Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=54111"><span class="small">Bill McKibben, The New York Times</span></a>
Saturday, 25 April 2020 08:13
McKibben writes: "If you want to know why young people increasingly despair that the rest of us will leave them without a habitable world, consider the case of Lee Raymond."
Bill McKibben. (photo: Wolfgang Schmidt)
Stuck in the Past on the Climate
By Bill McKibben, The New York Times
25 April 20
Shareholders at JP Morgan Chase should block a former Exxon chief from another term on the bank’s board.
f you want to know why young people increasingly despair that the rest of us will leave them without a habitable world, consider the case of Lee Raymond.
At a time when millions are losing their jobs, JP Morgan Chase said this month that 81-year-old Mr. Raymond would be up for re-election to his post as the bank’s lead independent director when its shareholders meet in May, despite the fact that he led a company that has helped cause chaos on a scale hard to even imagine.
The bank said that Mr. Raymond had offered not to stand for re-election, given his age, but that the bank’s board wanted him to retain his seat because “his broad experience” both within and outside JP Morgan was “in the best interests” of shareholders.
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=47905"><span class="small">Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website</span></a>
Friday, 24 April 2020 12:51
Keillor writes: "It is drizzly today and today I shall take a deep breath and click Send and 125,000 words of memoir go off to my agent."
Garrison Keillor. (photo: MPR)
The News From Manhattan: Friday, April 24, 2020
By Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website
24 April 20
t is drizzly today and today I shall take a deep breath and click Send and 125,000 words of memoir go off to my agent. A large day, the end of months of obsession, and now I’ve promised myself that I shall resume the agility exercises I’ve abandoned, and keep myself from sliding into utter decrepitude. I’ll also put the novel on the fast track and hope to finish by the end of May.
I seem to have most of my marbles and so I’d better use them. Half of all people are below average and after a month of isolation I am pretty sure I’m below the line and in the red zone but for 77 I’m okay. I’m not complaining, I agree with Solomon that knowledge tends to bring unhappiness. Look at the scientists in the White House, they’re miserable, but the Big Guy is perfectly happy winging it and the other day he suggested maybe we could try injecting bleach directly into the body, see what happens with that. Meanwhile, I am content, self-isolating in New York. People come to the city for the excitement but it’s good to take a break, not go out to dinner and then the opera or a play, but stay home with Jenny and Maia and play Uno. Others are doing likewise. The city that never sleeps is now rather drowsy, or so I hear. Young men are drag-racing on the West Side highway, there being no traffic in their way. Theaters are dark for the foreseeable future and I imagine the 20-year-olds who were majoring in theater or music are maybe switching to real estate or social work. I saw a virtual comedy show, three comics in their own apartments performing to a laptop or a cellphone, and it was very good, not the same as going to a club, but the chips and dip were free and we were barefoot. It was a good evening. We had scallops and beans for supper and as we were putting dishes in the dishwasher, I emitted a very long fart that had intonation and inflection and was on the verge of articulate speech and it was followed by a punctuation fart. Jenny laughed like crazy, even harder than at the comics.
When you marry someone, you should think of the possibility that the two of you might be quarantined someday and make sure you marry someone with a good sense of humor.
I miss the people, of course. The street face of New York women that is the facial equivalent of a wall. The New Yorkers who go around with imaginary friends who they’re not getting along with. The dogs dragging their owners along. But that will all come back someday. Restaurants probably won’t. Showbiz? Hard to tell. The horses who appear every year in “Aida” may be looking for other work. As I sometimes say to my wife, I’m glad I lived when I did. The Eighties! The Nineties! The Aughts! I’m a lucky guy, I have no ambition and I love to work. It’s like the Big Guy, he has no idea what he’s doing but he loves the briefings, the mansion, the limo, the big plane, all the men with curly wires in their ears. Vanity of vanities, all is vanity, as Solomon said, but here in 12B we have no complaints. Bless you all.
Fifty Years Ago This Spring, Millions of Students Struck to End the War in Vietnam
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=54104"><span class="small">Steve Early, Jacobin</span></a>
Friday, 24 April 2020 12:51
Excerpt: "In May 1970, 4 million students went on strike across the country, shutting down classes at hundreds of colleges, universities, and high schools and demanding an end to the Vietnam War. Fifty years later, their rebellion remains an inspiration, as radical student politics is back on the agenda."
