2021, Roshani secured a permanent position at a factory, but found it no less exhausting. Manpower workers were bused to and from factories, but, as a permanent worker, she had to make her own way across the Free Trade Zone.

“Some days I had to leave the house around 5 AM. There are no buses at that time, so I walked. I did overtime until 7 or 8 PM. There was no time for me to use the washroom or drink water.” That month, Roshani earned 23,000 LKR ($116).

Factory Infections

The link between Sri Lanka’s garment factories and COVID-19 infection rates is a controversial subject. In November 2020, Reuters reported that a thousand workers at the Brandix factory in Minuwangoda had tested positive for COVID-19. With factories in multiple countries, Brandix is one of the world’s biggest garment manufacturers, making clothes for Gap, Victoria’s Secret, and Marks & Spencer, among others.

Three official reports have investigated the Brandix outbreak, which scientists have linked to Sri Lanka’s second wave. One report was commissioned by the Sri Lanka’s labour minister, one by the attorney general, and one by Brandix itself, which says it was not responsible for the outbreak and has been unfairly targeted. None of the reports have so far been made public.

In the aftermath of the Brandix outbreak, the Labour Ministry recommended factories set up bipartite COVID-19 safety committees consisting of employers, workers, and trade unions. Yet these committees have still not been setup in the vast majority of Sri Lanka’s garment factories.

“The right to information on health issues is a workers’ right. Employees must have the right to refuse work which is detrimental to their health,” says Anton Marcus, joint secretary of the Free Trade Zones & General Services Employees Union (FTZ&GSEU). “We explain [to employers] that COVID-19 is not an occupational disease. COVID-19 is a pandemic and therefore the measures to prevent the spreading of the virus should go beyond the factory to include living conditions for employees and transport.”

The FTZ&GSEU is currently negotiating the creation of a union at Next Manufacturing Ltd, a factory in Sri Lanka owned and run by British clothing firm Next plc, after workers voted to form a branch in January 2021. Next Manufacturing Ltd is one of the factories where there is currently an outbreak of COVID-19. In May, a spokesperson for Next told Jacobin that while safety is a top priority, 143 workers had tested positive at the factory. The FTZ&GSEU believes this figure was well over two hundred and set to increase.

British campaign group War on Want believe factories’ reluctance to create COVID-19 bipartite health committees has a simple explanation: “They want to drive production forward as much as possible with minimal disruption or expense to preserve their profit margins,” Ruth Ogier at War on Want told Jacobin. “This is why proper safety measures and proper monitoring have not been put in place. The result is a rapidly rising number of cases in garment factories and communities.”

Back in her tiny room in the boarding house, Priyangika shares a bathroom with five other women. Her salary is too small for her to afford her own room, though her roommate moved out after Priyangika tested positive for Coronavirus. Cooking items have been placed in her room and a quarantine sign put on her door.

Far from the family her salary helps to support, Priyangika is unable to say whether she will be paid for the time she is sick off work. “I don’t know whether they will pay me or not. I do not know what they will pay me until I get the salary.” She is, however, still expected to pay full rent and electricity costs at the boarding house.

She hopes things will not get as bad as during the second-wave lockdown when she stayed inside for six weeks: “I was mentally broken down,” Priyangika says. “I was restricted to the four walls of the boarding house and I couldn’t go back to my village.” During this time, she also went hungry: “I didn’t have food during this time. I ate rice sprinkled with salt.”

Throughout the pandemic, Sri Lanka’s garment workers have continued to stitch clothes for some of the biggest brands in the world. Sri Lanka’s factory owner association, the Joint Apparel Association Forum (JAAF), lists H&M, Calvin Klein, Hugo Boss, Levi’s, and Uniqlo amongst its clients. A collective of women’s rights groups in Sri Lanka, including the Stand Up Movement, are calling for fashion buyers to pay a premium for production during lockdown or restricted periods, and for this premium to be given directly to workers as hazard pay.

