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Elizabeth Warren, a Girl Who Soared, but Longed to Belong Print
Monday, 13 February 2012 09:30

Intro: "Elizabeth Warren grew up amid the infinite expanse of Oklahoma, the finite expectations of her place and time, and financial pain at home. The lessons of those years still drive her."

Elizabeth Warren as a young girl in front of her family home in Oklahoma. (photo: Warren family)
Elizabeth Warren as a young girl in front of her family home in Oklahoma. (photo: Warren family)



Elizabeth Warren, a Girl Who Soared, but Longed to Belong

By Noah Bierman, The Boston Globe

13 February 12

 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=t0P7B4amwvk

 

 

Elizabeth Warren grew up amid the infinite expanse of Oklahoma, the finite expectations of her place and time, and financial pain at home. The lessons of those years still drive her.

 

he father and daughter had an unspoken arrangement. Her classmates would not see the car. He would drop her off a block away from Northwest Classen High School, so they wouldn't notice that things had "gone down.''

For a teenage Elizabeth Warren, then known as Liz Herring, the old off-white Studebaker was the most tangible sign that her family was struggling to maintain the trappings of middle-class life that marked Oklahoma City in the early 1960s.

The air-conditioned bronze Oldsmobile that had once ferried her to high school was gone - lost when the family stopped making payments after her father had a heart attack and got demoted to a job that paid much less.

Her mother had gone back to work to keep the family afloat, but she resented having to do so and wasn't shy about saying so. Money, or the want of it, was suddenly a source of pain, acid in the air.

For a teenaged Warren, the clunky old Studebaker was one more piece of evidence that she didn't quite fit in, even as she joined the Sterling Tea Service Club and the Cygnets pep squad.

"I was in a high school where everybody was a click better off,'' Warren recalled.

"It's not just that they had so much,'' she said. "They were just confident. They had the assurance that it would always be there.''

Money, and the anxiety it can create for families like the one she grew up in, has consumed Warren ever since. It is the focus of her books about struggling middle-class families, her work at Harvard on bankruptcy law, her Washington service as President Obama's consumer protection adviser, and, now, her campaign for the US Senate.

The seeds of that worry, that fear of not having enough, were planted on the Oklahoma plains. Financial comfort has since come to her, along with professional success - her Harvard salary alone exceeds $350,000. But money has, in her mind, always been about much more than dollar bills. It has been shorthand for security, acceptance, and family stability.

On the campaign trail, she has described her childhood as teetering on "the ragged edge of the middle class,'' and she has told a story of a family that was "kind of hanging on at the edges by our fingernails.''

Those descriptions fit, but behind the catch phrases lies a more layered story. The Herring family was down, no doubt, and battered by money worries, but never desperate.

On the trail, she never mentions the Studebaker. Instead, she tells voters, "We lost our car and my mom went to work at Sears answering phones so that we could hang on to our house'' - leaving the impression on some ears that the family had no car at all.

By the time Warren turned 16, about four years after her father's heart attack, her family had rebounded some, to the point that it had three cars, including a beat-up white MG bought with a $200 loan. Warren would drive it across Route 66 for a burger and a Dr. Pepper at the Charcoal Oven.

Living 'the American way'

Oklahoma's broad flat surfaces can seem limitless.

The expanses of deep red earth are broken up by occasional oil pump jacks, the region's tangible economic engines. The houses in and around Warren's Oklahoma City are a mishmash of styles and sizes, freed from the type of zoning laws that would prevent a neo-Colonial from popping up next to a plain brick ranch. It was, when Warren was a child, a place organized around sturdy hopes, pride of place, and quiet conformity.

And the culture was then, as now, deeply religious and deeply conservative. Warren's family attended a Methodist church, where her mother taught Sunday school.

"It was a pretty provincial town of true believers,'' said Joe Pryor, an Oklahoma City realtor who competed with Warren on the high school debate team.

