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Politics
Recommended Holiday Reading for the Caring, Agitated Mind Print
Friday, 23 December 2011 09:12

Ralph Nader has put together a list of 12 inspiring books he recommends for Holiday reading, or perhaps gift giving.

Ralph Nader being interviewed during his 2008 presidential campaign, 08/01/08. (photo: Scrape TV)
Ralph Nader being interviewed during his 2008 presidential campaign, 08/01/08. (photo: Scrape TV)



Recommended Holiday Reading for the Caring, Agitated Mind

By Ralph Nader, Reader Supported News

23 December 11

 

1. America Beyond Capitalism by Gar Alperovitz (Democracy Collaborative Press and Dollars and Sense, 2011). If you want to see how community economies are spreading to displace the sales and influence of companies such as Bank of America, ExxonMobil, Aetna, ADM and McDonalds, this is your book. Democratic credit unions, local renewable and efficient energy, community health clinics and farmer-to-consumer markets are some of the possibilities outlined in this optimistic book.

2. Retirement Heist: How Companies Plunder and Profit From the Nest Eggs of American Workers by Ellen E. Schultz, award-winning reporter for The Wall Street Journal (Portfolio/Penguin Hardcover, 2011). This book meticulously documents how big business and their attorneys avariciously turned pension plans into piggy banks, tax shelters and profit centers at the expense of millions of trusting, loyal workers. This is the searing story of corporate greed on steroids.

3. This Changes Everything: Occupy Wall Street and the 99% Movement ed. by Sarah van Gelder of YES! Magazine (Berrett-Koehler Publisher, Inc. San Francisco, 2011). Sixteen short essays viewing the Occupy initiatives around the country from a variety of perspectives. Very lively, forward-looking, and filled with interesting insights.

4. The Vertical Farm - Feeding the World in the 21st Century by Columbia University Professor Dickson Despommier (St. Martin's Press, New York, 2011). Scientific American writes, "Imagine a world where every city has its own local food source grown in the safest way possible, where no drop of water or particle of light is wasted, and where a simple elevator ride can transport you to nature's grocery store - imagine the world of the vertical farm." This mind-stretcher shows how to feed people and save the environment - see if it is too good to be true!

5. Technology, Globalization, and Sustainable Development - Transforming the Industrial State by Nicholas A. Ashford and Ralph P. Hall (Yale University Press, New Haven, 2011). This is a big picture, big book integrating the design of multipurpose solutions to the sustainability challenge so that economics, employment, technology, environment, industrial development, national and international law, trade, finance, and public and worker health and safety are taken into account. If the piecemeal frustrates you, try this whole meal.

6. Amglish In, Like, Ten Easy Lessons: A Celebration of the New World Lingo by Arthur E. Rowse with illustrations and caricatures by John G. Doherty (Roman and Littlefield, Lanham, Maryland, 2011). Amglish is described as informal American English, influenced by the syntax of tweets and the slips-ups of celebrities, that has begun to dominate the globe. As William Powers says, "Amglish is not only here to stay, it's a kind of party and Arthur E. Rowse shows us how to join in and have fun. Lively, illuminating and totally cool-smart."

7. Crude Awakening: Money, Mavericks and Mayhem in Alaska by Amanda Coyne and Tony Hopfinger (Nation Books, New York 2011). The authors, renowned for their tough scoops that regularly appeared in Alaska Dispatch, pour into this wonderful book their inside and outside knowledge of Alaska's combustible politics of big oil, the politicians, and the underhanded dealings that attracted federal investigators who had their own problems. Read about power in Alaska and what its future portends for the lower 48.

8. All That We Share: A Field Guide to the Commons by Jay Walljasper (The New Press, New York, 2010). You may not know all of the commonwealth in our country that belongs to you and other Americans. Sure, we own the valuable public lands - one third of our country - and the public airwaves. But the finest writers in this burgeoning field of awareness point to much more. But what we own - the immensity all around us - we do not control. Control has been the preoccupation of corporations that strive to turn our government against the core concept of the commons. Engage these engrossing pages and see how we can recover the commons for the good life and for our posterity.