Following the May 4, 1970 shooting of students at Kent State University, students at UNM took over the student union building. (photo: Steven Clevenger/Corbis)
Fifty Years Ago This Spring, Millions of Students Struck to End the War in Vietnam
By Steve Early, Jacobin
24 April 20
In May 1970, 4 million students went on strike across the country, shutting down classes at hundreds of colleges, universities, and high schools and demanding an end to the Vietnam War. Fifty years later, their rebellion remains an inspiration, as radical student politics is back on the agenda.
“Tin soldiers and Nixon’s coming,
We’re finally on our own.
This summer, I hear the drummin’
Four dead in O-hi-o .?.?.”
—“Ohio,” Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young (1970)
resident Richard Nixon prided himself on the accuracy of his political prognostication. He was never more prescient than in a remark made fifty years ago this month to his secretary, just before delivering a White House address that announced a US military invasion of Cambodia. “It’s possible,” Nixon told her, “that the campuses are really going to blow up after this speech.”
Blow up they did, as Nixon’s unexpected escalation of an already unpopular war in Vietnam triggered a chain of events culminating in the largest student strike in US history.
In May 1970, an estimated 4 million young people joined protests that shut down classes at seven hundred colleges, universities, and high schools around the country. Dozens were forced to remain closed for the rest of the spring semester.
Over the course of this unprecedented campus uprising, about two thousand students were arrested. After thirty buildings used by the Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) were bombed or set on fire, heavily armed National Guards were deployed on twenty-one campuses in sixteen states.
On May 4, at Kent State University in Ohio, Guard members fresh from policing a Teamster wildcat strike shot and killed four students and wounded nine. Ten days later, Mississippi State Police opened fire on a women’s dormitory at Jackson State University, killing two more students.
America’s costly war in Southeast Asia had finally come home with stunning impact, creating what a later President’s Commission on Campus Unrest organized by Nixon (known as the Scranton Commission) called “an unparalleled crisis” in higher education.
The strike across campuses revealed the power of collective action. Born out of the shutdown, there was an explosion of activity by hundreds of thousands of students not previously engaged in anti-war activity, creating major political tremors across the country, including helping to curtail military intervention in Southeast Asia.
As Neil Sheehan notes in A Bright Shining Lie, his prize-winning Vietnam War history, the “bonfire of protest” ignited by Nixon’s “incursion” into Cambodia was so great that the White House “had no choice but to accelerate the withdrawal” of US troops from the region. Unfortunately, the halting pace of American disengagement continued for another five years, amid much further bloodshed among the Vietnamese (who suffered an estimated 3 million civilian and military deaths overall).
The Path to Protest
Some campus radicals started objecting to US policy in Vietnam during the first term of Nixon’s predecessor, Lyndon B. Johnson. Johnson campaigned in 1964 as the “peace candidate” in a presidential race against Senator Barry Goldwater, a rabidly right-wing Republican. But over the next two years, President Johnson began a massive military buildup to prevent his ally, the Republic of Vietnam, from being toppled in the southern part of the country by a communist-led nationalist insurgency.
Criticism of Johnson found its earliest and most polite expressions in “teach-ins” — on-campus debates and tutorials about Vietnam. But lots of talk soon turned to action. Hundreds and eventually thousands of local protests were organized — against military conscription and on-campus officer training, Pentagon-funded university research, and visiting corporate recruiters from arms makers like Dow Chemical Company.
An insurgent offensive in February 1968 and mounting US casualties (which eventually totaled sixty thousand) shattered any hope that Johnson had for military victory. Even after the president declined to run for reelection, anti-war protestors still descended on Washington, DC, in increasing numbers. In 1967, fifty thousand people marched on the Pentagon. Two years later, three hundred thousand gathered in protest near the White House.
Nixon replaced Johnson in January of 1969, after Democratic candidate Hubert Humphrey, Johnson’s vice president and loyal supporter of the war, was defeated in a three-day race. Nixon claimed to have a “secret plan” to bring peace to Vietnam and withdraw the five hundred thousand US troops still deployed there.
Once unveiled, Nixon’s plan turned out to be “Vietnamization” — shifting the combat burden to troops loyal to the US-backed government in Saigon, while conducting massive bombing of targets throughout Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. By April 30, 1970, the United States was sending ground troops into Cambodia as well.
Students at elite private institutions long associated with anti-war agitation were among the first to react. Protest strikes were quickly declared at Columbia, Princeton, Brandeis, and Yale, where many students had already voted to boycott class in support of the Black Panther Party, then on trial in New Haven.