"We believed in the American way. We believed in the system. We got emotional at the flag salute,'' added Pryor during an interview on one of two visits the Globe made to Oklahoma to track down Warren's classmates and learn more about how her childhood helped shaped the lawyer, the professor, and the candidate she would become.

"I kidded my dad that he would be a John Bircher except he would never pay the dues,'' said Dr. Linda Cordell Leckman, a health care executive in Utah who went to high school with Warren. "That was kind of the environment . . . folks who had worked very hard, been through the Depression, been through the Dust Bowl.''

Warren's family came to Oklahoma at the end the 19th century, part of the land rush that preceded statehood.

Her grandmother, Hannie Crawford Reed, who had already lost her own mother, drove a horse-drawn wagon from Missouri to the territory at the age of 13, according to family lore. Hannie's father rode ahead on a horse.

"Her little brothers and sisters were bouncing around in the back of a wagon,'' Warren said of her grandmother, who lived to age 94. "That woman made life happen.''

Elizabeth Warren's father, Donald J. Herring, was a largely self-taught pilot who worked as a civilian instructor during World War II, moving his wife, Pauline, and their boys from Muskogee to Tulsa and beyond.

But her father then lost his life savings to a business partner in a car dealership, the beginning of a string of setbacks.

By the time Warren was born in 1949, eight years after the youngest of three boys, her father had a job as a salesman for Montgomery Ward in Oklahoma City, and the family had resettled in Norman, a college town about 20 miles away that had served as a Navy training site during the war.

Her parents moved there to take advantage of cheap housing, and they hoped that her brothers would attend the nearby University of Oklahoma so they could live at home to save money.

In the end, none of their children would graduate from the university, and only Liz would graduate from college at all.

Amid the wheat fields

The strip malls and interstates that now crowd the "Tull Addition'' neighborhood in Norman wouldn't come for decades. Back then it was wheat fields and open prairie.

Homes on Haddock Street were modest, with only the occasional elm tree or mistletoe vine to brighten the otherwise unadorned yards.

The Herrings lived in a corner house with a faux yellow brick facade, the converted garage used as a third bedroom at times by the boys, while Liz - Betsy at home - got the inside bedroom.

If it was a little drab, the children didn't know it. They spent afternoons running in and out of the fields, their ears trained for the screech of the alarm that signaled a tornado could be coming.

"This is gravel, but it used to be wheat fields. Our backyard was just wheat fields,'' Warren said on a visit to Norman late last year, as she walked around her old front yard and pointed down the street naming families that used to live there. She was in town to collect an award and hold a fund-raiser and agreed to take a drive to her childhood home.

Life in Norman revolved around church and the military, in that order, with many veterans still active in the reserves, according to Cherrie Birden, who was three years ahead of Warren and is the principal at her old school. Politics was seldom discussed at the dinner tables. Neither was the world beyond Norman.

In the 1950s, the height of the baby boom, Woodrow Wilson Elementary School was so bustling with war babies that some classes were held in houses at the edge of the school property, Birden said.

As Warren recalls it, her first glimpse that there was a larger world beyond the wheat fields came from an unlikely source - the actor James Garner. Then the star of the hit TV western "Maverick,'' Garner had attended Warren's elementary school and had an aunt who taught there. His return visit in the late 1950s was nothing short of a revelation. The biggest heartthrob on television was coming back.

"I realized there were possibilities in this world,'' she said. "You could get from here to there.''

He touched 8-year-old Warren on the shoulder. She bragged. She argued with her friend over whose eyes met his the longest.

Aspirations and setbacks

Another hint of that broader world emerged three years later and about 20 miles north in Oklahoma City, where the family moved.

In the bigger city, she would find a group of intellectually elite students on the high school debate team and the first taste of ambition that would later drive her career. But she would also begin to see her family's financial limitations more vividly and feel more vulnerable.

In Norman, everybody's house was about the same size. In Oklahoma City, there were children with nicer clothes and bigger homes. And Warren was getting old enough to notice the differences.

