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The 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=26463"><span class="small">Elizabeth Warren, Elizabeth Warren for Senate</span></a>   
Monday, 15 July 2013 08:16

Warren writes: "We need to learn from the financial crisis of 2008 and, moving forward, to prevent the kinds of high-risk activities that made a few people rich but nearly destroyed our economy."

Senator Elizabeth Warren. (photo: Steve Pope/Getty Images)
Senator Elizabeth Warren. (photo: Steve Pope/Getty Images)


The 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act

By Elizabeth Warren, Elizabeth Warren for Senate

15 July 13

 

hen I learned last winter that I would have a seat on the Senate Banking Committee, I was very happy because I knew it would give me the opportunity to ask tough questions and push for some accountability from Wall Street and its regulators. In the last six months, that's exactly what I've tried to do.

Again and again, I've been making a simple point to anyone who will listen: we need to learn from the financial crisis of 2008 and, moving forward, to prevent the kinds of high-risk activities that made a few people rich but nearly destroyed our economy.

Now it's time to launch the next push. I joined forces with Senators John McCain, Angus King, and Maria Cantwell to introduce the 21st Century Glass-Steagall Act of 2013 to reinstate and modernize core banking protections.

Banking needs to return to the basics. Sign up now to show your support for the 21st Century Glass Steagall Act.

Banking should be boring. Savings accounts, checking accounts -- the things that you and I rely on every day -- should be safe from the sort of high-risk activities that broke our economy.

The way our system works, the FDIC insures our traditional banks to keep your money safe. That way when you want to withdraw money from your checking account, you know the money will be there. That's what keeps our banking system safe and dependable.

But the government should NOT be insuring hedge funds, swaps dealing, and other risky investment banking services. When the same institutions that take huge risks are also the ones that control your savings account, the entire banking system is riskier.

Coming out of the Great Depression, Congress passed the Glass Steagall Act to separate risky investment banking from ordinary commercial banking. And for half a century, the banking system was stable and our middle class grew stronger. As our economy grew, the memory of the regular financial crises we experienced before Glass-Steagall faded away.

But in the 1980s, the federal regulators started reinterpreting the laws to break down the divide between regular banking and Wall Street risk-taking, and in 1999, Congress repealed Glass Steagall altogether. Wall Street had spent 66 years and millions of dollars lobbying for repeal, and, eventually, the big banks won.

Our new 21st Century Glass Steagall Act once again separates traditional banks from riskier financial services. And since banking has become much more complicated since the first bill was written in 1933, we've updated the law to include new activities and leave no room for regulatory interpretations that water down the rules.

The bill will give a five year transition period for financial institutions to split their business practices into distinct entities -- shrinking their size, taking an important step toward ending "Too Big to Fail" once and for all, and minimizing the risk of future bailouts.

This is an important bill that will learn from the 2008 crisis and make sure we hold Wall accountable. Show your support for the new 21st Century Glass Steagall Act now.

When people like you and me work together, we can stand up to even the most powerful interests. That's how we got the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau in 2010. That's how we won our election in 2012. And that's how we'll pass the 21st Century Glass Steagall Act.


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FOCUS | The Latest Effort to Distract From the NSA Revelations Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=7181"><span class="small">Glenn Greenwald, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Sunday, 14 July 2013 12:55

Greenwald writes: "When you give many interviews in different countries and say essentially the same thing over and over, as I do, media outlets often attempt to re-package what you've said to make their interview seem new and newsworthy, even when it isn't."

Glenn Greenwald. (photo: AP)
Glenn Greenwald. (photo: AP)



The Latest Effort to Distract From the NSA Revelations

By Glenn Greenwald, Guardian UK

14 July 13

 

The latest effort to distract attention from the NSA revelations is more absurd than most

hen you give many interviews in different countries and say essentially the same thing over and over, as I do, media outlets often attempt to re-package what you've said to make their interview seem new and newsworthy, even when it isn't. Such is the case with this Reuters article today, that purports to summarize an interview I gave to the daily newspaper La Nacion of Argentina.