Meanwhile, a Friday night riot outside student bars in downtown Kent, Ohio, was followed by the burning of a Kent State ROTC building over the weekend. Ohio governor James Rhodes ordered a thousand National Guard troops to occupy the campus and prevent rallies of any kind.
The Guard came geared with bayonets, tear gas grenades, shotguns, and M1s, a military rifle with long range and high velocity. Chasing a hostile but unarmed crowd of students across campus on May 4, one unit of weekend warriors suddenly wheeled and fired, killing four students.
Bringing the War Home
As historians Nancy Zaroulis and Gerald Sullivan described the scene in Who Spoke Up?:
It was a moment when the nation had been driven to use the weapons of war upon its youth, a moment when all the violence, hatred, and generational conflict of the previous decade was compressed into 13 seconds when the frightened, exhausted National Guardsmen, acting perhaps in panic or simple frustration, had turned on their taunters and taken their revenge.
In the aftermath of this fusillade, Guard officials orchestrated a cover-up exposed in The Killings at Kent State: How Murder Went Unpunished, by investigative reporter I. F. Stone. Even the FBI later found that the mass shooting was “unnecessary.”
The deaths of Jeffrey Miller, Allison Krause, Sandy Scheuer, and Bill Schroeder had a powerful impact on hundreds of thousands of students at Kent State and beyond. This time, the casualties of war were neither draftees from poor communities in the United States nor Vietnamese peasants — all of whom had been dying in much larger numbers for years. Nor were they African Americans, like the three student protestors fatally shot at South Carolina State University two years earlier, or the two murdered by state troopers at Jackson State University later that May.
The students in the kill zone at Kent State were mainly white and middle income, with draft deferments. Some had aggressively challenged the Guard’s presence, but many were simply bystanders, hanging around on the grass between classes. One target was an ROTC cadet who had just left a military science class before getting a bullet in the back. Another student, who survived, was paralyzed for life. (For first-person detail, see Kent State: Death and Dissent in the Long Sixties by Thomas M. Grace, a history major who was also wounded that day.)
In newspaper photos and TV coverage, the dazed Kent State survivors looked like college students everywhere. As one strike organizer at Middlebury College in Vermont recalls, those images “created a sense of vulnerability and crisis that many people had never experienced before.”
The resulting calls for campus shutdowns came from every direction. Students at MIT tracked which schools were on strike for a National Strike Information Center operating at Brandeis nearby. Soon the list was ten feet long. Despite its initial association with militant protest, most strike activity was peaceful and legal. It consisted of student assemblies taking strike votes, and then further mass meetings, speeches and lectures, vigils and memorial services, plus endless informal “rapping” about politics and the war.
A Radical Victory
The strike brought together a wide range of undergraduates, faculty members, and administrators — despite their past disagreements about on-campus protest activity. Thirty-four college and university presidents sent an open letter to Nixon calling for a speedy end to the war. The strike also united students from private and public colleges and local public high schools in working-class communities. On May 8, in Philadelphia, students from many different backgrounds and neighborhoods marched from five different directions to Independence Hall, where a crowd of one hundred thousand gathered outside. City high school attendance that day dropped to 10 percent, according to the Philadelphia Inquirer.
Hamilton College professor Maurice Isserman, coauthor of America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s, believes that it was the more moderate students, those “who were anti-war but turned off by the rhetoric of the late ‘60s New Left” who “emerged as the leading force” in the aftermath of the upsurge. Indeed, many new recruits did gravitate toward anti-war lobbying, petitioning, and electoral campaigning rather than further direct action.
Yet the Scranton Commission viewed the politicization of higher education as a victory for student radicals. According to its later report, “students did not strike against their universities; they succeeded in making their universities strike against national policy.” To prevent that from happening again and get campus life back to normal, the commissioners agreed that “nothing is more important than an end to the war.”
In a Boston Globe interview on the thirtieth anniversary of this upsurge, Isserman argued that it was “the product of unique circumstances that, not surprisingly, provoked outrage from a generation of students already accustomed to protest and demonstration. It’s unlikely that we’ll ever see a movement quite like this again.”
That was certainly true for the next few years, as the Vietnam War wound down and Nixon, after winning reelection, conspired his way to impeachment, public disgrace, and forced resignation in 1974 over the Watergate scandal.