9. While We Were Sleeping: Success Stories in Injury and Violence Prevention by David Hemenway (University of California Press, Berkeley, 2009). In the swirl of corporate propaganda against health/safety regulation, this book did not receive the notice it and its celebrated author deserve. From his professional position at the Harvard School of Public Health, David Hemenway takes you into your daily world and shows how successful regulation made your immediate surroundings and environment safer and more healthful. It is an ode to brave legislators and regulators who stood up to the corporatists for a change, saved lives, and prevented injuries and illnesses.

10. Consequential Learning: A Public Approach to Better Schools by Jack Shelton (NewSouth Books, Montgomery, Alabama, 2005). A wake-up call to parents and students indentured to sterile, high-frequency, multiple-choice standardized tests. Mr. Shelton stresses that student learning comes from both the classroom and the community, with the lessons of the former applied to the benefit of the latter. He shows from his experience in Alabama's schools and colleges how students become "self-aware learners" from connecting school and community "in the formation of their personal characters." Filled with examples and strategies for both civic and academic growth.

11. Save the Humans?: Common Preservation in Action by Jeremy Brecher (Paradigm Publishers, Boulder, Colorado, 2011). This book is about "common preservation" past and present as "world leaders fail" to address problems of deep significance to billions of human beings and their environment. Brecher shows how common preservation worked in Gandhi's civil disobedience campaigns in colonial India, and the Polish Solidarity movement that weakened the Soviet Union's control of Poland. He takes his theme right to today's Occupy initiatives.

12. Stanley K. Sheinbaum: A 20th Century Knight's Quest for Peace, Civil Liberties and Economic Justice by Stanley K. Sheinbaum, with William A Meis Jr. (Fairtree, Los Angeles, 2011). Don't let this just-published, witty gem fall through the cracks. It is the absorbing story of a civic renaissance man who shaped foreign policy, influenced police practices in Los Angeles, protected whistle-blowers, pioneered the campaigns of Eugene McCarthy and George McGovern, and took tough stands to advance first-stage Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations. Called a "fearless activist" by Norman Lear, and "addicted to fairness and justice" by Barbara Streisand, Scheinbaum's nine decades of robust activity are filled with motivational and character lessons for a young generation looking for exemplary guidance.

Enjoy and replenish! Happy Holidays!
- Ralph Nader

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Obama and Geithner: Government, Enron-Style Print
Wednesday, 21 December 2011 16:47

Taibbi writes: "There is ample evidence out there that the Obama administration has eased up on prosecutions of Wall Street as part of a conscious strategy to prevent a collapse of confidence in our financial system, with the expected 50-state foreclosure settlement being the landmark effort in the cover-up, intended mainly to bury a generation of fraud."

Matt Taibbi at Skylight Studio in New York, 10/27/10. (photo: Neilson Barnard/Getty Images)
Matt Taibbi at Skylight Studio in New York, 10/27/10. (photo: Neilson Barnard/Getty Images)



Obama and Geithner: Government, Enron-Style

By Matt Taibbi, Rolling Stone

21 December 11

 

trongly recommend this piece at the Huffington Post by Jeff Connaughton, a former aide to Senator Ted Kaufman. Jeff has long been one of the smartest guys on the Hill and is particularly strong on issues surrounding Wall Street and the regulatory system. In this piece, he takes apart the oft-stated mantra that what Wall Street firms did during and after the crisis was maybe unethical, but not illegal. He takes particular aim at Barack Obama, who tossed that line out on 60 Minutes in what I thought was one of the real low moments of his presidency. Here's Jeff's take:

Speaking in Kansas on December 6, [Obama] said, "Too often, we've seen Wall Street firms violating major anti-fraud laws because the penalties are too weak and there's no price for being a repeat offender." Just five days later on 60 Minutes, he said, "Some of the least ethical behavior on Wall Street wasn't illegal." Which is it? Have there been no prosecutions because Wall Street acted legally (albeit unethically)? Or did Wall Street repeatedly violate major anti-fraud laws (and should thus find itself in the dock)?

The President is confusing "legal" with "difficult to prosecute successfully."