She remembers thinking that if her family could hold it together financially, she could fit in. She could sew her clothes to look like the ones at the department store.

Her parents had bought a three-bedroom home that was a bit of a step up from the one in Norman, even if the pair of white columns in front showed an aspiration to grandeur that the white brick two-story house could not quite pull off. Still, it was on the edge of the district for one of the state's top schools, which meant that Elizabeth, the precocious one with so much drive, had a clear path to college.

But that fragile plan nearly collapsed on a cold November Sunday. While her father was working on the car, he felt a harsh chest pain, a heart attack.

"Daddy came home, gray and shaking, and he sat around the house for weeks,'' she wrote in one of her books.

He gradually recovered physically, but was forced to take a new position at work that cut his salary in half. As medical expenses piled up, the family stopped making payments on the Oldsmobile. Saving the house became the focus, and a persistent source of stress.

Warren's mother, Pauline, returned to work answering telephones at Sears. Warren remembers watching, in the upstairs bedroom, as her mother crammed her body into a girdle and an old black dress, crying.

"She finally got it zipped up and she turned to me and she said, 'Is this dress too tight?' And I can remember looking at her and thinking, 'Yeah this dress is too tight,' '' Warren recalled.

But Warren, then about 12, knew she couldn't say it, "not to someone who's about to go try and save our house.''

"I said she looked great,'' Warren recalled.

Her mother was angry and worried, certain they would fall behind on the mortgage if she did not go back to work. Other women had jobs in that era, "but for my family, my mother going to work was a sign of failure.''

Warren's father began talking less.

"I knew to my bones he was humiliated by what he couldn't do,'' she said. "My mother made it clear that he had failed. She was not hesitant about saying any part of this at full throat. She would really hammer him about this and he never, ever, ever fought back, pushed back, said anything. He just pulled more within himself.''

Warren didn't intervene. She stayed out of the way, so her mother wouldn't yell at her. She clenched her teeth so as not to let on that she was scared.

"My mother was really angry,'' she said. "She felt like she had been cheated. She had made a deal in life and it hadn't worked out that way.''

The family kept the house - and with it her spot in the elite public high school - even if they had to make their own repairs when a chunk of plaster fell from the living room ceiling.

Stepping into a larger universe

Northwest Classen High School was located near one of the more prosperous sections of the city. Its students were known as "Silkies'' because, according to local lore, people thought they must wear silk underwear and sleep on silk sheets.

Warren was a slight girl - a year younger than most because she had skipped sixth grade - with a bob of brown hair. The school was vast, with nearly 1,000 students in her class.

Although Warren often says in interviews that she never knew lawyers until she went to law school, many of her classmates were the children of professionals, including a close friend whose father was a real estate attorney.

"It was sort of the socialite school . . . the cream of the crop,'' said Bob Hammack, a classmate who now runs an advertising agency in Oklahoma City. "It was not a question of are you going to college, but where.''

That was the reputation, at least, although Hammack and others who attended said there were certainly plenty of less affluent students.

Many in Warren's school said they were unaware of the Herring family's financial struggles and wouldn't have cared much if they had known. Such matters weren't a topic of polite conversation.

"There are certain things you just don't talk about in the South,'' said Katrina Harry Cochran, an Oklahoma psychologist who was friends with Warren in high school. "And one of them is why your mother has to work.''

Race relations, although rising to a boil nationally, was a topic that lay largely in the background in Warren's world.

By the time she graduated high school in 1966, Martin Luther King Jr. had marched on Washington, bringing to the nation's center stage a debate over racial segregation and equality.

But the social revolution that was beginning to convulse America came much later to Oklahoma. Long after the Supreme Court ordered schools desegregated in 1955, Northwest Classen remained all white. Hers was the last era before Oklahoma would be riled by school busing that would integrate and transform her school.