Like everything in the matter of these NSA leaks, this interview is being wildly distorted to attract attention away from the revelations themselves. It's particularly being seized on to attack Edward Snowden and, secondarily, me, for supposedly "blackmailing" and "threatening" the US government. That is just absurd.

That Snowden has created some sort of "dead man's switch" - whereby documents get released in the event that he is killed by the US government - was previously reported weeks ago, and Snowden himself has strongly implied much the same thing. That doesn't mean he thinks the US government is attempting to kill him - he doesn't - just that he's taken precautions against all eventualities, including that one (just incidentally, the notion that a government that has spent the last decade invading, bombing, torturing, rendering, kidnapping, imprisoning without charges, droning, partnering with the worst dictators and murderers, and targeting its own citizens for assassination would be above such conduct is charmingly quaint).

I made three points in this La Nacion interview, all of which are true and none of which has anything remotely to do with threats:

1) The oft-repeated claim that Snowden's intent is to harm the US is completely negated by the reality that he has all sorts of documents that could quickly and seriously harm the US if disclosed, yet he has published none of those. When he gave us the documents he provided, he repeatedly insisted that we exercise rigorous journalistic judgment in deciding which documents should be published in the public interest and which ones should be concealed on the ground that the harm of publication outweighs the public value. If his intent were to harm the US, he could have sold all the documents he had for a great deal of money, or indiscriminately published them, or passed them to a foreign adversary. He did none of that.

He carefully vetted every document he gave us, and then on top of that, asked that we only publish those which ought to be disclosed and would not cause gratuitous harm: the same analytical judgment that all media outlets and whistleblowers make all the time. The overwhelming majority of his disclosures were to blow the whistle on US government deceit and radical, hidden domestic surveillance.

My point in this interview was clear, one I've repeated over and over: had he wanted to harm the US government, he easily could have, but hasn't, as evidenced by the fact that - as I said - he has all sorts of documents that could inflict serious harm to the US government's programs. That demonstrates how irrational is the claim that his intent is to harm the US. His intent is to shine a light on these programs so they can be democratically debated. That's why none of the disclosures we've published can be remotely described as harming US national security: all they've harmed are the reputation and credibility of US officials who did these things and then lied about them.

2) The US government has acted with wild irrationality. The current criticism of Snowden is that he's in Russia. But the reason he's in Russia isn't that he chose to be there. It's because the US blocked him from leaving: first by revoking his passport (with no due process or trial), then by pressuring its allies to deny airspace rights to any plane they thought might be carrying him to asylum (even one carrying the democratically elected president of a sovereign state), then by bullying small countries out of letting him land for re-fueling.

Given the extraordinary amount of documents he has and their sensitivity, I pointed out in the interview that it is incredibly foolish for the US government to force him to remain in Russia. From the perspective of the US government and the purported concerns about him being in Russia, that makes zero sense given the documents he has.

3) I was asked whether I thought the US government would take physical action against him if he tried to go to Latin America or even force his plane down. That's when I said that doing so would be completely counter-productive given that - as has been reported before - such an attack could easily result in far more disclosures than allowing us as journalists to vet and responsibly report them, as we've doing. As a result of the documents he has, I said in the interview, the US government should be praying for his safety, not threatening or harming it.

That has nothing to do with me: I don't have access to those "insurance" documents and have no role in whatever dead man switch he's arranged. I'm reporting what documents he says he has and what precautions he says he has taken to protect himself from what he perceives to be the threat to his well-being. That's not a threat. Those are facts. I'm sorry if some people find them to be unpleasant. But they're still facts.

Before Snowden's identity was revealed as the whistleblower here, I wrote:

"Ever since the Nixon administration broke into the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychoanalyst's office, the tactic of the US government has been to attack and demonize whistleblowers as a means of distracting attention from their own exposed wrongdoing and destroying the credibility of the messenger so that everyone tunes out the message. That attempt will undoubtedly be made here."