Yet over the past two decades, college and high-school students have walked out again, across the country, in highly visible and coordinated fashion. In March 2003, they poured out of 350 schools to protest the impending US invasion of Iraq. Fifteen years later, about 1 million students at 3,000 schools walked out to join a seventeen-minute vigil organized in response to the mass shooting at Parkland High School in Florida. And just last September, hundreds of thousands of students left school to join rallies and marches organized as part of a Global Climate Strike.
Universities and high schools are now experiencing a shutdown of their campuses, albeit of a very different kind. But when these institutions open back up, conditions will require a new set of political demands. A return to normal will not be good enough. When school is back in session, the history of a strike occurring after the shadow of death fell on campuses fifty years ago, thanks to Richard Nixon, may become more relevant to challenging “national policy” under the equally toxic Donald Trump.
FOCUS: Trump Goes Peak Batshit Crazy, Urging UV Irradiation and Chlorine Injections, and Cable TV Greedily Broadcasts It
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51519"><span class="small">Juan Cole, Informed Comment</span></a>
Friday, 24 April 2020 11:09
Cole writes: "The cable news media continues to broadcast Daffy Donald's Parlous Snake Oil Show every night unfiltered and to let him say the most damaging things."
Disinfectants are hazardous substances and even external exposure can be dangerous. (photo: Getty)
Trump Goes Peak Batshit Crazy, Urging UV Irradiation and Chlorine Injections, and Cable TV Greedily Broadcasts It
By Juan Cole, Informed Comment
24 April 20
eff Zucker, the CEO of the Cable News Network, has a Harvard B.A. in American History and his father is a cardiologist, so he definitely knows better. So too does Steve Burke, the CEO of Comcast / NBC Universal. Suzanne Scott at Fox Fable News probably doesn’t know better, but that is no excuse.
The cable news media continues to broadcast Daffy Donald’s Parlous Snake Oil Show every night unfiltered and to let him say the most damaging things. When CNN pulled back briefly, Trump denied them high visibility guests like Dr. Anthony Fauci until they folded. But Fauci has lots of peers in the US medical community; put them on instead. The cable networks pimp Trump out for ratings, since advertising rates are tied to ratings. Like alien ravagers in a sci-fi B movie, they are willing to leave the country a burned-out post-apocalyptic hulk for the sake of their corporate profits. They’ve even pretty much stopped reporting any actual news at all, since that wouldn’t support the selling of tampons and toilet paper.
First the Daffy One pushed hydrochloroquine, which is implicated in heart problems, for coronavirus in the absence of a big clinical study. Whether he was talking up the stock of Novartis, the manufacturer, and how much of that stock he or his cronies own, is something that perhaps only future historians will know, given how successful Trump has been in covering up his various crimes. But that advocacy was merely dangerous and reckless because premature and unfounded, but it wasn’t out of the realm of possibility.
But then on Thursday, Daffy Donald floated off into the vast Empyrean of infinite daffiness:
“So, supposing we hit the body with a tremendous — whether it’s ultraviolet or just very powerful light — and I think you said that hasn’t been checked but you’re going to test it. And then I said, supposing you brought the light inside of the body, which you can do either through the skin or in some other way. And I think you said you’re going to test that too. Sounds interesting.”
“Then I see the disinfectant, where it knocks it out in a minute, one minute, and is there a way we can do something like that, by injection inside, or almost a cleaning, because you see it [the coronavirus] gets in the lungs and does a tremendous number on the lungs, so it would be interesting to check that, so that you’re going to have to use medical doctors, right? But it sounds, it sounds interesting to me.”
[I originally embedded this clip from The Guardian but they thought it so toxic they took it down. It was just a clip. We are to the point where responsible journalists have second thoughts about broadcasting the president without contextualizing, as this Bloomberg short does.]
I’ve spent my scholarly life analyzing texts, and I think these weighty passages need parsing. Daffy Donald, it seems, wishes to cure the coronavirus by shining light on the body. He appears to think that simple white light might have a curative effect. But he is willing to entertain the possibility that stronger medicine, in the form of ultraviolet rays, might be necessary.
Shining the light onto the outside of the body, however, he believes, might be inadequate — since that is usually known in layman’s terms as “sunbathing.” No, a measure more effective than Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis’s West Palm Beach Cure might just be desirable. Especially since DeSantis, a notorious white supremacist, has mixed feelings about turning white people brown, but also because he mainly is spreading the elder-killing coronavirus around a state with old folks’ homes stacked every which way from Sunday.