The notion that what Wall Street firms did was merely unethical and not illegal is not just mistaken but preposterous: most everyone who works in the financial services industry understands that fraud right now is not just pervasive but epidemic, with many of the biggest banks committing entire departments to the routine commission of fraud and perjury - every single one of the major banks, for instance, devotes significant manpower to robosigning affidavits for foreclosures and credit card judgments, acts which are openly and inarguably criminal. Banks and hedge funds routinely withhold derogatory information about the instruments they sell, they routinely trade on insider information or ahead of their own clients' orders, and corrupt accounting is so rampant now that industry analysts have begun to figure in estimated levels of fraud in their examinations of the public disclosures of major financial companies.

Beyond that, as Jeff points out, Obama is simply not telling the truth about the insufficient penalties available to regulators. Employing the famous "mistakes were made" use of the passive tense, Obama copped out in his December 6 speech by saying that "penalties are too weak." As Jeff points out, what Obama should have said is that "the penalties my own regulators chose to dish out were too weak":

Moreover, the President is misleading us when he says that Wall Street firms violate anti-fraud law because the penalties are too weak. Repeat financial fraudsters don't pay relatively paltry - and therefore painless - penalties because of statutory caps on such penalties. Rather, regulatory officials, appointed by Obama, negotiated these comparatively trifling fines. This week, the F.D.I.C. settled a suit against Washington Mutual officials for just $64 million, an amount that will be covered mostly by insurance policies WaMu took out on behalf of executives, who themselves will pay just $400,000. And recently a federal judge rejected the S.E.C.'s latest settlement with Citigroup, an action even the Wall Street Journal called "a rebuke of the cozy relationship between regulators and the regulated that too often leaves justice as an orphan."

What makes Obama's statements so dangerous is that they suggest an ongoing strategy of covering up the Wall Street crimewave. There is ample evidence out there that the Obama administration has eased up on prosecutions of Wall Street as part of a conscious strategy to prevent a collapse of confidence in our financial system, with the expected 50-state foreclosure settlement being the landmark effort in the cover-up, intended mainly to bury a generation of fraud. Here's how Jeff puts it:

In Ron Suskind's book, Confidence Men, he quotes Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner as saying, "The confidence in the system is so fragile still... a disclosure of a fraud... could result in a run, just like Lehman." The Obama Administration is pushing hard for a 50-state settlement with the major banks for their fraudulent foreclosure practices, even though several state attorneys general have rejected this approach because, in their view, it would shield too much wrongdoing. Regrettably, Obama's top officials and lawyers seem more eager to restore the financial sector to health than establish criminal accountability among the executives who were in charge.

In other words, Geithner and Obama are behaving like Lehman executives before the crash of Lehman, not disclosing the full extent of the internal problem in order to keep investors from fleeing and creditors from calling in their chits. It's worth noting that this kind of behavior - knowingly hiding the derogatory truth from the outside world in order to prevent a run on the bank - is, itself, fraud! This is exactly the mindset that led Lehman to the abuses of the "Repo 105" accounting trick, in which loans were disguised as revenues in order to prevent the outside world from knowing the dire state of the bank's balance sheet.

Now Obama and Geithner are engaged in the same sort of activity, only they're trying to prevent a run not on an individual bank, but the entire American financial services sector. Geithner seems really to believe that if fraud were aggressively policed, and the world was made aware of the incredible extent of the illegality in our markets, that international confidence in the American financial sector would plummet and our economy would suffer - and suffer, incidentally, on Barack Obama's watch. Better, apparently, the Band-Aid the problem now, and let the real mess happen later on, on someone else's watch, or at least in a second term, when there's no need to worry about re-election.

Of course, this is exactly the wrong way to go about things. If Geithner and Obama really wanted to convince the world that America's markets weren't broken, they would effectively police fraud, and by extension prove to everybody that at the very least, our regulatory system is not broken. By taking a dive on fraud, and orchestrating mass cover-ups like the coming foreclosure settlement fiasco, what they're doing instead is signaling to the world that not only are our financial markets corrupt, but our government is broken as well.

The problem with companies like Lehman and Enron is that their executives always think they can paper over illegalities by committing more crimes, when in fact all they're usually doing is snowballing the problem so completely out of control that there's no longer any chance of fixing things, thereby killing the only chance for survival they ever had.