That's what all of this is. And it's all it is: an ongoing effort to distract attention away from the substance of the revelations. (This morning, MSNBC show host Melissa Harris-Parry blamed Snowden for the fact that there is so much media attention on him and so little on the NSA revelations: as though she doesn't have a twice-weekly TV show where she's free to focus as much as she wants on the NSA revelations she claims to find so important).

Compare the attention paid to Snowden's asylum drama and alleged personality traits to the attention paid to the disclosures about mass, indiscriminate NSA spying. Or compare the media calls that Snowden (and others who worked to expose mass NSA surveillance) be treated like a criminal to the virtually non-existent calls that Director of National Intelligence James Clapper be treated like a criminal for lying to Congress.

This "threat" fiction is just today's concoction to focus on anything but the revelations about US government lying to Congress and constitutionally and legally dubious NSA spying. Yesterday, it was something else, and tomorrow it will be something else again. As I said in an interview with Falguni Sheth published today by Salon, this only happens in the US: everywhere else, the media attention and political focus is on NSA surveillance, while US media figures are singularly obsessed with focusing on everything but that.

There are all sorts of ways that Snowden could have chosen to make these documents be public. He chose the most responsible way possible: coming to media outlets and journalists he trusted and asking that they be reported on responsibly. The effort to depict him as some sort of malicious traitor is completely negated by the facts. That was the point of the interview. If you're looking for people who have actually harmed the US with criminal behavior, look here and here and here - not to those who took risks to blow the whistle on all of that. As always, none of this will detain us even for a moment in continuing to report on the many NSA stories that remain.

UPDATE

The original La Nacion interview which Reuters claimed to summarize is now online; the rough English translation is here. Here's the context for my quote about what documents he possesses:

"Q: Beyond the revelations about the spying system performance in general, what extra information has Snowden?
"A: Snowden has enough information to cause more damage to the US government in a minute alone than anyone else has ever had in the history of the United States. But that's not his goal. [His] objective is to expose software that people around the world use without knowing what they are exposing themselves without consciously agreeing to surrender their rights to privacy. [He] has a huge number of documents that would be very harmful to the US government if they were made public."

And exactly as I said, the answer about the dead man's switch came in response to my being asked: "Are you afraid that someone will try to kill him?" That's when I explained that I thought it was so unlikely because his claimed dead man's switch meant that it would produce more harm than good from the perspective of the US government. The only people who would claim any of this was a "threat" or "blackmail" are people with serious problems of reading comprehension or honesty, or both.

UPDATE II

For those who say that they wish there was more attention paid to the substance of the NSA stories than Snowden: here is the list of the NSA revelations we've published over the last month. Feel free to focus on them any time.

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FOCUS | Barrett Brown: Political Prisoner of the Information Revolution Print
Sunday, 14 July 2013 10:12

Gallagher writes: "When I first noticed Barrett Brown in early 2011, I never thought that two years later I'd be directing Free Barrett Brown."

The journalist Barrett Brown, now awaiting trial on charges carrying a possible 105-year prison term. (photo: Nikki Loehr)
The journalist Barrett Brown, now awaiting trial on charges carrying a possible 105-year prison term. (photo: Nikki Loehr)



Barrett Brown: Political Prisoner of the Information Revolution

By Kevin M Gallagher, Guardian UK

14 July 13

 

If the US government succeeds in criminalising Brown's posting of a hyperlink, the freedom of all internet users is in jeopardy

hen I first noticed Barrett Brown in early 2011, I never thought that two years later I'd be directing Free Barrett Brown. Intrigued by his irreverence, I became familiar with his work, admiring him for his skill as a writer. I spoke to him briefly on IRC (internet relay chat) and occasionally dropped into the same channels he frequented; later I met him in person at a conference in New York City. But it's the US government's behavior in this and other cases – see also, Manning, Hammond, Swartz, Assange, etc – that have made running his legal defense fund a labor of love for me.

