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SuperPAC Silliness Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=15060"><span class="small">Jim Hightower, Jim Hightower's Blog</span></a>   
Sunday, 03 June 2012 17:20

Hightower writes: "The uber-wealthy are allowed to dump unlimited sums of cash into whichever of these beasts is backing their favored candidate. It's okay, declared the Supreme Court, because each SuperPAC operates entirely separately from candidates themselves."

Texas' progressive political curmudgeon, Jim Hightower. (photo: JimHightower.com)
Texas' progressive political curmudgeon, Jim Hightower. (photo: JimHightower.com)



SuperPAC Silliness

By Jim Hightower, Jim Hightower's Blog

03 June 12

 

uperPACs, the new money beasts of American politics, have already funneled more than $100 million into this year's presidential election.

The über-wealthy are allowed to dump unlimited sums of cash into whichever of these beasts is backing their favored candidate. It's okay, declared the Supreme Court, because each superPAC operates entirely separately from candidates themselves. Indeed, the Court banned any coordination between the candidate's campaign and the electioneering of the PAC.

To see how splendidly this is working, visit Suite 555 in an Alexandria, Virginia, office building. You'll find Target Point Consulting there, headed by Alexander Gage, a top staffer in Mitt Romney's 2008 presidential run. This year, Target Point is consulting with the Romney campaign - but it's also consulting with Romney's superPAC. Gage admits that this might look "ridiculous," but he promises that Target Point staff working for Romney are kept separate from those working for Romney's PAC.

Uh-huh, but, what about WWP Strategies, headed by Romney's deputy campaign manager, Katie Gage? Yes, she's married to Alexander, and her firm also is located in Suite 555. Cozy huh?

Then there's Black Rock Group, headed by Carl Forti, who was Romney's 2008 political director. Now, though, Carl is senior strategist for Romney's superPAC. Guess where Forti's Black Rock Group is headquartered? Right - Suite 555.

Mr. Gage explains that while his firm and Ms. Gage's firm are in the same suite, the two principals do not discuss Romney's campaign or PAC with each other. And he points out that while Target Point and Black Rock also share the space, the two firms are separated by a conference room. "It's not like we're a commingled office," he assures us.

There's a word for this: silly. Also, fraud. And, corrupt.



National radio commentator, writer, public speaker, and author of the book, "Swim Against The Current: Even a Dead Fish Can Go With the Flow," Jim Hightower has spent three decades battling the Powers That Be on behalf of the Powers That Ought To Be - consumers, working families, environmentalists, small businesses, and just-plain-folks.

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The Hands-On Approach to Lethal Force Print
Sunday, 03 June 2012 17:15

Pillar writes: "One of the legitimate concerns about the drone strikes is that they are coming to exhibit the 'if I have a hammer then everything looks like a nail' syndrome."

President Barack Obama speaks during a campaign rally in Des Moines, Iowa. (photo: AP)
President Barack Obama speaks during a campaign rally in Des Moines, Iowa. (photo: AP)



The Hands-On Approach to Lethal Force

By Paul Pillar, National Interest

03 June 12

 

n illuminating feature article by Jo Becker and Scott Shane of the New York Times about the use of lethal missile strikes from unmanned aerial vehicles evokes memories of Lyndon Johnson personally approving the individual targets for bombing sorties against North Vietnam. President Obama, according to the article, signs off on each strike in Yemen and Somalia and on the "more complex and risky strikes" in Pakistan, or about a third of the missile strikes overall. Former navy admiral and director of national intelligence Dennis Blair mentioned an additional memory by critically comparing reliance on the drone strikes to the use of body counts in Vietnam.