But instead, the fashion industry’s response to COVID-19 has seen brands cancel billions of dollars of orders, placing a huge strain on manufacturers. JAAF recently published an open letter stating brands were telling factories to airlift clothing orders to make up for delays. “Due to the global inequity in vaccine distribution, you and the countries you reside in are starting to ease restrictions and go back to what life looked like pre COVID-19 while we have been crippled by yet another wave that has seen COVID-19 cases rise by over 130 percent in two months,” the statement read.

JAAF told Jacobin that they are “working very closely with the government authorities to ensure the safety of employees and the community whilst keeping the industry operating,” and that a national rollout of the vaccine is crucial to getting the situation under control. Campaigners want the government to vaccinate all Free Trade Zone workers within two weeks. But there is no sign that garment workers have yet to be prioritized.

Despite this, experts say Sri Lanka’s garment factories are safer than those in neighboring countries like Bangladesh and India: “In many ways the sector is ahead of the game — especially with regards to the built space and work conditions within the factory floor,” explains Dr Kanchana Ruwanpura at the University of Gothenburg.

But there remains an overarching ethical issue facing Sri Lanka. “There isn’t enough global recognition for Sri Lanka that it is also a militarized regime in a sense,” says Dr Ruwanpura, whose forthcoming book tackles the presence of a powerful military. She points out that Sri Lanka’s COVID-19 task force is entirely made up of military officers. Many of these officers have exceptionally brutal records. The head of the national operations center for COVID-19 prevention is army commander Shavendra Silva, the target of a US-imposed travel ban for war crimes committed during the final stages of the conflict against the Tamil Tigers in 2009, when up to seventy thousand Tamil civilians were killed. And Sri Lanka’s current leader, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, served as defense secretary during the vicious counterinsurgency.

Large sections of the garment workforce are young women who migrated to Free Trade Zones from once-war-torn rural areas. As well as creating a dangerous atmosphere in which dissent over labor rights abuses leads to intimidation, the creation of an army-led COVID response has seen garment workers forcibly moved to quarantine centers.

While she was still working as a temporary manpower worker, Roshani received a phone call with the news that army personnel had taken the inhabitants of her boarding house, including the owner, to a quarantine center 100 km away after one of the boarders tested positive. She spent the next twenty-one days hiding alone in the boarding house, keeping the lights off and fearing that soldiers might return.

“The apparel sector needs to start thinking about what [a militarized regime] means for claims around ethicality,” Dr Ruwanpura concludes. “Everybody accepts Myanmar is militarized, but they are not realizing what is happening in Sri Lanka.”

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FOCUS: More Than 1,000 People Across the US Send India Walton "Solidarity Greetings and Heartfelt Congratulations" Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=55540"><span class="small">RootsAction, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Sunday, 11 July 2021 11:02

RootsAction writes: "An outpouring of appreciation and support for Buffalo's Democratic nominee for mayor India Walton has come from all over the United States, with hundreds of individual messages added to a statement signed by more than 1,000 online activists."

Community activist India Walton in Buffalo, N.Y., on Dec. 15, 2020. (photo: Lindsay DeDario/Reuters)
Community activist India Walton in Buffalo, N.Y., on Dec. 15, 2020. (photo: Lindsay DeDario/Reuters)


More Than 1,000 People Across the US Send India Walton "Solidarity Greetings and Heartfelt Congratulations"

By RootsAction, Reader Supported News

11 July 21

 

n outpouring of appreciation and support for Buffalo’s Democratic nominee for mayor India Walton has come from all over the United States, with hundreds of individual messages added to a statement signed by more than 1,000 online activists.

“Solidarity greetings and heartfelt congratulations on your election victory in Buffalo,” the statement says. “We consider it to be our victory too. Your grassroots campaign on behalf of working people is an inspiration across our country and beyond. We wish you well. We have your back!”

Hundreds of the individuals who signed the statement chose to add personal notes. Some simply made comments like “Sincere congratulations” or “Very proud of you” or “You are an inspiration for a generation,” while others offered more extensive words of support.

A woman in Rochester wrote: “Stay strong and clear. Take pride in knowing that you are the person the people of Buffalo chose.”

“Good luck and congratulations from a man born in Buffalo,” one signer wrote from Pennsylvania. “Your victory just might get me to move back.”