The distributed research project Brown founded, Project PM, is important and necessary. Since 9/11, the intelligence and cyber-security contracting industries have exploded in size. I believe, as Barrett does, that the public/private partnership on surveillance constitutes a threat to civil transparency and the health of democratic institutions. Large and very profitable companies like Booz Allen Hamilton obtain most of their revenues from the federal government; yet, the majority of their work is performed in secrecy.

Barrett had the insight to realize early on that the troves of emails that were hacked by Anonymous out of HBGary Federal and Stratfor and subsequently made public had the potential to provide a rare window into the activities of the cyber-intelligence industry. I believe it was this journalistic work of digging into areas that powerful people would rather keep in the dark that made him a target.

Contrary to claims, Brown is not a hacker (he is unabashedly lacking in technical skills). Nor was he a spokesperson for Anonymous (the very idea is ridiculous). He is an iconoclastic writer with a penchant for satire and hyperbole. He became an activist by observing the media's failure to cover the issues or stories that he deemed important. Some of his proudest work was the assistance rendered by Anonymous to citizens in North Africa during the first months of the Arab Spring.

As an information activist who understands how information can be distributed and have an impact, Brown was extremely skilled and media-savvy. With Anonymous, he fulfilled a function that was necessary, and which few others were willing to do: put a public face to a movement for transparency. He was highly effective – and that's why he's being punished so severely.

The fact that he's now facing a possible maximum of 105 years in prison is distressing, but it's indicative of the larger pattern: an out-of-touch government at war with the press, prosecuting whistleblowers and activists, trying to silence dissent. Brown's work has been interrupted, but many of the things he warned about – mass surveillance of journalists, the threat to privacy presented by intelligence contractors, have turned out to be correct. He has been hugely vindicated – and public support for him is growing.

Overzealous and excessive prosecutions like Brown's use flawed tactics, without focusing on the facts or the merits, and are in reality persecutions. They have invented crimes out of thin air, piling charge on charge; and they have extracted a guilty plea from a family member. In April, they went on a fishing expedition against the Project PM website, with a subpoena intended to identify other activists. They also tried, but failed, to seize $20,000 that my organization had raised for Barrett's legal defense.

Brown was arrested during a heavily-armed FBI raid for, allegedly, making threats in YouTube videos and via tweets. The fact that the same FBI agent who is an alleged "victim" in the case continues to be the one doing the investigative casework and serving subpoenas is a clear conflict of interest.

The government also argues that because Brown copied a hyperlink to data from the Stratfor dump from one chatroom to another, he's guilty on numerous counts of identity theft and fraud. This is not just totally absurd, it threatens the rights of internet users worldwide, not to mention reporters who link to primary source documents.

The potential criminalization of linking – a basic function of hypertext, the foundation of the worldwide web – is an affront to us all and must be resisted. With the obstruction charges, prosecutors want to set a precedent whereby a journalist is not allowed to protect his work and his sources from government agents – the essence of reporter's privilege.

Those things that Barrett helped uncover and shed light on while he was a free man are notable in themselves: the capability termed persona management, which "entails the use of software by which to facilitate the use of multiple fake online personas, or 'sockpuppets', generally for the use of propaganda, disinformation, or as a surveillance method by which to discover details of a human target via social interactions"; an initiative called Team Themis proposing to infiltrate, attack and discredit WikiLeaks, its supporters, and established journalists such as Glenn Greenwald; and Romas/COIN, a massive program of disinformation and surveillance aimed at Arab countries.

We are at a crossroads, and the US government seeks to deter and make examples out of those who work for a better world and reveal uncomfortable truths. But it's too late: information and the internet will be free, and so will its heroes. Barrett Brown is a political prisoner of the information revolution, and he deserves our support.