This is exactly what Obama and Geithner are doing now. By continually lying about the extent of the country's corruption problems, they're adding fraud to fraud and raising such a great bonfire of lies that they won't ever be able to fix the underlying mess. If they looked at the world like public servants, and not like corporate executives, they'd understand that the only way out is to come clean. That they don't look at things that way should tell people quite a lot.

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PolitiFact Is Bad for You Print
Wednesday, 21 December 2011 16:40

Newell writes: "The lefty blogosphere is all hot and bothered at famous fact-checking website Politifact for naming Democrats' claim that the Paul Ryan 'Path to Prosperity' would 'end Medicare' its 2011 Lie of the Year. And yes, there's a solid argument to be made that Politifact is completely wrong. The bigger problem here, though, is why does anyone care what this gimmicky website has to say, ever?"

U.S. Rep. Paul Ryan, R-Wis., is 'disappointed' in President Obama's speech, 04/04/11. (photo: AP)
U.S. Rep. Paul Ryan, R-Wis., is 'disappointed' in President Obama's speech, 04/04/11. (photo: AP)



PolitiFact Is Bad for You

By Jim Newell, Gawker

21 December 11

 

he lefty blogosphere is all hot and bothered at famous fact-checking website Politifact for naming Democrats' claim that the Paul Ryan "Path to Prosperity" would "end Medicare" its 2011 Lie of the Year. And yes, there's a solid argument to be made that Politifact is completely wrong. The bigger problem here, though, is why does anyone care what this gimmicky website has to say, ever?

Politifact took flak for this same judgment earlier in the year, when it labeled the claim "PANTS ON FIRE." That is the cutesy term they use when they consider something a most terrible lie. You know, like "Liar, liar, pants on fire," that thing that people say. As opposed to "four Pinocchios," which the Washington Post fact-checker guy uses. Fact-checkers enjoy using lines from children's taunts and stories, to market themselves.

Politifact considers "end Medicare" a lie because Paul Ryan's plan would keep a program called "Medicare" as the public policy solution to the problem of financing health care for old people. But the "Medicare" program, as long as it's been around, has been a single-payer, fee-for-service model. That's what it is, and that's why it's popular. Ryan's plan (at least that version of it) would eliminate that system and deal with the problem of financing health care for old people with a program of "premium support" - distributing coupons for beneficiaries to purchase a health insurance plan in a managed private market. The coupons would not be indexed to soaring medical inflation, though, giving them depleting value over time. Paul Ryan thinks that managed competition would eventually align the growth in medical inflation with regular ol' topline inflation. People who actually work in health care policy do not. Can you say that a program that keeps the name Medicare, but is in fact a totally different program, "ends Medicare"? Sure.

Politifact's condemnations are flooding in today! Here's Paul Krugman:

The answer is, of course, obvious: the people at Politifact are terrified of being considered partisan if they acknowledge the clear fact that there's a lot more lying on one side of the political divide than on the other. So they've bent over backwards to appear "balanced" - and in the process made themselves useless and irrelevant.

And Washington Monthly's Steve Benen:

When an outlet puts "fact" in its name, the standards for accuracy are especially high. When its selecting a Lie of the Year, standards dictate that the falsehood should be overwhelmingly obvious and offensive.

Today, PolitiFact, which relies exclusively on its credibility to affect the political discourse, ought to be ashamed of itself.

But Krugman, Benen and others are only this furious because they've already bought into the gimmick from which Politifact derives all of its power. What Politifact is, really, is just a blog written by some people at the St. Petersburg Times. But since it calls itself Politifact and assigns ratings that you can just glance over, it undeservedly becomes a irresistible cudgel to use against your political opponents. Politifact! It's a portmanteau of "politics" and "facts," so it can't be wrong. And it just labeled your top party message "PANTS ON FIRE," the worst rating imaginable! Too many writers, editors and cable news producers love these easily digestible judgments that they can use, cheaply, when pretending to inform their audiences. And I'd bet top dollar that when Krugman or Benen see Politifact label the next major right wing myth "PANTS ON FIRE," they'll forget all about today's unforgivable crime and tell their readers, Look what Politifact said - PANTS ON FIRE!

This is why I stopped citing Politifact altogether this year, even on the numerous occasions when I think they're right. Why should St. Petersburg Times bloggers' opinions - no offense to them! - carry authoritative power to make final judgments? They're imperfect humans who fact-check political claims, just like every other asshole on the Internet. But people have bought into their branding gimmick, their ratings.