“Know that we applaud your win and wish you well in your administration of the great city of Buffalo!” said a signer, writing from New Mexico. This note came from Illinois: “May your victory be a shining beacon of hope across the country!”

A Texan wrote: “Working people have been ignored for too long, so I hope your victory spreads across our nation.” From California came this note: “Yes! Bless you for your courage and good will.”

The statement and comments were gathered by the activist group RootsAction.org.

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Data, Not Arms, the Key Driver in Emerging US-China Cold War Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9643"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Sunday, 11 July 2021 08:37

Reich writes: "The emerging cold war between Beijing and Washington is less about traditional arms than about data - gathering, aggregating, analyzing and making maximum use of it to outmaneuver the other side."

Robert Reich. (photo: Win McNamee/Getty Images)
Robert Reich. (photo: Win McNamee/Getty Images)


Data, Not Arms, the Key Driver in Emerging US-China Cold War

By Robert Reich, Guardian UK

11 July 21


Cybersecurity comes down to which side has access to more information about the other and can utilize it best

his week, shares in China’s giant ride-hailing app Didi crashed by more than 20%. A few days before, Didi had raised $4.4bn in a massive IPO in New York – the biggest initial public offering by a Chinese company since Alibaba’s debut in 2014.

The proximate cause of Didi’s crash was an announcement by China’s Cyberspace Administration that it suspected Didi of illegally collecting and using personal information. Pending an investigation, it had ordered Didi to stop registering new users and removed Didi’s app from China’s app stores.

China’s state-owned Global Times noted in an editorial Monday that Didi has the “most detailed personal travel information” of users among all large technology firms, and that the company posed a potential risk for individuals because it could conduct big data analysis of users’ habits and behavior.

But since when does Beijing worry about the privacy of Chinese citizens? China’s government does everything in its power to spy on them.

More likely, the massive IPO in New York sparked anxiety in Beijing that the United States might gain access to huge amounts of personal information about where Chinese people live, work and travel – data that might threaten China’s national security.

On Wednesday, China’s antitrust regulator fined several internet companies, including Didi, for allegedly violating the country’s anti-monopoly law.

The emerging cold war between Beijing and Washington is less about traditional arms than about data – gathering, aggregating, analyzing and making maximum use of it to outmaneuver the other side. Cybersecurity comes down to which side has access to more information about the other and can use it best.

This week China also announced it would increase regulation of overseas-listed tech companies, monitoring what kind of information they send and receive across the nation’s borders. The official rationale: ensuring Chinese customers are safe from cybercrime and leaks of personal information. The probable reason: national security.

Politicians in Washington are almost as nervous as politicians in Beijing about outflows of information to the other side.

Senator Marco Rubio told the Financial Times it was “reckless and irresponsible” for the New York stock exchange to allow Didi to sell shares. His avowed concern? Protecting retired Americans.

“Even if the stock rebounds, American investors still have no insight into the company’s financial strength because the Chinese Communist party block US regulators from reviewing the books,” huffed Rubio. “That puts the investments of American retirees at risk and funnels desperately needed US dollars into Beijing.”

Please. If Rubio and other US lawmakers were genuinely intent on protecting American investors, Rubio and his colleagues would try to restrict how much American savings flow into China through US pension funds, mutual funds and exchange-traded funds.

Yet Chinese companies now constitute the largest share of major emerging market indexes guiding where American savings move around the globe. And despite the escalating geopolitical tensions, China’s allocation has grown dramatically over the last few years. Global bond indexes have even added Chinese government bonds to their portfolios.

US portfolio investment in Chinese companies and government securities together could total more than $1tn by the end of 2021.

US lawmakers’ real concern about Didi and other big Chinese high-tech firms gaining financial footholds in the US is that they might collect boatloads of data about the US, and yet they’re answerable to the Chinese government – in other words, the mirror image of Beijing’s concern.

Beijing’s and Washington’s data security concerns are understandable. Yet as a practical matter, the two economies are intertwined. Officially, the Chinese economy is still state-run and communist. Unofficially, its hi-tech chieftains are as capitalist – and have grown almost as rich – as their American counterparts.