So Trump admits that it might (we have to look into this) be possible or desirable or both to bring the light inside the body.
As Professor Trump knows, when photons encounter a dense array of atoms with strong electron fields around them (such as a human body) they interact with the electrons, which absorb their energy. In other words they can’t get through ordinary matter, such as a human body. Photons can in some sense get through glass, because they don’t much excite the electrons of those atoms, which have big band gaps. But UV rays can’t get through most window panes, and they also can’t get much past a person’s outer skin.
So clearly the solution is to make the human body more like glass, i.e., endow it with bigger band gaps between electron fields. The body needs to be translucent. Who would know how to do that? Daffy Donald may want to speak on the subject with Kevin Bacon, who starred in the 2000 film “Hollow Man.” Trump may not know Mr. Bacon, but he likely knows someone who knows someone who knows someone who knows someone who knows someone who knows him.
A further challenge is making photons kill viruses once they have penetrated the translucent body, since they have never been known to do so.
As for UV rays, there are three types. Ordinary UVA rays are what reach us from the sun. UVB rays also reach us from the sun but are nastier and give you sunburn and skin cancer. They will much shorten the life of a virus, but if an infected person sneezes on you at the beach you’ll still fall ill. Otherwise there would be no cases in India. Have you been to India in April? UVC has a shorter wavelength, and it will kill viruses on surfaces. However, you really wouldn’t want to irradiate people with it unless you were trying to turn them into a mass of bulbous tumors or simply to fry them to a crisp.
Moreover, even exposure to a lot of ordinary UV rays weakens a person’s immunity, which is, like, undesirable during a pandemic.
As for injecting disinfectants (ethanol, bleach or hydrogen peroxide) into your bloodstream, this will kill you dead. Ordinarily the English teacher in me would object to the redundancy of this last phrase. In this instance, however, it simply describes the actual consequences. You will have been killed, and you will be quite dead. Very much like the Monty Python parrot. You will be deceased, demised, passed on, no more, ceased to be, gone to see your maker, bereft of life, resting in peace, joined the choir invisible, an ex-human.
Since the novel coronavirus only has a 2% or so chance of killing you, the 100% chance of dying by bleach needle needs to be weighed in the balance. Personally, I’ve decided against it. Those who trust Trump implicitly to be in charge of our nation’s nuclear weapons, national security, economic well-being and public health safety may go in a different direction. A nether direction.
The psychology of these two passages points to an interpenetration of some outside force or agent (sun rays, bleach) with the body in order to wipe out another interloper. Trump has clearly lost a sense of body boundaries, which is typical of some mental disorders. I’m not qualified to pronounce Trump technically insane. He may be at some extreme edge on the spectrum of psychiatric normality for all I know. However, I can confidently conclude that that outer edge he occupies is beyond what is acceptable to me in a man with his finger on the nuclear button.
So I’m calling bullshit on the entire US government apparatus and the entire cable news apparatus. They go on pretending we don’t have a public health crisis in this country directly stemming from having a president who is, in layman’s terms, off his freaking rocker. He is giving medical advice that will be sure to kill anyone who takes it.
Comcast, Time Warner and Fox Corp. are each worth billions. They don’t need to eke out a few more pennies by putting Trump on Americans’ screens unfiltered. It is not enough for overpaid telejournalists to raise their eyebrows and plead gently with the public not to pay attention to the deranged narcissist they have just inflicted on that very public. This degree of journalistic malfeasance is now a form of attempted manslaughter.
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6853"><span class="small">Frank Rich, New York Magazine</span></a>
Friday, 24 April 2020 10:57
Rich writes: "With Bright out of action and Redfield and eventually Fauci on the ropes, you might ask what kind of people the Trump administration wants in jobs that could have life-or-death implications for Americans."
Donald Trump's coronavirus press briefing. (photo: Brendan Smialowski/Getty)
The Casualties of a 'Wartime Presidency'
By Frank Rich, New York Magazine
24 April 20
Most weeks, New York Magazine writer-at-large Frank Rich speaks with contributor Alex Carp about the biggest stories in politics and culture. Today, Brian Kemp’s plan to reopen Georgia’s economy, and the removal of a federal vaccine scientist.