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Elizabeth Warren's Long Game Against Wall Street Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=21902"><span class="small">Kevin Roose, New York Magazine</span></a>   
Saturday, 13 July 2013 12:58

Roose writes: "With two largely symbolic bills in seven months in office, the question must be asked: What is Elizabeth Warren really doing here? They're directed to her fellow legislators. And their message is simple: On issues involving Wall Street, the center isn't where you think it is."

Sen. Elizabeth Warren testifies during a hearing on Capitol Hill about the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. (photo: Joshua Roberts/Bloomberg)
Sen. Elizabeth Warren testifies during a hearing on Capitol Hill about the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. (photo: Joshua Roberts/Bloomberg)


Elizabeth Warren's Long Game Against Wall Street

By Kevin Roose, New York Magazine

13 July 13

 

esterday, Senator Elizabeth Warren undertook a big act of financial rabble-rousing, by introducing a bill that would reinstate key provisions of the 1933 Glass-Steagall Act that were repealed in 1999. The new bill would essentially force big bank holding companies like Citigroup and Bank of America to split in half - commercial banking on one side, investment banking on the other - and hypothetically make the entire banking system safer and less crisis-prone by (a) shrinking banks, and (b) reducing the amount of risky stuff that goes on at the commercial banks where normal people keep their savings accounts. She's calling this bill the "21st Century Glass-Steagall Act" and promoting it using the slogan "Banking should be boring."

The bill, which Warren has already said won't get support from the Senate Banking committee, is the second piece of legislation Warren has sponsored since taking office that has virtually no chance of passing. In May, she introduced the Student Loan Fairness Act, which for one year would bring student loan interest rates down to the rates the Federal Reserve charges banks. That bill was called "embarrassingly bad" by the Brookings Institution, and the new one isn't faring much better among policy wonks.

So, with two largely symbolic bills in seven months in office, the question must be asked: What is Elizabeth Warren really doing here?

One theory, held by most of the Wall Streeters I've spoken with about Senator Warren, is that she's simply playing for attention. They see her grandiose bills and made-for-YouTube tirades against financial excess and lax regulation as shallow populism, designed to garner reelection, solicit donations, and boost her reputation as a badass. Even one ex-financier I spoke to recently said he thought Warren was doing "showy stuff," not meant to make it into actual law.

The second theory, also held by some conservatives and financial-industry lobbyists I've spoken to, is a variation on the first and posits that Senator Warren is basically the Steve Stockman of the left - a principled true-believer whose refusal to abide by the horse-trading, pragmatic legislative process leaves her with a bunch of unsupportable, silly-sounding bills. In this theory, getting attention isn't the goal, but it often looks that way.

But there's a third theory. It's the one that acknowledges that Senator Warren is, pound-for-pound, one of the smartest and savviest legislators in Congress, and imputes to her a far more complicated motive than simple attention-seeking or "gesture politics."

It's the long-game theory.

This theory says that Senator Warren isn't trying to change individual laws, so much as move the entire political discussion of the financial sector to a different rhetorical arena and force other legislators to join her there. In this theory, Warren's anti-bank bills and activism aren't meant mainly for her constituents in Massachusetts, for the Internet audience, or even for Wall Street. They're directed to her fellow legislators. And their message is simple: On issues involving Wall Street, the center isn't where you think it is.

Wall Street, and finance generally, is one of the issues where the views of Congress have traditionally differed sharply from the views of the masses. Most surveys show that a vast majority of Americans support tougher regulation on banks; yet, because the financial sector's campaign contributions and lobbyists have an outsize impact on Congress, the debate about how to rein in Wall Street excess has taken place on the financial sector's turf. On Main Street, around 60 percent of people think Wall Street banks are too big and should be broken up. But to find that position in Washington, you've typically had to look to the leftmost fringes.