Despite such echoes from a painful past war, and despite the legitimate concerns about use of the drones that Becker and Shane explore, their account is in another respect reassuring. It gives us the most extensive public picture so far of the process and criteria that go into each decision to kill someone by remote control from high altitude - and sometimes to kill others who are not the target but happen to be nearby. We still aren't getting to see the secret Justice Department memorandum that makes a legal case for using this method to kill U.S. citizens, as was done with the strike in Yemen last year that took out Anwar al-Awlaki and Samir Khan. But we do read of White House counterterrorism advisor John Brennan talking about how before each decision to fire a missile the president insists that his subordinates "go through a rigorous checklist: the infeasibility of capture, the certainty of the intelligence base, the imminence of the threat, all of these things." Then there is the reassurance of knowing that the chief executive is directly involving himself in weighing the considerations that need to be weighed before the trigger is pulled. That is probably the best safeguard against overlooking the broader strategic factors that need to be taken into account at least as much as the narrow tactical one of taking a bad guy out of commission.

Some possible drawbacks of this presidential involvement come to mind. An obvious one is that the process is a drain on presidential time and attention. Another possible drawback, which parallels Blair's criticism about heavy reliance on the drones, is that by getting down in the weeds of individual target decisions, the president himself becomes more tactical and less strategic. This carries the associated risk of the drone strikes being increasingly equated with counterterrorism, the killing of men in Asian and African hinterlands being equated with keeping Americans safe from terrorism and our thinking starting to resemble the body-count mentality of the Vietnam War. On balance, however, an appropriately broad rather than narrow approach is more likely to be applied when this president - the former law-school professor who has evinced good awareness of the political and diplomatic repercussions overseas of the application of U.S. military force - makes the task one of detailed and careful analysis by himself.

The antithesis to this approach toward the use of lethal capabilities is provided by Mr. Obama's Republican challenger, and in ways that go beyond the obvious differences in what an incumbent president and a nonincumbent candidate can demonstrate. Mitt Romney has accused President Obama of not spending enough on the military. As Christopher Preble has noted in these spaces, Romney's "Fire. Ready. Aim" approach of pledging to devote at least 4 percent of the nation's GDP to the base defense budget would bring that spending to levels not seen since World War II and represent something like an additional $2.5 trillion in expenditures. But as inchoate as the financing is how all this military capability would be applied. Romney returned to his keep-the-military-strong theme in a speech on Memorial Day, in which he still did not address the matter of application.

In his speech, Romney mentioned countries that in his view make the world an unsafe place: bête-noir-du-jour Iran, of course, as well as Russia and China. He spoke of deterrence through strength but not of exactly what it is the United States would be deterring. Even more to the point, he has not explained how - bearing in mind that the United States currently spends far more on its military than any conceivable combination of foes put together - the difference between spending levels he favors and levels favored by Obama or anyone else would make any difference in being able or unable to deter a threat or do whatever else the United States would need to do with military force. This is not only not down in the weeds; it is not even hitting the treetops.

One of the legitimate concerns about the drone strikes is that they are coming to exhibit the "if I have a hammer then everything looks like a nail" syndrome. The same danger - as was exhibited in such a costly and tragic way by the Iraq War - is true on a larger scale of the overall military capability of the United States. Avoiding that danger, at the level of either a single weapon system or the nation's entire armed force, requires careful and detailed deliberation - including at the presidential level - of costs and risks as well as needs and benefits.

Postscript: The lead story on the front page of Wednesday's Washington Post is headlined: "Drone Strikes spur backlash in Yemen; Outrage over civilian casualties; Escalated U.S. campaign fuels support for al-Qaeda." If the president of the United States were not already personally weighing the pros and cons of each prospective drone strike in Yemen, the reactions described in this article are a good reason to expect him to do so. These reactions also are a reason the overall gain or loss to U.S. interests of the drone-based killing program would be a legitimate topic for discussion in the presidential campaign - if any candidate wanted to make it an issue.

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The Potemkin Candidate Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=18199"><span class="small">Will Durst, Humor Times</span></a>   
Sunday, 03 June 2012 09:46

Durst writes: "The Potemkin Candidate needs to project a quality more substantial than some shape shifter with a supernatural ability to assume the identity of whomever or whatever they plant next to him. Probably why you don't see many Romney rallies held at zoos."