More than anything else, Politifact reminds me of the credit rating agencies. They are just companies that employ credit risk analysts. But since they devised a similarly easily digestible alphanumeric code - AAA, BBB, AA+, whatever - and people have bought into this, they wield immense centralized power over the entire world. But that doesn't mean they won't screw up.

Politifact is dangerous. Stop reading it. Stop reading the "four Pinocchios" guy too. Stop using some huckster company's stupid little phrases or codes or number systems when it's convenient, and read the actual arguments instead. You're building a monster.

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FOCUS | Pathetic Plutocrats Print
Wednesday, 21 December 2011 11:37

Krugman begins: "One of the disadvantages of being very wealthy may be that you end up surrounded by sycophants, who will never, ever tell you what a fool you're making of yourself."

Portrait, New York Times columnist Paul Krugman, 06/15/09. (photo: Fred R. Conrad/NYT)
Portrait, New York Times columnist Paul Krugman, 06/15/09. (photo: Fred R. Conrad/NYT)



Pathetic Plutocrats

By Paul Krugman, The New York Times

21 December 11

 

ne of the disadvantages of being very wealthy may be that you end up surrounded by sycophants, who will never, ever tell you what a fool you're making of yourself. That's the only way I can make sense of the farcical behavior of the wealthy described in this new report from Max Abelson:

Cooperman, 68, said in an interview that he can’t walk through the dining room of St. Andrews Country Club in Boca Raton, Florida, without being thanked for speaking up. At least four people expressed their gratitude on Dec. 5 while he was eating an egg-white omelet, he said.

"You’ll get more out of me," the billionaire said, "if you treat me with respect."

What's truly amazing is that they're hearing things that aren't actually being said. Obama and others say that the rich have had huge income gains relative to everyone else, so they should be asked to pay somewhat higher taxes; the rich hear that and it comes out "you are all evil".

What I want to know is, how did these people get where they are with such incredibly thin skins? Can you become a Master of the Universe while screaming "Ma, he's looking at me funny!" at every hint of criticism?

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Why the Republican Crackup Hurts America Print
Wednesday, 21 December 2011 09:41

Excerpt: "Two weeks before the Iowa caucuses, the Republican crackup threatens the future of the Grand Old Party more profoundly than at any time since the GOP's eclipse in 1932. That's bad for America.... The underlying conflict lies deep into the nature and structure of the Republican Party. And its roots are very old. As Michael Lind has noted, today's Tea Party is less an ideological movement than the latest incarnation of an angry white minority - predominantly Southern, and mainly rural - that has repeatedly attacked American democracy in order to get its way."

Portrait, Robert Reich, 08/16/09. (photo: Perian Flaherty)
Portrait, Robert Reich, 08/16/09. (photo: Perian Flaherty)



Why the Republican Crackup Hurts America

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

21 December 11

 

wo weeks before the Iowa caucuses, the Republican crackup threatens the future of the Grand Old Party more profoundly than at any time since the GOP's eclipse in 1932. That's bad for America.

The crackup isn't just Romney the smooth versus Gingrich the bomb-thrower.

Not just House Republicans who just scotched the deal to continue payroll tax relief and extended unemployment insurance benefits beyond the end of the year, versus Senate Republicans who voted overwhelmingly for it.

Not just Speaker John Boehner, who keeps making agreements he can't keep, versus Majority Leader Eric Cantor, who keeps making trouble he can't control.

And not just venerable Republican senators like Indiana's Richard Lugar, a giant of foreign policy for more than three decades, versus primary challenger state treasurer Richard Mourdock, who apparently misplaced and then rediscovered $320 million in state tax revenues.

Some describe the underlying conflict as Tea Partiers versus the Republican establishment. But this just begs the question of who the Tea Partiers really are and where they came from.

The underlying conflict lies deep into the nature and structure of the Republican Party. And its roots are very old.

As Michael Lind has noted, today's Tea Party is less an ideological movement than the latest incarnation of an angry white minority - predominantly Southern, and mainly rural - that has repeatedly attacked American democracy in order to get its way.