Like much of the country's middle, the culture there remained tethered to an earlier time. A daily prayer was still recited in the morning, with Liz one of the readers. And the ideals of domestic perfection were underscored. The home economics classroom at Northwest Classen school had a wood-paneled living room for the girls to decorate and a make-up table so they could learn proper hygiene and presentation.

Warren has said she seldom had friends over because she did not want them to see her house. Seldom wasn't never, however. Suzanne Pope, a friend from the debate team who now lives in San Diego, remembers dancing with boys to Johnny Mathis in the Herring's living room on 25th Street.

"There were no parents around and I thought, 'Ooh, isn't this cool?' '' Pope recalled.

Within the school, Warren found what would become an express ticket to college and a place to fit in, the debate team. It was full of the most motivated students, and put her in contact with peers from throughout the country. In a more serious way than James Garner's visit, debate awakened within Warren a notion that she could thrive in a larger universe.

On school nights and many weekends, she would be consumed. Two-person debate, the most serious competition, required students to spend a year researching one complex policy question. Warren's topics were nuclear disarmament one year, Medicare another.

"It is a very intense experience,'' said Karl Johnson, an attorney in New Mexico who teamed with Warren to win a state championship.

By senior year, her team would travel about twice a month - Tahlequah one weekend, Enid the next - and down into Houston. Warren said she quietly bowed out of some tournaments because she could not afford the hotels.

But the family finances were not as bad as they had been. Her parents bought the 8-year-old MG, which she would use to get to debate practice.

Her teammates remember a focus and an analytical mind.

"She had a remarkable ability to distill arguments to their core,'' Johnson said.

Forty years later, they still stand out. "I have seen her give some of the greatest first affirmative rebuttals in my life,'' he recalled.

Warren has said she was a rarity as a girl on the debate team, but the yearbook shows boys on the team only slightly outnumbered the girls.

If debate expanded her worldview, it also made 1960s Oklahoma feel much smaller.

Terry Farmer, a debater who graduated a year after Warren, said the more they learned, the more stifling the teenagers found the local culture.

"The debate teams tended to be guys who thought a little more, who got out a little more, who saw a little more of the world and who decided they didn't want to live with that any more and wanted to move,'' said Farmer, an attorney in New Mexico.

Johnson, Warren's debate partner, made headlines in Oklahoma when he served as "governor for the day'' and slammed the Vietnam War. But he was the exception. The antiwar movement had yet to take hold there.

Warren and her family saw Vietnam in personal, not political terms. Her older brother Don was in and out of combat over a six-year period. They worried about him, Warren recalled, but did not question the mission. Warren registered as a Republican as a young adult but said she did not yet see the world through a political lens.

"It's not like somebody said, 'Should we support or oppose?' Of course we supported the war. This was our family that was there, our country. That was just how we saw it,'' she said.

By the time the antiwar movement swept Oklahoma's college campuses in the late 1960s, Warren was gone. At 16, she graduated and won a debate scholarship to George Washington University, 1,400 miles away, which she attended for two years before marrying and transferring to the University of Houston.

Many of the other youngsters from her neighborhood went to one of the two big state colleges, the University of Oklahoma and Oklahoma State. But Warren did not even apply.

"They left to continue their same lives, lives of pep clubs and football games,'' Warren said. "I had to go somewhere else. I couldn't go off to OU. I couldn't maintain the fiction anymore, not at OU, not there, not with kids living in dorms and buying formals for dances.''

Warren returns to Oklahoma often to visit her brothers and her cousins. She would eventually buy a house for her parents, who are now deceased. But she has never been to a reunion, never visited the friends she had in high school, and has maintained only sporadic contact.

"It doesn't make me happy to go back and talk about how great high school was,'' she said.

