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Elizabeth Warren's Appeal Print
Monday, 17 October 2011 17:20

The New York Times: "Democrats should not be cowed by conservative taunts that the speech advocated 'collectivism,' and use this argument to push back against the Republicans' refusal to raise the taxes of people who make more than a million dollars a year - sometimes far more. Senate Democratic leaders say they plan to employ poll-tested phrases like 'Tea Party economics' and 'Tea Party gridlock' in their campaign for a jobs bill and beyond. They would be better off listening to Elizabeth Warren."

Elizabeth Warren leaves Washington with a farewell note to her staff. (photo: Mary F. Calvert/NYT/Redux)
Elizabeth Warren leaves Washington with a farewell note to her staff. (photo: Mary F. Calvert/NYT/Redux)



Elizabeth Warren’s Appeal

By The New York Times | Editorial

17 October 11

 


or a few years now, politicians straining against all of the antigovernment demagogy have been searching for a way to energize public interest and remind voters of the essential government services and protections they rely on and all too often take for granted.

President Obama has struggled to find that language, only recently beginning to draw a clear contrast between his goal to revive the economy and put Americans back to work and the stagnation that is the inevitable result of the Republicans' antitax, antispending policies.

While most other Democrats are afraid to talk about the need for higher taxes and are running away from the problem, Elizabeth Warren, the leading Democratic candidate for a Senate seat in Massachusetts, has engaged the fight and is beginning to rally supporters.

Ms. Warren talks about the nation's growing income inequality in a way that channels the force of the Occupy Wall Street movement but makes it palatable and understandable to a far wider swath of voters. She is provocative and assertive in her critique of corporate power and the well-paid lobbyists who protect it in Washington, and eloquent in her defense of an eroding middle class.

It is an informed and measured populism, and it helps explain why she immediately became the leading Democratic contender in the race to challenge Senator Scott Brown, the Republican who is up for re-election next year.

Ms. Warren, a law professor at Harvard, helped to design the new Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. Because of her fierce advocacy on behalf of consumers, Senate Republicans and the financial industry made clear they would never allow her to run it.

She is a remarkably eloquent and appealing Senate candidate. "Washington is well wired for big corporations that can hire armies of lobbyists," she said last month, soon after joining the race. "But it's not working very well for middle-class families, and that's what I care about."

She is both knowledgeable and accessible when she explains the destructive credit-swap and subprime mortgage games that created the financial crisis. She draws a detailed map back to the early deregulation of the 1980s that began to rip the nation's economic fabric - the same deregulatory fervor the Republicans are preaching today.

Her larger appeal, though, comes from her ability to shred Republican arguments that rebalancing the tax burden constitutes class warfare. In a living-room speech that went viral on YouTube last month, she pointed out that people in this country don't get rich entirely by themselves - everyone benefits from roads, public safety agencies and an education system paid for by taxes. And those who have benefited the most, she says, need to give back more.

"You built a factory and it turned into something terrific or a great idea - God bless!" she said. "Keep a big hunk of it. But part of the underlying social contract is you take a hunk of that and pay forward for the next kid who comes along."

Democrats should not be cowed by conservative taunts that the speech advocated "collectivism," and use this argument to push back against the Republicans' refusal to raise the taxes of people who make more than a million dollars a year - sometimes far more. Senate Democratic leaders say they plan to employ poll-tested phrases like "Tea Party economics" and "Tea Party gridlock" in their campaign for a jobs bill and beyond. They would be better off listening to Elizabeth Warren.

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FOCUS | Is Massachusetts Anti-Woman? Print
Sunday, 16 October 2011 15:20

Intro: "Massachusetts may revel in its liberal reputation, but it has struggled to elect women to statewide office. Linda Killian on whether Elizabeth Warren will smash the glass ceiling."

Elizabeth Warren campaigns in Framingham, Mass., in September. (photo: Josh Reynolds/AP)
Elizabeth Warren campaigns in Framingham, Mass., in September. (photo: Josh Reynolds/AP)



Is Massachusetts Anti-Woman?