Entrepreneurs and financial wizards in both China and the United States well understand that the two nations together constitute the biggest market in the world. They’ll continue to do everything they can to make money in this giant market, regardless of the increasing techno-nationalism of their respective politicians.

This means the most interesting conflict ahead isn’t between China and the US as such. It’s between business elites in both nations who are seeking big profits, and the political elites in both nations who want to protect their countries, and in so doing, their own centers of power.

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George Floyd Story Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=60087"><span class="small">John Edgar Wideman, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Sunday, 11 July 2021 08:35

Wideman writes: "George Floyd is dead while I write this story. If I had written these words a little more than a year ago, G.F. alive."

A memorial for George Floyd. (photo: Stephen Maturen/Getty Images)
A memorial for George Floyd. (photo: Stephen Maturen/Getty Images)


George Floyd Story

By John Edgar Wideman, The New Yorker

11 July 21


. . . The breath goes now, and some say, No:

So let us melt, and make no noise,
No tear-floods, nor sigh-tempests move;
’Twere profanation of our joys
To tell the laity our love.

—“A Valediction: Forbidding Mourning,” by John Donne

eorge Floyd is dead while I write this story. If I had written these words a little more than a year ago, G.F. alive. In a year, he will not be alive, whether I write or don’t write this story about him. Except perhaps alive in the way stories live, or alive as people say people are alive in stories. People saying that as if they do not understand: dead once, dead forever. As if they don’t know that once is all the time a person ever gets to be alive. As if they don’t know that G.F. doesn’t hear, doesn’t desire mourning, clamor, and cries. As if they do not comprehend that their millions of bodies piled up or kneeling in prayer or prostrate in the street next to G.F. all weigh less than this sheet of paper on which I scribble, and that the commotion, agitation, exercise of their millions upon millions of hearts and minds will not summon a single breath of air when G.F. needs it.

I will not pretend to bring G.F. to life. Nor pretend to bring life to him. G.F. gone for good. Won’t return. No place for G.F. except the past. And the past is not even past, a wise man once declared. Same abyss behind and in front of us is what the wisecracker writer signifying, I believe, and, if I truly believe what he believed, where would I situate G.F. if presented with an opportunity to put him somewhere alive? Not here. Not here in this story where I know better.

Better to forget G.F. Better to let go, or simply leave G.F. alone, thank you, than attempt to invent the point of view of a person not here, not where I am, a person who somehow possesses the power to see G.F. breathing, moving around, to hear G.F.’s thoughts. A person also able to observe me here, myself performing this grief, this terror and anger, this attempt to console myself and define and control and locate myself, establish myself as one who is offering a story about G.F., a true story confirming my suffering, my connection to him, a story about who he is, who I am, a story about myself, as if I am not here where I am and he is not where he is. As if the two of us not permanently separate as life from death. As dreams from objects dreamed.

Better to acknowledge impenetrable darkness surrounding G.F. and me, black darkness blinding me when I pretend I can speak with the authority of a being I imagine whose perspective absolutely reliable. Why write as if I can access the power such an angelic being might possess. As if I am able to employ that power to see, to enter G.F. Power to convince myself, or anybody who might be paying attention or reading or simply curious, that my feelings for G.F., my performance, my outrage, my rituals of claiming and disclaiming an unbreakable relationship to him are authentic. Serve some useful purpose. That my eyes, words reliable, convincing as words, eyes of that imaginary observer I proposed a few sentences ago. Why call upon some sort of supernatural observer to bear witness. Attempt to own that point of view. Imitating it to move closer to G.F. Move outside myself.

I find each move unsatisfactory. A kind of presumption. Wishful thinking at best. Guilt and avoidance at worst. Pretending not to be here where I am, here with many millions of others upset over G.F., people who watch online, who march, throng avenues and streets, behind mikes, on TV, in front of TVs, assuming they may be rightfully, righteously blamed, perhaps, but also hoping to be spared, forgiven. Given another chance. Here in this place where I am, too. Whether or not I pretend I can inhabit some impossibly different space. A place elsewhere in which I am neither exactly dead nor alive, where I am suspended, invisible, yet able to observe myself and observe G.F. as neither living nor dead. Despite absolute darkness, to observe G.F. here, to observe myself here, despite or because we are not present here, but elsewhere, nowhere in fact, or wherever anybody chooses to imagine or not imagine she or he might be. Wherever I’m pretending I am.