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Republicans Derailing Train Safety Print
Monday, 13 February 2012 09:25

Excerpt: "The National Transportation Safety Board has pushed for the technology, known as Positive Train Control, or PTC, for more than two decades. After the horrific 2008 Metrolink-Union Pacific crash in Chatsworth, Calif., Congress finally passed the Rail Safety Improvement Act. The legislation mandates that railroads install PTC systems by the end of 2015 on about 70,000 miles of track nationwide used by trains carrying passengers and extremely hazardous materials, such as chlorine. ... But two weeks ago, Republicans introduced a bill in the House Transportation Committee that would postpone the PTC deadline by at least five years, to 2020 or beyond."

A man walks to board an Amtrak train in Penn Station November 17, 2005 in New York City. (photo: Mario Tama/Getty Images)
A man walks to board an Amtrak train in Penn Station November 17, 2005 in New York City. (photo: Mario Tama/Getty Images)



Republicans Derailing Train Safety

By Emily Dwass, FairWarning

13 February 12

 

ail safety advocates applauded when Congress in 2008 passed a law mandating a technology that could prevent deadly train crashes. But the celebration may have been premature. The system, which would override human error by train operators and apply the brakes to avoid collisions, is now under attack in Washington.

The National Transportation Safety Board has pushed for the technology, known as Positive Train Control, or PTC, for more than two decades. After the horrific 2008 Metrolink-Union Pacific crash in Chatsworth, Calif., Congress finally passed the Rail Safety Improvement Act. The legislation mandates that railroads install PTC systems by the end of 2015 on about 70,000 miles of track nationwide used by trains carrying passengers and extremely hazardous materials, such as chlorine

But two weeks ago, Republicans introduced a bill in the House Transportation Committee that would postpone the PTC deadline by at least five years, to 2020 or beyond. The matter is expected to be taken up by the full House this week. Meanwhile, the Obama administration's Department of Transportation, in response to a rail industry group's lawsuit, is reworking the regulations with an eye toward reducing, by up to 20 percent, the amount of track equipped with PTC.

Railroad companies and their allies in Congress are trying to delay and whittle down PTC. They complain that the $13-billion price tag for installing and operating PTC is too high, given that accidents are rare. And they say that the current deadline is too soon, especially since experts still are working out some kinks in the technology. For example, PTC systems now can prevent head-on and side crashes, but not all rear-end collisions.

Leading the fight against PTC is the Association of American Railroads, representing freight trains and Amtrak, as well as the American Public Transportation Association, which represents commuter rail systems.

There's no doubt that the safety systems are expensive. But, as a report issued Feb. 3 by Moody's Investors Services stated, major railroads, "with $60 billion in annual revenue and several billion dollars in cash…have the wherewithal to cover PTC costs."

Further, rail experts say that PTC technology can provide business benefits, by better coordinating train traffic and improving shipping times. But the main argument for the systems is that they prevent potentially deadly crashes. PTC works by employing GPS, wireless communications and control centers to monitor the speed and location of trains and halts those on a collision course. The technology is also designed to prevent derailments and stop trains from entering the wrong track.

In the Chatsworth crash, the train engineer was sending text messages on his phone and went through a red light. PTC technology would have prevented the subsequent head-on collision. The crash killed 25 people and injured 135 passengers, many seriously.

According to reporting by FairWarning, the NTSB has identified 20 other crashes since late 2001 that it says also could have been prevented by PTC. In all, those 21 accidents killed 53 people and injured nearly 1,000 others, while also causing about $60 million in railroad property damage. That doesn't even include what was spent on medical and rehabilitative care for crash survivors.

Train disasters can also take a toll on nearby communities, such as the rail crash in Graniteville, S.C., in 2005. A chlorine tank car was punctured, releasing a toxic cloud and forcing the evacuation of 5,400 residents. (This crash killed nine people and injured 554.)

The law won't be rolled back without a fight. Two U.S. senators, California Democrats Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer, have asked the Federal Railroad Administration for a progress report on PTC, saying they were "deeply concerned" about possible delays in implementing the system. PTC supporters, such as Paul Hedlund, a lawyer for families of some of the Chatsworth victims, says attempts to chip away at PTC are a "scary step backwards."