By Linda Killian, The Daily Beast

16 October 11



assachusetts, home of the Kennedy dynasty, the first state to grant marriage licenses to same-sex couples, and the only one to vote for George McGovern for president in 1972, revels in its über-liberal reputation. And while Democrats hold most of the elected offices that matter, the paradox is that voters here don't seem comfortable electing women to statewide office.

Massachusetts has never elected a woman to be a U.S. senator or governor, unlike North and South Carolina, Oklahoma, Louisiana, Kansas, Texas - and Arizona, which has elected women from both parties as governor. All are considered far more conservative than the Bay State. Closer to home, New Hampshire and Maine both have two women senators - only one of whom is a Democrat. Vermont and Connecticut have had female governors, too, including Ella Grasso, who in 1974 was elected governor of Connecticut and became the first woman in the country to serve as a governor who did not succeed her husband.

The expected 2012 showdown between Republican Sen. Scott Brown - who last year unexpectedly seized the Senate seat held by Ted Kennedy for nearly a half century - and consumer advocate and Harvard law professor Elizabeth Warren will test anew the state's track record on women politicians.

Massachusetts has long considered politics its favorite pastime after the Red Sox. The three previous speakers of the state House, all men, have been indicted, with one pleading guilty to tax evasion and another convicted on seven federal corruption charges. This is the big league, and politics is a blood sport here, a tradition going back hundreds of years. First the Brahmins held on tightly to power, and then the Irish Catholics fought their way in.

The state has launched national leaders from President John F. Kennedy to U.S. House Speaker Tip O'Neill, and presidential candidates Michael Dukakis, John Kerry, and now Mitt Romney - who, if he is the GOP nominee, probably won't carry the state he governed only five years ago.

"Men want it bad in Massachusetts. They want to be in power. Getting elected to statewide office here is a big launching pad for national politics. The men don't want to give that up. Men see the opportunities and are damned if they're going to let women in," says Carol Hardy-Fanta, director of the Center for Women in Politics & Public Policy at the University of Massachusetts at Boston.

In its entire history, only four women have represented Massachusetts in Congress. The first was Edith Nourse Rogers, a progressive Republican who succeeded her husband and served from 1925 to 1960, becoming the nation's longest-serving congresswoman, a record that still stands. Republican Margaret Heckler served in the U.S. House from 1967 to 1983, after which there was a gap of almost a quarter century until Niki Tsongas became the next woman elected in 2007. She represents the state's Fifth District, the same seat held by Rogers, and by Tsongas's late husband, Paul, before his election to the Senate, his run for the presidency in 1992, and his death from non-Hodgkin's lymphoma in 1997.

"We can't win if we don't run," Tsongas says of women candidates. She points out that on the farm-team level the state is doing pretty well. Women have been elected to the state legislature from 27 of the 29 towns in her district in the past two legislative cycles, she says.

The current Democratic governor, Deval Patrick, did not carry the Fifth District, which includes the working-class former mill cities of Lawrence and Lowell. But Brown, who won a special election in 2010 to fill Kennedy's Senate seat, did. Tsongas has already endorsed Warren, Brown's likely Democratic challenger in 2012.

Over the past 50 years, the Democratic candidate for president has nearly always won Massachusetts, the only exceptions being when Ronald Reagan carried the state twice. The same people who voted for Reagan - white, working-class men labeled Reagan Democrats - also elected Brown. Hillary Clinton decisively defeated Barack Obama in the Democratic primary here in 2008, but she did it not only with the help of women but by being a more palatable candidate to Reagan Democrats.

You can't win statewide in Massachusetts without their votes, along with the support of independents, who represent 52 percent of all registered voters here, compared with 36 percent who are Democrats and a paltry 11 percent who are registered Republicans. Massachusetts election law allows independents to participate in primary elections, making them even more important. Brown, who defeated Democrat Martha Coakley, the state attorney general, depicted himself during the 2010 campaign as a guy's guy, wearing a canvas barn coat and driving his pickup truck around the state. According to a privately conducted exit poll, he won male votes in that election by a margin of 13 points, whereas Coakley won women's votes by only 3 points. If you ask five people here why Coakley lost, you'll get five different answers: she and the Democrats took the race for granted; she ran a bad and somewhat arrogant campaign; Brown ran a great one; she made some stupid remarks; and she came off as "chilly." But there is also no doubt that Brown played the guy card against her with a direct appeal to the Reagan Democrats, and it looks as if he plans to do the same thing this time around.