For example, pretending not to breathe. A cop knee (I know him—know the motherfucker’s name) pressing down on the neck. Choking, suffocating me. How long. How long. Hands cuffed behind back. Cop body sits on my body pressing it down in a city street. Many shoes, boots shuffling too close to eyes. Wonder if they will stomp my eyes. Wonder what street. What city. Wonder how long dead while wondering.

How long. How long. How to make it real. Not to bid a victim, loved or unloved, adieu. Not to say farewell. Not leave-taking, not goody, good, goodbye. But return to scene of crime. Recount each blow like a senator on the Senate floor who produces cinema verité for his colleagues—pounding rostrum POW-POW-POW-POW-POW—fifty-six times in eighty-one seconds—like cop fists, cop feet striking Rodney King’s body fifty-six hard, loud times—for eighty-one seconds—ignite cities. Like the four hundred blows—les quatre cents coups, as the French saying goes—dirty tricks delivered blow after blow in a black-and-white movie for viewers to silently regard—four hundred uncountable blows beating a boy to his knees. Different strokes for different folks in different countries. Same pain always. Whose. Whose blows. In whose language did the recorder hear Truffaut saying: I demand that a film either express the joy of making cinema or the agony of making cinema. I am not interested in anything in between.

As I read, I learn more about goodbyes, farewells to the dead, about narrative art, about protests, protesters, protestations, learn that the singer Esther Phillips, née Jones, born colored on December 23, 1935, in Galveston, Texas—two days later and you could call her an Xmas present—learn she recorded “No Headstone on My Grave,” a Charlie Rich song, in 1962, eleven years before G.F. was born, with all his live years ahead of him before he’s on his stomach on hard concrete or asphalt of a Minneapolis street begging for more breath, more life than he’s going to get. Wondering how he hears, of all things, a blues/church-voiced woman singing words he can’t quite make out, words gone quick as they come, quick as they go, but slow, too, and sad words, no doubt, very gotdamn sad brushing past, he whiffs thick sad on them, sad in a voice sad as blues and church, sad, slow, quick as a very last breath nobody ever hears anyway neck squeezed in a vise or not. . . . Oh, don’t, don’t, don’t / Don’t put no headstone on my grave / All my life I’ve been a slave. . . . Just put me down and let me be / Free from all this misery. . . . Tell my mother not to cry. . . . Tell her that I’m finally free. . . . Don’t put no headstone. . . . Words passing, dangling, no place to go like the man seen dangling from a rope ain’t going no place else but there where he sways in that old South story old people tell and some soul long ago snapped photos, scared the shit out him, but ain’t him, ain’t me, is it exactly that she sings to, sings for. Timing all wrong, and, anyway, another country, bro, and besides the wench dead (August 7, 1984). And we outlive King, too, don’t we—drowned (June 17, 2012) in his own swimming pool.

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Fox News' Anti-Vaccination Hysteria Has Reached a Disturbing New Level Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=48249"><span class="small">Ryan Bort, Rolling Stone</span></a>   
Sunday, 11 July 2021 08:33

Bort writes: "Right-wing media is melting down over President Biden's push to ... inoculate people against a virus that has killed more than 600,000 Americans."

A vaccine. (photo: Artyom Geodakyan/Tass)
A vaccine. (photo: Artyom Geodakyan/Tass)


Fox News' Anti-Vaccination Hysteria Has Reached a Disturbing New Level

By Ryan Bort, Rolling Stone

11 July 21


Right-wing media is melting down over President Biden’s push to … inoculate people against a virus that has killed more than 600,000 Americans

rian Kilmeade employed some interesting logic on Friday to criticize President Biden’s push to get more Americans vaccinated.