The president’s favored medical tool, Dr. Deborah Birx, publicly keeps to the old script. Earlier this week, she refused to condemn Georgia for reopening nail spas, tattoo emporia, and massage parlors on the grounds that its citizens could be “very creative” in achieving social distancing in such venues. This is only the latest example of Birx debasing herself in deference to her dear leader, prioritizing his favor over public health. She first revealed her hand at one of the earliest Trump press briefings when she displayed an elaborate graphic to promote a Google site that would facilitate national coronavirus testing. The Google site didn’t exist, and neither did the testing, but Dr. Birx to this day has neither apologized for nor explained a public-relations stunt that led to more unnecessary deaths. When this “wartime presidency” is finally over, she deserves at least a cameo in any war crimes prosecutions.
Of the politicians and public officials pushing or countenancing immediate reopenings, Kemp and Birx may not be the most egregious. In Oklahoma, there’s Carol Hefner, a co-chair of Trump’s 2016 presidential campaign, who told the Times that because her state gets “a lot of wind” and is topographically flat, it is “in a much better position than many of the other states to go ahead and open back up.” Surely the Flat Earth Society has never had a better spokesperson. In Texas, there’s the always reliable lieutenant governor, Dan Patrick, whose argument for back-to-business-as-usual is that “there are more important things than living.” Carolyn Goodman, the mayor of Las Vegas, achieved instant notoriety when she told Anderson Cooper this week that she is eager to reopen the casinos and roll the dice on whatever happens next because “we would love to be” the “placebo” for national coronavirus testing. “I’d love everything open,” she explained, “because I think we’ve had viruses for years that have been here.” She’s not wrong: Nevada ranks fifth per capita in HIV infections.
At a time when factory towns across the Midwest are suffering devastation comparable to that of the pandemic’s coastal urban epicenters, at least one prominent Republican is speaking out unequivocally against premature reopenings: Jay Timmons, who, as head of the National Association of Manufacturers, is one of the leading manufacturing lobbyists in Washington. Timmons was for a dozen years the chief of staff to the very conservative former Virginia governor and senator George Allen; in 2004 he was executive director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee. This week, as demonstrators in Charlottesville-esque regalia marched on the Virginia governor’s mansion in Richmond pleading for “liberation,” he’d had enough. He began his Facebook post castigating the protestors with a single word, all in caps: IDIOTS. As Alexandra Petri of the Washington Post has observed, the latest incarnation of the Tea Party movement, once again underwritten by deep-pocketed right-wing donors, is rallying under the slogan “Give me liberty and give me death!”
Not on your life – or perhaps I should say not on all our lives. We know there is only one criterion for serving as a scientist in this administration – fealty to the boss. The fact that Dr. Rick Bright was in charge of arguably the single most important mission in public health right now, developing a Covid-19 vaccine that could shut down the pandemic, didn’t matter to Trump. Indeed, Bright mattered so little to Trump that when asked about his removal, he responded “I never heard of him.”
What Trump surely had heard is that Bright, like every other scientist and doctor in the land, pushed for clinical tests to determine the safety and efficacy of drugs that the president had told Americans to take because, as he put it, “What do you have to lose?” One of those drugs, we now know, led to higher loss of life for those who took them in hospitals run by the Department of Veterans Affairs. But Trump doesn’t care about that; he only cares that Bright, unlike, say, Dr. Birx, favored scientific empiricism over the president’s gut “feeling” about prescription medications.
With Bright gone, it’s only a matter of time before he’s followed out the door by Dr. Robert Redfield, the CDC head, who made the mistake of saying in an interview what nearly every other leading public-health expert has asserted: There is likely to be a second and worse wave of Covid-19 this fall, coinciding with flu (and election) season. In Trump’s version of a public show trial, he demanded during yesterday’s press circus that Redfield eat his words. Redfield took the podium and tried to dance around this presidential order, but surely not enough for his boss’s taste. Anthony Fauci soon seconded what Redfield had originally said about the second wave.
With Bright out of action and Redfield and eventually Fauci on the ropes, you might ask what kind of people the Trump administration wants in jobs that could have life-or-death implications for Americans. One answer was reported by Reuters last night. It turns out that the man originally put in charge of the administration’s daily response to Covid-19 by Alex Azar, the Secretary of Health and Human Services and the original head of the White House’s coronavirus task force, was a crony, Brian Harrison, who for six years had run a dog-breeding business called Dallas Labradoodles. Could the Trump administration field anyone more useless? Even though we are now learning that household pets can be infected by the virus, the known victims aren’t dogs but cats.
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