Political satirist Will Durst. (photo: WillDurst.com)
Political satirist Will Durst. (photo: WillDurst.com)



The Potemkin Candidate

By Will Durst, Humor Times

03 June 12

 

ermanently capitalizing the P in Presumptive Nominee, the Texas primary shoved Mitt Romney right over the delegate precipice, and now with the nomination locked up tighter than a rusted pickle jar 20,000 leagues beneath the sea, the campaign has taken a sudden turn towards the nebulous. Ambiguous-Ville. A candidate doesn't make mistakes in the murky bog of summer. Even when they do, the atmosphere is too hazy to notice.

One advantage to this smoky, shapeless strategy is it plays directly to the man's strengths. The former governor of Massachusetts doesn't have what you might call an actual, distinct personality. He's more of a virgin canvas. A good-looking blank slate onto which any number of convictions and philosophies can be believably projected. He's the coloring book and we voters the crayons. And no fighting over who gets to be burnt sienna.

One of the major pitfalls inherent to this kind of approach is the strong jawed father of five strapping boys just might play the part too well and come to epitomize what Gertrude Stein said about Oakland: "There's no there there." The guy makes a void look cluttered.

Nobody in the GOP wants to be associated in any way with Oakland, much less have the top of the ticket become a patron saint. The Potemkin Candidate needs to project a quality more substantial than some shape shifter with a supernatural ability to assume the identity of whomever or whatever they plant next to him. Probably why you don't see many Romney rallies held at zoos. Too afraid he'll pose next to the chameleon cage and turn all green.

Another potential mine in the Road to Tampa is the struggle to keep Willard from hanging out with the wrong crowd. You know, other Republicans. Especially distressing to see him palling around with Donald Trump. Again, like being photographed at a clown convention. No matter how hard you try, some of that white face is bound to wipe off on the shoulders of even the most ghostly of political shadows.

Donald Trump: a man who is to sober judgment what chocolate-covered marshmallows are to quantum physics. Fueling more fickle furnaces that suspect he'll say or do anything to get to 50.1%, Romney refuses to criticize The Donald, even when the reality show host spouts further Birther nonsense. "Obama was born in Kenya." No, he wasn't. He was born in Honolulu. In a manger. Everybody knows that.

When asked why he continues to press on with this discredited charge, Trump said: "People on the street tell me not to give up on the issue." Donald, for crum's sake, you live in New York City. People on the street also say "My tricycle sprouted wings and is made out of plutonium."

Although when you think about it, the Oxymormon needs to pick a vice president who makes him look presidential, and The Donald might be the perfect choice. Next to him, Lou Ferrigno looks presidential. Manny Ramirez. Some random guy in a banana suit, twirling a sign.

Of course, featuring these two titans of industry, people would either flock to or flee from the Vulture Capitalist Ticket. You've heard of Dumb & Dumber? Welcome to Rich & Richer. Even George Will would admit it's a pairing that would go a long way into nailing down the bloviating ignoramus vote. Start cranking out the bumper stickers: "Romney/Trump 2012. We like to Fire People!"


The New York Times says Emmy-nominated comedian and writer Will Durst "is quite possibly the best political satirist working in the country today." Check out the website: Redroom.com to buy his book or find out more about upcoming stand-up performances. Or willdurst.com.

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FOCUS | Democracy vs. Money in Wisconsin Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Saturday, 02 June 2012 12:59

Pierce writes: "Well, on Thursday night, in their final debate, Barrett showed at least that the penny has dropped. He went up one side of Walker and down the other, slamming him on his politics, on his ethics, and on his being a show-pony puppet of monied interests far outside the state in question, arguing that Walker was treating the state as 'an experimental dish for the far right.'"