For its part, Metrolink is not waiting for the legislation to make improvements. The Southern California commuter system plans to have PTC and other safety features installed before 2015. Amtrak already operates a version of PTC on its Boston-to-Washington D.C. route. But PTC needs to be installed nationwide as called for in the 2008 law.

These days, "regulation" has become a dirty word. We've been down this road before, with the American auto industry. When federal laws called for improvements like seat belts and air bags, automakers resisted, saying the benefits didn't justify the expense. They also claimed that consumers would balk at paying for safety features. Now, of course, no one would dream of buying a car without seat belts or air bags.

American consumers have a right to expect, and industry has a responsibility to provide, the best available safety features. The railroads should say "all aboard" to PTC.

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Tone Deaf Tin Eared Borg Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9146"><span class="small">Will Durst, San Francisco Chronicle</span></a>   
Sunday, 12 February 2012 10:28

Durst begins: "There's something about Mitt. And whatever it is, a few folks are definitely allergic. Maybe they sense he has the same connection to humanity that a drive shaft has to bouillabaisse."

Political satirist Will Durst. (photo: WillDurst.com)
Political satirist Will Durst. (photo: WillDurst.com)



Tone Deaf Tin Eared Borg

By Will Durst, San Francisco Chronicle

12 February 12

 

There's something about Mitt. And whatever it is, a few folks are definitely allergic. Maybe they sense he has the same connection to humanity that a drive shaft has to bouillabaisse. Could be he's worth more than most small Balkan nations. Might be the Mormon thing or perhaps he just smells odd.

t's almost funny. After crushing Newt Gingrich in Florida, the nomination for the Republican primary race was written off as a done deal with Romney all but handed the crown and the beaucoup bouquets reserved for winners. And by his post election strut, you could tell the candidate thought along similar lines. Not measuring the drapes or anything, but definitely photo shopping names for inclusion on the bottom line of a bumper sticker.

But the express train to the Tampa printers derailed on the winter plains of the Midwestern states of Colorado, Minnesota and Missouri with Rick Santorum somehow swooping down to sweep all three. Having had to slap up a different wannabee front- runner every week, Romney must feel like he's playing Whack a Mole with a mallet made out of yogurt soaked cat hair clippings. Whatever that something about Mitt is, it causes conservatives to contract the dreaded "Itchy I- Don't- Knows," every time they get close to walking down the aisle with the former governor from Massachusetts. It's a rash that erupts only when Willard's name tops the national polls. A serious knee- buckling case of Buyer's Remorse. Of course the clueless plastic smile of an aged Ken doll hasn't acted as a sufficient antidote either.

The tone deaf man with the tin ear grinningly claimed he was not concerned about "the very poor." As Randy Jackson might say, "A bit pitchy, dawg." The problem is, most normal humans suspect Romney's definition of "very poor" consists of anybody without a pastry chef permanently on call. The very next day, apparently concerned that his post elitist message wasn't being taken seriously he hugged Donald Trump. Which would be terrific if he were running for Poster Child of the 1%. Someone on his staff has to tell the guy he already resembles a police sketch artist rendering of a white- collar criminal. The MBA voted Most Likely to be Perp- Walked up a Courthouse Steps with a Trench Coat Draped over his Handcuffs. Looks more like Gordon Gekko than Michael Douglas does. Go on Mitt. Say it. "Greed is good." Feel better now?

The only people who can relate to this guy are country club chaps with a penchant for calling their wives "lovey." He wasn't groomed, he was assembled out of an Ikea box. "One White Male Politician; Standard."