The Democratic primary, in which Warren must defeat four opponents before she can take on Brown in November 2012, isn't until next September. But she is presumed the likely challenger, and there has already been a dust-up between Brown and Warren that has raised issues of sexism, class, elitism, and humor.

Brown, when he was in law school at Boston College, posed nude in Cosmopolitan after being named "America's Sexiest Man" by the magazine. He used the money he earned from that photo shoot for school expenses and the exposure, pardon the pun, to launch a modeling career. Recently, at the first Democratic debate, a questioner made reference to this and asked Warren how she paid for college, to which she quipped, "I didn't take my clothes off."

Two days later, appearing on a local talk-radio show, Brown, responding to a question about Warren's comment, retorted, "Thank God" (pronounced "gawd" in Massachusetts speak), expressing apparent relief that Warren didn't strip for the camera. After a furor erupted over his comments, Brown said, "I was merely responding to a wisecrack she made," and added, "You have to have a sense of humor."

Warren didn't overreact. "I'll survive a few jabs from Scott Brown over my appearance," she responded. But the critique of Warren's physical appearance struck a nerve with some women supporters. House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi called Brown "clueless" on national television and said his remark showed "a disrespect for women."

The tempest in a nude teapot would never have resonated if there weren't already so much sensitivity about the way women candidates are treated by the media and their opponents. Shannon O'Brien served in the state legislature before being elected state treasurer in 1998, the first woman to win statewide office here on her own. Four years later she defeated a field of primary contenders, including political economist and national pundit Robert Reich, to become the Democratic candidate for governor. She was defeated by Mitt Romney.

"It's very easy to make fun of women for their appearance ... Women are held to a different standard. I was shocked to find out that appearance really counts a lot more for women than it does for men," O'Brien says.

Being a woman candidate can be both a "disadvantage and a distinguishing factor," she says. "The bar is set higher, there are more opportunities for error, and when you do make a mistake it has a more significant impact on your fortunes as a candidate."

O'Brien was vastly outspent by Romney, who put millions of dollars of his own money into the race, and says it is much harder for women candidates to raise money.

So far, Warren is doing pretty well. Despite just announcing her candidacy a month ago, she has already raised $3 million, compared with Brown's $10.5 million in the bank.

Early polls portend a close race. In hypothetical matchups, a University of Massachusetts at Lowell/Boston Herald poll of registered voters showed Brown ahead of Warren 41 percent to 38 percent, while Warren led by 2 points in a Public Policy Polling survey.

O'Brien applauds Warren's low-key response to the Brown jab. As a woman candidate, "you can't look whiny," O'Brien says.

In this case, it seems there's been some gender-role reversal about appearance and who's doing the whining. It is Brown who has been celebrated for his good looks and tried to play the victim card.

"I didn't go to Harvard. You know, I went to the school of hard knocks. And I did whatever I had to do to pay for school," he said. But Warren didn't go to Harvard either. She may work there now, but she went to the University of Houston and Rutgers Law School, and took out loans to do it. Brown attended the arguably more elite private schools of Tufts and Boston College Law School.

Numerous studies have shown that voters do set a higher bar for women candidates and that there is a greater emphasis on their appearance and "likability." Women candidates and officeholders can also expect very personal comments and criticism that men usually never face, although New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie has certainly withstood a barrage of comments, jokes, and even a Washington Post column about his weight.

Amy Markham is an independent voter from Norton, Mass., who thinks Brown's remark was "a low blow ... Some people might have thought it was cute, but I thought it was kind of inappropriate. It's like going back to Hillary and her pantsuits. Why do we have to have any conversations about that at all?"