Wisconsin Republican Gov. Scott Walker (right) and Democratic challenger Tom Barrett participate in a televised debate in Milwaukee, 05/31/12. (photo: AP)
Wisconsin Republican Gov. Scott Walker (right) and Democratic challenger Tom Barrett participate in a televised debate in Milwaukee, 05/31/12. (photo: AP)



Democracy vs. Money in Wisconsin

By Charles Pierce, Esquire Magazine

02 June 12

 

his blog has had its issues with Tom Barrett, the decent man who is mayor of Milwaukee, and who's trying to remove from office on Tuesday next Scott Walker, the goggle-eyed homunculus hired by Koch Industries to manage its midwest subsidiary formerly known as the state of Wisconsin. Specifically, the blog wondered out loud whether or not Barrett fully realized that the only issue in the entire campaign wasn't a Return To Civility, or whether or not he could get tough on his "friends," but, rather, whether or not Walker should be governor anymore. There would be no recall at all but for people standing in the snow last winter, and answering "NO" to that question. There would be no recall at all but for a million or so Wisconsinites signing petitions to the effect that Walker should not be their governor anymore. The recall is a simple, basic thing, and a proud part of the progressive tradition in Wisconsin politics, no matter how messy it seems to the national pundits and to the editorial board of the Milwaukee Journal-Sentinel.

(The reason you know this is that one of Walker's main campaign promises is to "reform" the recall process - probably right out of existence, if experience is any guide. Unless, of course, Walker loses. In which case, he warned on Thursday night, there would be big money almost immediately behind an effort to recall Barrett. "I think you start what I call recall Ping-Pong... I think you're going to see this be perpetual recall." Nice little mandate you got there. Be a shame if anything happened to it.)

Well, on Thursday night, in their final debate, Barrett showed at least that the penny has dropped. He went up one side of Walker and down the other, slamming him on his politics, on his ethics, and on his being a show-pony puppet of monied interests far outside the state in question, arguing that Walker was treating the state as "an experimental dish for the far right." He slapped Walker around for an Atwater-ish campaign commercial that seemed to blame Barrett for the death of a baby in Milwaukee:

"I have a police department that arrests felons. He has a practice of hiring them."

(The John Doe investigation into Walker's time as Milwaukee county executive, which Barrett hammered like a ten-penny nail on Thursday night, continues apace, by the way. It seems Walker may have been less than honest about his self-proclaimed "role" in launching the investigation. Quel surprise, as we say in Mequon.)

The most telling moment came when Barrett treed Walker on the question of whether he plans to transform Wisconsin wholly into a right-to-work state, as Walker appeared to say to a wealthy backer on a videotape released back on May 10. Walker has consistently ducked the question, and he did so again last night, saying that a right-to-work bill would never reach his desk, and that he refused to comment on a "hypothetical":

"I've said it's not gonna get there, you're asking a hypothetical..And the reason I say that is I saw what happened over the last year and half. And I don't want to repeat that discussion. I think most people in the state, Democrat and Republican alike, want to move forward."

There are enough weasels in that sentence to make a coat. What, exactly, does "moving forward" mean in this context? Does anyone seriously believe at this point that Walker would be reluctant to sign a right-to-work bill because of what's happened in Wisconsin since he blackjacked the public employees, that he's in any way chastened, that the people who groomed him and who are financing his campaign now to the tune of $30 million aren't in this for the long haul? How many people does Scott Walker think will be driving to the polls on Tuesday on a turnip truck? For his part, Barrett was having none of it:

"If that bill hits his desk, he's signing it. I say it right here in front of Wisconsin...The Thursday before the Super Bowl, Mitch Daniels made Indiana a right-to-work state. Mark my words, he'll sign it."

Dawn breaks, finally, over Marblehead. The recall is specifically about Wisconsin's attempt to rid itself of a governor whose primary political strategy over his entire time in public office has been the bait-and-switch. But its true national import is not what it may or may not mean to the president's campaign in November.