“They’re going to knock on your door, they’re going to demand that you take it, and they’re going to give you a third shot,” the Fox & Friends host said. “It’s unbelievable how offensive this administration is getting with a pandemic that is clearly on the run. We’re doing better than any other country. Almost 60-70 percent of this country has taken two shots, and yet this administration is panicking and infiltrating our lives.”

Kilmeade is correct in noting that the U.S. has done a good job tamping down Covid-19, and even that the virus is now “on the run.” The reason for this is simple: People are getting vaccinated. A recent Associated Press analysis of government data found that 98.9 percent of Covid-related hospitalizations are among the unvaccinated. Same goes for 99.2 percent of Covid-related deaths. This is a reason to keep vaccinating people, not to stop vaccinating people, especially as the highly contagious Delta variant is spreading around the world.

Kilmeade doesn’t seem to get it. “The focus of this administration on vaccination is mind-boggling,” he said on the same show a day earlier, neglecting to mention the Delta variant, neglecting to mention infection rates could go up in the fall, and neglecting to mention that this “focus” on inoculating people against a deadly virus is why life in America has regained some sense of normalcy while other developed nations are still stifled with restrictions.

Kilmeade’s morning musings are only a small example of the vaccine hysteria that has exploded across right-wing media since Biden gave an address on Tuesday calling for a “community-by-community, neighborhood-by-neighborhood, and oft times door-to-door, literally knocking on doors” campaign to get people vaccinated. The speech was pretty innocuous, but conservatives are seizing on the door-knocking image as an example of, as former White House doctor Rep. Ronny Jackson (R-Texas) so eloquently put it on Friday, “socialist communist Marxist” overreach. Conservatives are now not only questioning the vaccine, they’re pushing full-blown anti-vaccination propaganda.

Matthew Gertz of Media Matters compiled a sampling of what the watchdog has noticed on Fox News, including a guest telling Laura Ingraham that “no one under the age of 30” should be vaccinated. Meanwhile, Ingraham’s chyron described “THE LEFT’S CONSTANT COVID POWER GRAB.”

It’s unclear how vaccinating people against a virus that has now killed more than 600,000 Americans and 4 million people worldwide constitutes some sort of Democratic power play, but that doesn’t even matter. The idea is displayed in all caps for Ingraham’s viewers to absorb in all its incoherence, and absorb it they have. According to an ABC/Washington Post poll released over Fourth of July, 93 percent of Democrats have either been vaccinated or plan to get vaccinated, compared to only 49 percent of Republicans.

The QAnon contingent in Congress isn’t helping matters. Rep. Lauren Boebert (R-Colo.) tweeted this week that Biden is sending “Needle Nazis” to her district, referring to the vaccine as the “experimental vaccine.” Rep. Marjorie Taylor Green (R-Ga.) wrote that “no one cares about the Delta variant” and that “all voters are over Covid.” As Phillip Bump of The Washington Post points out, Greene’s district in Georgia is one of the least vaccinated in the nation. So is Boebert’s in Colorado. In fact, according to a Harvard analysis, of the 50 least-vaccinated congressional districts in America, 46 are represented by Republicans.

The right’s campaign to keep people unvaccinated is starting to extend beyond Fox News chyrons and tweets. Republican lawmakers in Tennessee have for weeks been attacking the state’s health commissioner for “peer pressuring” teenagers about getting vaccinated. The Tennesseean reported on Thursday that the the state’s Health Department has now “instructed its county-level employees to halt vaccination events focused on adolescents and stop online outreach to teens” as a result of the pressure from elected officials.

The Tennessee Department of Health’s reversal — which has included the deletion of some pro-vaccine Twitter and Facebook posts — is especially concerning considering how quickly the Delta variant could spread. “This variant is simply more transmissible,” Dr. David Aronoff, an infectious disease expert at Vanderbilt University, told the paper. “If it gets into populations that are not vaccinated, it will sneak into and through and across those groups more quickly than the original virus, which already did a pretty good job of spreading on its own.”

“Those groups” are plentiful in Tennessee, which ranks seventh-lowest in the nation in percentage of the population to have received at least one shot, according to The New York Times. States that voted for Trump in November occupy 21 of the bottom 22 slots on the list. Fox News is more hell-bent than ever on keeping it that way.

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