Romney won Florida by airing 12,000 ads compared to Gingrich's 300, and doing the same to Rick Santorum should be easier than pudding on a stick, since the former Pennsylvania Senator is financing his campaign mostly through bake sales and scrounging under couch cushions. Santorum actually brags about running such a low- key campaign he flies middle seats on United. We're supposed to entrust the Presidency to a guy who can't snag a decent travel agent? Something else about Mitt is he's an absolute blooming chameleon. And over the next couple of weeks, expect to be treated to the Borg Candidate assimilating Santorum's passion for fighting the culture wars with the megaphone turned up to LOUD. Who knows, Mitt could well decide to go all in. And start wearing sweater vests.

The New York Times says Emmy - nominated comedian and writer Will Durst "is quite possibly the best political satirist working in the country today." Check out the website: Redroom.com to buy his book or find out more about upcoming stand - up performances. Or willdurst.com.

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FOCUS: Obama Punks the GOP on Contraception Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=16175"><span class="small">Amanda Marcotte, Slate </span></a>   
Saturday, 11 February 2012 13:51

Marcotte writes: "With the fig leaf of religious liberty removed, Republicans are in a bad situation. They can either drop this and slink away knowing they've been punked, or they can double down. But in order to do so, they'll have to be more blatantly anti-contraception, a politically toxic move in a country where 99% of women have used contraception."

President Obama announces his compromise plan on the birth control mandate, February 10, 2012. (photo: Mark Wilson/Getty Images)
President Obama announces his compromise plan on the birth control mandate, February 10, 2012. (photo: Mark Wilson/Getty Images)



Obama Punks the GOP on Contraception

By Amanda Marcotte, Slate

11 February 12

 

fter two solid weeks of Republicans rapidly escalating attacks on contraception access under the banner of "religous freedom," Obama finally announced what the White House is proposing an accomodation of religiously affiliated employers who don't want to offer birth control coverage as part of their insurance plans. In those situations, the insurance companies will have to reach out directly to employees and offer contraception coverage for free, without going through the employer. Insurance companies are down with the plan, because as Matt Yglesias explained at Moneybox, contraception actually saves insurance companies money, since it's cheaper than abortion and far cheaper than childbirth. Because the insurance companies have to reach out to employees directly, there's very little danger of women not getting coverage because they are unaware they're eligible.

That's the nitty-gritty. The fun part of this is that Obama just pulled a fast one on Republicans. He drew this out for two weeks, letting Republicans work themselves into a frenzy of anti-contraception rhetoric, all thinly disguised as concern for religious liberty, and then created a compromise that addressed their purported concerns but without actually reducing women's access to contraception, which is what this has always been about. (As Dana Goldstein reported in 2010, before the religious liberty gambit was brought up, the Catholic bishops were just demanding that women be denied access and told to abstain from sex instead.) With the fig leaf of religious liberty removed, Republicans are in a bad situation. They can either drop this and slink away knowing they've been punked, or they can double down. But in order to do so, they'll have to be more blatantly anti-contraception, a politically toxic move in a country where 99% of women have used contraception.

My guess is that they'll take their knocks and go home, but a lot of the damage has already been done. Romney was provoked repeatedly to go on the record saying negative things about contraception. Sure, it was in the frame of concern about religious liberty, but as this incident fades into memory, what most people will remember is that Republicans picked a fight with Obama over contraception coverage and lost. This also gave Obama a chance to highlight this benefit and take full credit for it. Obama needs young female voters to turn out at the polls in November, and hijacking two weeks of the news cycle to send the message that he's going to get you your birth control for free is a big win for him in that department. I expect to see some ads in the fall showing Romney saying hostile things about contraception and health care reform, with the message that free birth control is going away if he's elected. It's all so perfect that I'm inclined to think this was Obama's plan all along.

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Paul Ryan, CPAC's Public Intellectual Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Saturday, 11 February 2012 10:12

Pierce writes: "If Ayn Rand, that randy old crackpot, were still alive, she'd whack him over the head, stuff him in a sack, and drag him off to her apartment, where they would make hot Objectivist monkey-love until the rafters knocked and the angels wept."