In 2010, in addition to handing the House of Representatives over to a pack of nihilistic vandals, the Koch Brothers and the rest of the sugar daddies of the Right poured millions into various state campaigns. This produced a crop of governors and state legislators wholly owned and operated by those corporate interests and utterly unmoored from the constituencies they were elected to serve. In turn, these folks enacted various policies, and produced various laws, guaranteed to do nothing except reinforce the power of the people who put them in office. This is the first real test of democracy against the money power. Its true national import is that it is the first loud and noisy attempt to roll back the amok time that Republican governors and their pet legislatures have unleashed in the states at the behest of the corporate interests who finance their careers. It is the first serious pushback not only against Scott Walker, but against Dick Snyder's assault on democracy in Michigan, and Mitch Daniels's assault on unions in Indiana, and Rick Scott's assault on voting rights in Florida. None of this was in any way coincidental. It was a national strategy played out in a series of statewide episodes, aimed at establishing the habits of oligarchy on a local basis. If Barrett has finally realized that, then he's finally really in the game because he's finally grasped the mortal stakes he's playing for.

Bill Clinton's out there for him today, raising roofs and raising hell, a day late and a dollar short, if you really want to be cynical, but still utterly overmatching the Triple-A team of Republican surrogates - Bobby Jindal? Nikki Haley, who's grateful to have fled South Carolina one step ahead of an ethics investigation herself? - that are out stumping for Walker this weekend. Friday morning, on the spot where Fr. Jacques Marquette first made camp, Clinton talked about creative cooperation, and he ran his riffs about how people come together in small towns, but he also hung on Walker the responsibility for the confrontational politics elsewhere around the country, which is the only national message in Wisconsin worth mentioning. There the blog goes on the road this weekend to see what it can see. This thing is so tight I'm going to need Dan Rather's help with the metaphors.

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Obama at Large: Where Are the Lawyers? Print
Friday, 01 June 2012 09:19

Intro: "The rule of law is rapidly breaking down at the top levels of our government. As officers of the court, we have sworn to 'support the Constitution,' which clearly implies an affirmative commitment on our part."

Ralph Nader doing an interview during his 2008 Presidential campaign, 08/01/08. (photo: Scrape TV)
Ralph Nader doing an interview during his 2008 Presidential campaign, 08/01/08. (photo: Scrape TV)

 



Obama at Large: Where Are the Lawyers?

By Ralph Nader, Reader Supported News

01 June 12

 

he rule of law is rapidly breaking down at the top levels of our government. As officers of the court, we have sworn to “support the Constitution,” which clearly implies an affirmative commitment on our part.

Take the administrations of George W. Bush and Barack Obama. The conservative American Bar Association sent three white papers to President Bush describing his continual unconstitutional policies. Then and now civil liberties groups and a few law professors, such as the stalwart David Cole of Georgetown University and Jonathan Turley of George Washington University, have distinguished themselves in calling out both presidents for such violations and the necessity for enforcing the rule of law.

Sadly, the bulk of our profession, as individuals and through their bar associations, has remained quietly on the sidelines. They have turned away from their role as “first-responders” to protect the Constitution from its official violators.

As a youngster in Hawaii, basketball player Barack Obama was nicknamed by his schoolboy chums as “Barry O’Bomber,” according to the Washington Post. Tuesday’s (May 29) New York Times published a massive page-one feature article by Jo Becker and Scott Shane, that demonstrated just how inadvertently prescient was this moniker. This was not an adversarial, leaked newspaper scoop. The article had all the signs of cooperation by the three dozen, interviewed current and former advisers to President Obama and his administration. The reporters wrote that a weekly role of the president is to personally select and order a “kill list” of suspected terrorists or militants via drone strikes or other means. The reporters wrote that this personal role of Obama’s is “without precedent in presidential history.” Adversaries are pulling him into more and more countries – Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia and other territories.

The drones have killed civilians, families with small children, and even allied soldiers in this undeclared war based on secret “facts” and local grudges (getting even). These attacks are justified by secret legal memos claiming that the president, without any Congressional authorization, can without any limitations other than his say-so, target far and wide assassinations of any “suspected terrorist,” including American citizens.