It's no mere coincidence that the states responsible for putting the most Tea Party representatives in the House are all former members of the Confederacy. Of the Tea Party caucus, twelve hail from Texas, seven from Florida, five from Louisiana, and five from Georgia, and three each from South Carolina, Tennessee, and border-state Missouri.

Others are from border states with significant Southern populations and Southern ties. The four Californians in the caucus are from the inland part of the state or Orange County, whose political culture has was shaped by Oklahomans and Southerners who migrated there during the Great Depression.

This isn't to say all Tea Partiers are white, Southern or rural Republicans - only that these characteristics define the epicenter of Tea Party Land.

And the views separating these Republicans from Republicans elsewhere mirror the split between self-described Tea Partiers and other Republicans.

In a poll of Republicans conducted for CNN last September, nearly six in ten who identified themselves with the Tea Party say global warming isn't a proven fact; most other Republicans say it is.

Six in ten Tea Partiers say evolution is wrong; other Republicans are split on the issue. Tea Party Republicans are twice as likely as other Republicans to say abortion should be illegal in all circumstances, and half as likely to support gay marriage.

Tea Partiers are more vehement advocates of states' rights than other Republicans. Six in ten Tea Partiers want to abolish the Department of Education; only one in five other Republicans do. And Tea Party Republicans worry more about the federal deficit than jobs, while other Republicans say reducing unemployment is more important than reducing the deficit.

In other words, the radical right wing of today's GOP isn't that much different from the social conservatives who began asserting themselves in the Party during the 1990s, and, before them, the "Willie Horton" conservatives of the 1980s, and, before them, Richard Nixon's "silent majority."

Through most of these years, though, the GOP managed to contain these white, mainly rural and mostly Southern, radicals. After all, many of them were still Democrats. The conservative mantle of the GOP remained in the West and Midwest - with the libertarian legacies of Ohio Senator Robert A. Taft and Barry Goldwater, neither of whom was a barn-burner - while the epicenter of the Party remained in New York and the East.

But after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, as the South began its long shift toward the Republican Party and New York and the East became ever more solidly Democratic, it was only a matter of time. The GOP's dominant coalition of big business, Wall Street, and Midwest and Western libertarians was losing its grip.

The watershed event was Newt Gingrich's takeover of the House, in 1995. Suddenly, it seemed, the GOP had a personality transplant. The gentlemanly conservatism of House Minority Leader Bob Michel was replaced by the bomb-throwing antics of Gingrich, Dick Armey, and Tom DeLay.

Almost overnight Washington was transformed from a place where legislators tried to find common ground to a war zone. Compromise was replaced by brinkmanship, bargaining by obstructionism, normal legislative maneuvering by threats to close down government - which occurred at the end of 1995.

Before then, when I'd testified on the Hill as Secretary of Labor, I had come in for tough questioning from Republican senators and representatives - which was their job. After January 1995, I was verbally assaulted. "Mr. Secretary, are you a socialist?" I recall one of them asking.

But the first concrete sign that white, Southern radicals might take over the Republican Party came in the vote to impeach Bill Clinton, when two-thirds of senators from the South voted for impeachment. (A majority of the Senate, you may recall, voted to acquit.)

America has had a long history of white Southern radicals who will stop at nothing to get their way - seceding from the Union in 1861, refusing to obey Civil Rights legislation in the 1960s, shutting the government in 1995, and risking the full faith and credit of the United States in 2010.

Newt Gingrich's recent assertion that public officials aren't bound to follow the decisions of federal courts derives from the same tradition.

This stop-at-nothing radicalism is dangerous for the GOP because most Americans recoil from it. Gingrich himself became an object of ridicule in the late 1990s, and many Republicans today worry that if he heads the ticket the Party will suffer large losses.

It's also dangerous for America. We need two political parties solidly grounded in the realities of governing. Our democracy can't work any other way.


Robert Reich is Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley. He has served in three national administrations, most recently as secretary of labor under President Bill Clinton. He has written thirteen books, including "The Work of Nations," "Locked in the Cabinet," "Supercapitalism" and his latest book, "AFTERSHOCK: The Next Economy and America's Future." His 'Marketplace' commentaries can be found on publicradio.com and iTunes.

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