Rep. Paul Ryan has become an annual favorite at the Conservative Political Action Conference. (photo: AP)
Rep. Paul Ryan has become an annual favorite at the Conservative Political Action Conference. (photo: AP)



Paul Ryan, CPAC's Public Intellectual

By Charles P. Pierce, Esquire Magazine

11 February 12

 

ake no mistake. You can have your Bachmanns and your Cains. You can have your Coulters and your Malkins and - what the hell - your Breitbarts. You can certainly have your Marco Rubios, who gained 100 CPAC points for making the conference's first teleprompter joke, though there may be several more amongst the murmuring when Willard Romney takes the stage here this afternoon. You can even have your your Santorums and your Ron Pauls. But that zombie-eyed granny-starver Paul Ryan is the wonk every wingnut woman wants and every wingnut man wants to be. He thinks Serious Thoughts about The Big Issues Facing The Nation, and they truly dig him the most. If Ayn Rand, that randy old crackpot, were still alive, she'd whack him over the head, stuff him in a sack, and drag him off to her apartment, where they would make hot Objectivist monkey-love until the rafters knocked and the angels wept.

Paul Ryan is also a remarkably accomplished bullshit artist.

His speech on Thursday night was chock-full of the usual goodies: praise for the brave Republicans who voted for his "budget" last year, the one that would have eviscerated Medicare to the point where Newt Fking Gingrich called it "right-wing social engineering," and that was before Willard had driven Newt around the bend, and the budget that polled so dismally that other Republicans hid under their couches when Ryan walked down the corridor; a vision of Obamian dystopia while mourning the fact that Democrats had mean things to say about his zombie-eyed granny-starving, and a healthy dollop of a bright new world where the entrepreneurial ponies gambol through the fields, and "the only class warfare that threatens America comes from a class of bureaucrats and crony capitalists rising above society - calling the shots, rigging the rules, and securing their places of privilege at our expense."

And, of course, in Paul Ryan's world, government has no regulatory role in stopping this rigging of the rules and calling of the shots. At least that's what he tells the hedge-fund cowboys with whom he dines.

All of that is basically zombie-eyed granny-starving boilerplate, but there was one passage in the speech that was such an amazing outburst of incoherence that the only explanation for it is that it was badly translated from the original Klingon. Ryan got started on rights, and on the current ginned-up controversy about Catholic institutions and birth control. Pretty soon, the English language had him in a hammerlock and he needed very badly to tap out:

For an example of what this means in practice, look no further than the recent conflict between the President's health care law and our religious freedom. This, as the President likes to say, is a "teachable moment." This is what we get when the President applies his progressive philosophy that views "rights," not as inalienable gifts from our creator, but more like revocable privileges from our government. In this view, rights are not universal or timeless - they must change and evolve in the name of progress. And who defines "progress"? Well, whoever happens to be in power at the time. That's how we get to where we are today - a situation where the government can supposedly invent a new "right" that trumps our constitutional right to observe our faith in freedom. You see, if the government is no longer the protector of your natural rights, but the creator of new rights, then government wins and freedom loses whenever the two collide.

Would somebody care to explain to me what this stunning burst of bafflegab actually means, and what in the name of god is has to do with birth control? The Affordable Care Act bestows no "new rights" on anyone. (Ryan may have gotten his gay-marriage talking points mixed in with his contraception talking points here.) Can Ryan cite a single right that was universal at the time of the founding of the country? Is he seriously arguing that our rights should not "change and evolve?" (He should take that up with John Lewis the next time they cross paths in the House.) Can he cite the president saying anything as nonsensical as the words Ryan puts in his mouth? Can he please explain how asking the Church to obey the law and cover birth control for a Presbyterian cleaning lady in one of its hospitals is in any way the establishment of a "new right," or how it in any way trumps his constitutional right to observe his faith in freedom? The Presbyterian chairwoman swallows the Pill and Paul Ryan is in chains. I'm sorry but this is just bananas. If this guy is a public intellectual, I fear greatly for the public's intellect.

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