Bob Nerz, an independent in North Attleborough, lives near the Rhode Island border in the district Brown represented when he was in the state legislature. Nerz says he voted for Brown for Senate and tends to vote more often for Republicans because "in Massachusetts there's no reason to get out of bed if you want the Democrats to win." He definitely thinks Brown appeals to swing, blue-collar voters.

"He projects the image of a guy you'd like to have a beer with," adds Joe Stanganelli, a Democratic lawyer from Cohasset.

Victoria Budson, executive director of the Women and Public Policy Program at Harvard's Kennedy School, says Massachusetts is not as liberal as many people think: "It's been very socially conservative when it comes to cultural norms." Budson says women who run for office continually talk about media and voter emphasis on "hair, hemlines, and husbands."

"A woman candidate needs to be ever mindful of her message and to get it out through the static of that coverage ... There is a much more narrow window of what is socially acceptable for women politicians," she says.

Elizabeth Feld is a moderate Republican who moved to Massachusetts from New York a few years ago and sees many differences between the two states. "They are culturally very conservative here," she says. "They're reluctant to embrace new ideas and new things. The way they dress is very old school. The traditions run deep."

But Feld, who worked on several campaigns back in New York, says it's more difficult for women to win office no matter where they live. "The kingmakers are still the men."

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Smell of Protest Spreads to Miami Print
Sunday, 16 October 2011 13:01

On October 15h over 1,000 gathered at the Torch of Friendship in Bayside Park in Miami, Florida. The call was for a rally, to be followed by the third General Assembly in Southern Florida.

Over 1,000 gathered at the Torch of Friendship in Bayside Park in Miami, Florida. (photo: Scott Galindez/RSN)
Over 1,000 gathered at the Torch of Friendship in Bayside Park in Miami, Florida. (photo: Scott Galindez/RSN)



Smell of Protest Spreads to Miami

By Scott Galindez, Reader Supported News

16 October 11



“I Love the Smell of Protest in the Morning” - Isis Miller

n October 15th over 1,000 gathered at the Torch of Friendship in Bayside Park in Miami, Florida. The call was for a rally, to be followed by the third General Assembly in Southern Florida.

During the first General Assembly on October 1st plans were made for an occupation of Miami’s Government Center. During that meeting attended by 100 South Floridians, small groups were formed to discuss the issues that Occupy Miami should focus on. One of the report backs was by a young immigrant named Juan.

Juan
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Following the meeting I interviewed Isis Miller who also gave an impassioned report back from her small group.

Isis
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Those attending the first General Assembly left with a mission, they needed to grow the occupy movement, and grow it they did.

Fast forward to October 15th …The one hundred who attended the first meeting was now more than a thousand, with the momentum it was time to take the next step. Over a thousand strong, they marched to Government Center.

March
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Once there they held their third General Assembly, this time there would be no bull horn, this time they would use the people's mic. This time on the agenda was an important question, Do we Occupy this space?

General Assembly
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So the Occupation of Miami had begun.

Food Not Bombs
Food Not Bombs arrived with food.

Tents
Tents began to appear.

Despite several rain showers spirits were high. The crowd was diverse…young and old, brown, black and white. Parents holding their babies, children playing. Some were meditating others were drumming and dancing. Everyone was sending a message that enough is enough.

It remains to be seen how long the occupation will last but one can't ignore the momentum. Even the harshest right wing critic has to admit, the occupy movement around the country has the wind at their backs. In Miami it’s a warm ocean breeze.


Scott Galindez attended Syracuse University, where he first became politically active. The writings of El Salvador's slain archbishop Oscar Romero and the on-campus South Africa divestment movement converted him from a Reagan supporter to an activist for Peace and Justice. Over the years he has been influenced by the likes of Philip Berrigan, William Thomas, Mitch Snyder, Don White, Lisa Fithian, and Paul Wellstone. Scott met Marc Ash while organizing counterinaugural events after George W. Bush's first stolen election. Scott will be spending a year covering the presidential election from Iowa.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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OWS: Count Me In Print
Sunday, 16 October 2011 11:01

Al Gore begins: "For the past several weeks I have watched and read news about the Occupy Wall Street protests with both interest and admiration."