Now Senator Warren, along with other pro-regulation legislators like Sherrod Brown and David Vitter, are shifting the center. The Brown-Vitter bill, which would have basically broken up banks by imposing tougher capital requirements on large financial institutions, won a nonbinding 99-0 vote in the Senate and was taken seriously by legislators in both parties. (Brown-Vitter did considerably less well when it came to getting actual, binding support.) For her 21st Century Glass-Steagall bill, Senator Warren has brought aboard co-sponsor Senator John McCain - a truly amazing about-face, given that McCain not only voted for the original Gramm-Leach-Bliley Act that repealed the original Glass-Steagal, but hired that bill's lead sponsor, Phil Gramm, as a senior economic adviser for his 2008 presidential run.

Senator Warren's regulatory push hasn't changed Wall Street yet. Most financial regulations that take actual effect are written by agencies like the CFTC and the SEC. And in those agencies, debates about how Wall Street should be regulated still take place in fairly small windows. (Commissioners might disagree about how to regulate, say, overseas derivatives trading, but nobody in the CFTC is proposing outlawing certain kinds of derivatives entirely.)

But it's entirely possible that Senator Warren is proposing reforms she knows have no chance of passage, simply to widen the boundaries of debate. This is a basic tenet of negotiation. If you want a 20 percent raise, you ask for a 40 percent raise. But this isn't traditionally how the game over financial regulations has been played. By loudly advocating for policies that are outside the narrow confines of traditional political acceptability, she's expanding what political theorists call the Overton window and forcing other politicians to consider more moderate views that would have seemed fringe several years ago.

The new Glass-Steagall bill doesn't make a tremendous amount of sense. As Senator Warren herself told Andrew Ross Sorkin last year, repealing Glass-Steagall wouldn't have prevented the financial crisis or stopped the $6 billion London Whale trading losses at JPMorgan Chase. Bear Stearns and Lehman Brothers were both investment banks with no commercial banks attached to them, and their activities wouldn't have been prevented under the original Glass-Steagall. Neither would the activities of AIG, Fannie Mae, or Freddie Mac. And, as Matt Levine notes, the primary drivers of the financial crisis - mortgage lending and the use of derivatives like credit default swaps - were both permissible under the old Glass-Steagall regime.

If Senator Warren herself is willing to admit that reinstating Glass-Steagall's bank-separation provisions wouldn't have prevented the financial crisis, she must have another motive for introducing it. And I suspect it's more complicated than grandstanding or staying true to principles.

The truth is that many senators don't know what capital ratios or rate swaps are, never mind being able to write legislation around them. And in the same way that Wall Street's informational advantage gives it an automatic edge over ordinary investors, Warren's knowledge of the financial markets gives her automatic authority in Congress. Even if she's a freshman senator, her knowledge has allowed her to coalition-build like a veteran. And that ability - not a single bill or years of Internet fame - is what could make her quest to reform Wall Street successful.

Bankers and their lobbyists shouldn't be worried that Senator Warren's new Glass-Steagall legislation will pass. It won't. And passing is largely beside the point. The more interesting achievement is that she's managed to bring ideas like these into the realm of political acceptability and get support from both sides of the aisle for them. Warren's "make banking boring" campaign may look silly to finance-world cynics, but it's entirely possible that she's engineering a new political consensus that will do much more damage to Wall Street in the long term than simply breaking up a few banks.


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Moral Mondays Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=7500"><span class="small">Jim Wallis, Sojourners</span></a>   
Saturday, 13 July 2013 12:50

Wallis writes: "In North Carolina, pastors and civil rights leaders, along with thousands of others, have been living out their personal faith in a very public way. Since late April, dozens of faith leaders and hundreds of others have been arrested at the state capitol as part of an ongoing protest called 'Moral Mondays.'"