The bombings by Mr. Obama, as secret prosecutor, judge, jury and executioner, trample proper constitutional authority, separation of powers, and checks and balances and constitute repeated impeachable offenses. That is, if a pathetic Congress ever decided to uphold its constitutional responsibility, including and beyond Article I, section 8’s war-declaring powers.

As if lawyers needed any reminding, the Constitution is the foundation of our legal system and is based on declared, open boundaries of permissible government actions. That is what a government of law, not of men, means. Further our system is clearly demarked by independent review of executive branch decisions – by our courts and Congress.

What happens if Congress becomes, in constitutional lawyer Bruce Fein’s words, “an ink blot,” and the courts beg off with their wholesale dismissals of Constitutional matters on the grounds that an issue involves a “political question” or that parties have “no-standing-to-sue.” What happens is what is happening. The situation worsens every year, deepening dictatorial secretive decisions by the White House, and not just regarding foreign and military policies.

The value of The New York Times article is that it added ascribed commentary on what was reported. Here is a sample:

- The U.S. Ambassador to Pakistan, Cameron P. Munter, quoted by a colleague as complaining about the CIA’s strikes driving American policy commenting that he: “didn’t realize his main job was to kill people.” Imagine what the sidelined Foreign Service is thinking about greater longer-range risks to our national security.

- Dennis Blair, former Director of National Intelligence, calls the strike campaign “dangerously seductive.” He said that Obama’s obsession with targeted killings is “the politically advantageous thing to do — low cost, no US casualties, gives the appearance of toughness. It plays well domestically, and it is unpopular only in other countries. Any damage it does to the national interest only shows up over the long term.” Blair, a retired admiral, has often noted that intense focus on strikes sidelines any long-term strategy against al-Qaeda which spreads wider with each drone that vaporizes civilians.

- Former CIA director Michael Hayden decries the secrecy: “This program rests on the personal legitimacy of the president and that’s not sustainable,” he told the Times. “Democracies do not make war on the basis of legal memos locked in a D.O.J. [Department of Justice] safe.”

Consider this: an allegedly liberal former constitutional law lecturer is being cautioned about blowback, the erosion of democracy and the national security by former heads of super-secret spy agencies!

Secrecy-driven violence in government breeds fear and surrender of conscience. When Mr. Obama was campaigning for president in 2007, he was reviled by Hillary Clinton, Joseph Biden Jr. and Mitt Romney – then presidential candidates – for declaring that even if Pakistan leaders objected, he would go after terrorist bases in Pakistan. Romney said he had “become Dr. Strangelove,” according to the Times. Today all three of candidate Obama’s critics have decided to go along with egregious violations of our Constitution.

The Times made the telling point that Obama’s orders now “can target suspects in Yemen whose names they do not know.” Such is the drift to one-man rule, consuming so much of his time in this way at the expense of addressing hundreds of thousands of preventable fatalities yearly here in the U.S. from occupational disease, environmental pollution, hospital infections and other documented dangerous conditions.

Based on deep reporting, Becker and Shane allowed that “both Pakistan and Yemen are arguably less stable and more hostile to the United States than when Obama became president.”

In a world of lawlessness, force will beget force, which is what the CIA means by “blowback.” Our country has the most to lose when we abandon the rule of law and embrace lawless violence that is banking future revenge throughout the world.

The people in the countries we target know what we must remember. We are their occupiers, their invaders, the powerful supporters for decades of their own brutal tyrants. We’re in their backyard, which more than any other impetus spawned al-Qaeda in the first place.

So lawyers of America, apart from a few stalwarts among you, what is your breaking point? When will you uphold your oath of office and work to restore constitutional authorities and boundaries?

Someday, people will ask – where were the lawyers?


Ralph Nader is a consumer advocate, lawyer and author. His most recent book - and first novel - is "Only the Super-Rich Can Save Us." His most recent work of non-fiction is "The Seventeen Traditions."

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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