Portrait, Al Gore, 11/03/09. (photo: Graeme Robertson)
Portrait, Al Gore, 11/03/09. (photo: Graeme Robertson)



Al Gore | OWS: Count Me In

By Al Gore, Reader Supported News

16 October 11



or the past several weeks I have watched and read news about the Occupy Wall Street protests with both interest and admiration. I thought the New York Times hit the nail on the head in an editorial Sunday:

"The message -- and the solutions -- should be obvious to anyone who has been paying attention since the economy went into a recession that continues to sock the middle class while the rich have recovered and prospered. The problem is that no one in Washington has been listening."

 

"At this point, protest is the message: income inequality is grinding down that middle class, increasing the ranks of the poor, and threatening to create a permanent underclass of able, willing but jobless people. On one level, the protesters, most of them young, are giving voice to a generation of lost opportunity."

From the economy to the climate crisis our leaders have pursued solutions that are not solving our problems, instead they propose policies that accomplish little. With democracy in crisis, a true grassroots movement pointing out the flaws in our system is the first step in the right direction. Count me among those supporting and cheering on the Occupy Wall Street movement.

You can support the protests by clicking here.

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GOP Panic Sets In Print
Saturday, 15 October 2011 17:40

Degan writes: "You can almost feel the panic reverberating from both sides of the aisle in Congress this week. They're trying to convince themselves that this is a passing fluke, that we're not yet at the point of no return. If these corrupt nitwits know a damned thing about history (and sometimes I wonder if these knuckleheads know anything) they must realize that - if this isn't the end of the right wing's 30-year-long orgy - it is most definitely the beginning of the end."

Republicans John Boehner and Kevin McCarthy on Capitol Hill, 10/04/11. (photo: Getty Images)
Republicans John Boehner and Kevin McCarthy on Capitol Hill, 10/04/11. (photo: Getty Images)



GOP Panic Sets In

By Tom Degan, LA Progressive

15 October 11



f you read the newspapers today, I, for one, am increasingly concerned about the growing mobs occupying Wall Street and the other cities across the country. And believe it or not, some in this town, have actually condoned the pitting of Americans against Americans." - Eric Cantor

Damn! I nearly spit out my coffee when I read that one. At that exact same moment, the pot that I had brewed the coffee in called the kettle "black". Aren't these the most interesting of times? They are, you know. They really are!

Here is a question that I am hard-pressed to avoid: Is there a bigger worm slithering though the halls of Congress than Eric Cantor? If there is I'd sure as hell would like to know about it. It has always amused me to watch him on the tube trying to defend the morally indefensible. He always has this weird look of cherubic contentment on his clueless face. It really is something to behold. To the credit of Mitch "The Plutocracy's Bitch" McConnell, he at least has the decency to look somewhat ill at ease when having to vomit forth their nonsensical talking points . Cantor, on the other hand, is right at home with their delightfully twisted agenda. Too weird!

Consider Eric Cantor's burden. if you will. The little freak wants us to swallow his definition of the people down on Wall Street who now hold up a mirror to the plutocracy's face. Eric defines them as a "mob". He actually made a very good point - although I am certain that it was accidental on his part. This IS the pitting of "Americans against Americans. It's the ninety nine percent against the one percent. Cantor and his people are calling this "class warfare". Guess what. It is class warfare! And they've been waging it against us since the dawn of the Industrial Revolution.

For the first century, it was a covert war. On January 20, 1981 (Guess what happened on that day? Hint: "Ronnie") it became completely and unabashedly overt. On 17 September 2011, the sleeping giant of the American Left was awakened from a long and troubled slumber. Cantor and his gang shouldn't even dream about putting an end to what is now happening. This revolution is unstoppable. The line it is drawn; the curse it is cast. The good folks whom at this very hour are occupying Wall Street are bearing witness for all the world to behold, what 30 years of deregulation - and the resulting economic plunder - have done to the working people of this once-great nation. The American people have had it up to here and they're taking long-overdue action. The old world is rapidly fading. Please get out of the new one if you can't lend a hand.

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