Rev. William Barber (center) stands with other protesters May 5, 2013, at the North Carolina State Legislative Building. (photo: Travis Long/News Observer)
Rev. William Barber (center) stands with other protesters May 5, 2013, at the North Carolina State Legislative Building. (photo: Travis Long/News Observer)


Moral Mondays

By Jim Wallis, Sojourners

13 July 13

 

often talk about faith as something that is personal, but never private. Each of us must take responsibility for the beliefs we hold and must personally wrestle with life's most fundamental questions. But once we have decided to follow Jesus, we cannot help but live out our personal beliefs in public ways. The demands of the gospel refuse us the option of a purely inward spirituality.

As anyone who has read my writings over the years will know, Matthew 25 is a text at the very core of my faith. It is the scripture that brought me back to Christ. In Jesus' call to welcome the stranger and care about the least of these, we are challenged as Christians to love those whom the world too often neglects. In a culture driven by self-interest, God call us to care about the common good and about how our public policies affect the most vulnerable. In a world where money and power bring influence, Jesus asks us to give attention to the poor, the weak, and the marginalized.

While there are times when those in power listen to the guidance of moral and religious leaders, far too often we're asked to be prophets. In the face of opposition, we pick up our crosses and lift up our voices on behalf of the disadvantaged.

In North Carolina, pastors and civil rights leaders, along with thousands of others, have been living out their personal faith in a very public way. Since late April, dozens of faith leaders and hundreds of others have been arrested at the state capitol as part of an ongoing protest called "Moral Mondays."

What would motivate these leaders to take such a strong stand at such a personal cost?

North Carolina Governor Pat McCrory and conservative majorities in both chambers of the state legislature have pushed a rigid budget agenda that has cut benefits to more than 70,000 people without jobs, restricted access to health care for low-income people, and attacked voting rights. The legislature is working on a tax cut for the wealthy and corporations while increasing the burden on struggling families.

Pastors in North Carolina are putting their faith into action because their elected officials are ignoring the views and values of the people they are supposed to be representing. As the Rev. Dr. William Barber II, a pastor in Goldsboro and the president of the NAACP in North Carolina, said, "We had to stand up as a coalition - not liberal vs. conservative (that's too small, too limited, too tired), or Republican vs. Democrat. We had to [give] a moral challenge because these policies they were passing, in rapid-fire, were constitutionally inconsistent, morally indefensible, and economically insane."

Across our country, too many pastors from too many churches in too many towns are far too timid when it comes to following the gospel call in Matthew 25. In this passage, Jesus offers a vision of God's kingdom where caring for vulnerable people is the defining mark:

"For I was hungry and you gave me something to eat, I was thirsty and you gave me something to drink, I was a stranger and you invited me in, I needed clothes and you clothed me, I was sick and you looked after me, I was in prison and you came to visit me...The King will reply, 'Truly I tell you, whatever you did for one of the least of these brothers and sisters of mine, you did for me.'" (Matthew 25:35-36, 40)

God is far bigger than a single political party. There are many paths and policies for addressing poverty, reforming our broken immigration system, responding to climate change, and healing the racial divides that continue in our society. But what we cannot accept, nor allow, is for our own leaders to willfully exacerbate our problems and directly harm people who are already suffering - to sacrifice the common good to their own ideological agendas. In such moments and times, people of faith must speak out - not for the sake of politics, but because the beauty and simplicity of the gospel demands it.

What is happening in North Carolina is remarkable and inspiring. It is also effective. The media is taking notice, and people are responding from all directions. Sadly, more than one elected leader has resorted to name-calling, with one legislator describing the protests as "Moron Mondays."

It is clear which side has the moral high ground.

A diversity of issues is at play among protestors in North Carolina. Many, including myself, may not agree with their whole agenda. But a common purpose drives them: that those elected to serve must truly be the servant of all by governing toward the common good. Until North Carolina's elected officials start listening to the faith community and change their ways, I stand with the pastors and civil rights leaders getting arrested every Monday in Raleigh. And I want to add my voice to theirs.

Sign this petition and join me in showing North Carolina's elected leaders that the whole country is watching, and we're praying for those hurt by their actions.

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