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FOCUS | Obama, Congress and Syria Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=7181"><span class="small">Glenn Greenwald, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Sunday, 01 September 2013 10:52

Greenwald writes: "It's a potent sign of how low the American political bar is set that gratitude is expressed because a US president says he will ask Congress to vote before he starts bombing another country."

President Barack Obama, joined by Vice President Joe Biden, delivers a statement on Syria, 08/31/13. (photo: Kristoffer Tripplaar/Pool/Corbis)
President Barack Obama, joined by Vice President Joe Biden, delivers a statement on Syria, 08/31/13. (photo: Kristoffer Tripplaar/Pool/Corbis)


Obama, Congress and Syria

By Glenn Greenwald, Guardian UK

01 September 13

 

The president is celebrated for seeking a vote on his latest war even as his aides make clear it has no binding effect.

t's a potent sign of how low the American political bar is set that gratitude is expressed because a US president says he will ask Congress to vote before he starts bombing another country that is not attacking or threatening the US. That the US will not become involved in foreign wars of choice without the consent of the American people through their representatives Congress is a central mandate of the US Constitution, not some enlightened, progressive innovation of the 21st century. George Bush, of course, sought Congressional approval for the war in Iraq (though he did so only once it was clear that Congress would grant it: I vividly remember watching then-Senate Foreign Relations Chairman Joe Biden practically begging the Bush White House to "allow" Congress to vote on the attack while promising in advance that they would approve for it).

But what makes the celebratory reaction to yesterday's announcement particularly odd is that the Congressional vote which Obama said he would seek appears, in his mind, to have no binding force at all. There is no reason to believe that a Congressional rejection of the war's authorization would constrain Obama in any way, other than perhaps politically. To the contrary, there is substantial evidence for the proposition that the White House sees the vote as purely advisory, i.e., meaningless.

Recall how - in one of most overlooked bad acts of the Obama administration - the House of Representatives actually voted, overwhelmingly, against authorizing the US war in Libya, and yet Obama simply ignored the vote and proceeded to prosecute the war anyway (just as Clinton did when the House rejected the authorization he wanted to bomb Kosovo, though, at least there, Congress later voted to allocate funds for the bombing campaign). Why would the White House view the President's power to wage war in Libya as unconstrainable by Congress, yet view his power to wage war in Syria as dependent upon Congressional authorization?

More to the point, his aides are making clear that Obama does not view the vote as binding, as Time reports:

To make matters more complicated, Obama's aides made clear that the President's search for affirmation from Congress would not be binding. He might still attack Syria even if Congress issues a rejection."

It's certainly preferable to have the president seek Congressional approval than not seek it before involving the US in yet another Middle East war of choice, but that's only true if the vote is deemed to be something more than an empty, symbolic ritual. To declare ahead of time that the debate the President has invited and the Congressional vote he sought are nothing more than non-binding gestures - they will matter only if the outcome is what the President wants it to be - is to display a fairly strong contempt for both democracy and the Constitution.

Bombing

There are few things more bizarre than watching people advocate that another country be bombed even while acknowledging that it will achieve no good outcomes other than safeguarding the "credibility" of those doing the bombing. Relatedly, it's hard to imagine a more potent sign of a weak, declining empire than having one's national "credibility" depend upon periodically bombing other countries.

According to the Guardian's Spencer Ackerman, Secretary of State John Kerry, this morning on CNN, said this when asked whether the Congressional vote would be binding: "[Obama] has the right to do this no matter what Congress does."


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The True Test of American Resolve: Not Attacking Syria But Living Up to Our Ideals at Home Print
Sunday, 01 September 2013 08:34

Reich writes: "We are on the brink of a tragic decision to strike Syria, because, in the dubious logic of the President, 'a lot of people think something should be done,' and American 'credibility' is at stake.'

Portrait, Robert Reich, 08/16/09. (photo: Perian Flaherty)
Portrait, Robert Reich, 08/16/09. (photo: Perian Flaherty)


The True Test of American Resolve: Not Attacking Syria But Living Up to Our Ideals at Home

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

01 September 13

 

e are on the brink of a tragic decision to strike Syria, because, in the dubious logic of the President, "a lot of people think something should be done," and American "credibility" is at stake. He and his secretary of state assure us that the strike will be "limited" and "surgical."

The use of chemical weapons against Syrian citizens is abominable, and if Assad's regime is responsible he should be treated as an international criminal and pariah.

But have we learned nothing from our mistakes in the past? Time and again over the last half century American presidents have justified so-called "surgical strikes" because the nation's "credibility" is at stake, and because we have to take some action to show our "strength and resolve" - only to learn years later that our credibility suffered more from our brazen bellicosity, that the surgical strikes only intensified hostilities and made us captive to forces beyond our control, and that our resolve eventually disappears in the face of mounting casualties of Americans and innocent civilians - and in the absence of clearly-defined goals or even clear exit strategies. We and others have paid an incalculable price.

On Labor Day weekend we should instead be testing the nation's resolve to provide good jobs at good wages to all Americans who need them, and measuring our credibility by the yardstick of equal opportunity. And we should strike (and join striking workers) against big employers who won't provide their employees with minimally-decent wages. We need to commit ourselves to a living wage, and to providing more economic security to the millions of Americans now working harder but getting nowhere.

Mr. President, a lot of Americans do think something should be done - about these mounting problems at our doorstep here in America. We can have more influence on the rest of the world by showing the rest of the world our resolve to live by our ideals here in America, than by using brute force to prove our resolve elsewhere.


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Invoking International Law Against Obama Print
Sunday, 01 September 2013 08:31

Cole writes: "Caretaker Czech Prime minister Jiri Rusnok and president Milos Zeman have denounced President Obama's plans to bomb Syria not just as unwise but as actually illegal."

Juan Cole. (photo: Informed Comment)
Juan Cole. (photo: Informed Comment)


Invoking International Law Against Obama

By Juan Cole, Informed Comment

01 September 13

 

aretaker Czech Prime minister Jiri Rusnok and president Milos Zeman have denounced President Obama's plans to bomb Syria not just as unwise but as actually illegal.

In the United Nations Charter, which the US crafted and to which it is a signatory, there are only two grounds for going to war: self-defense and a UN Security Council resolution designating a country as a threat to world order. President Obama has neither consideration on his side in bombing Syria, though he did seem to make an argument that the use of chemical weapons anywhere is a de facto threat to all other nations, edging toward a rather implausible assertion of US self defense in Ghuta. The US political class either hasn't read the UN charter or actively despises it, and if they were honest they would revoke their treaty obligations.

Czech officials compare the plans for the US to strike Damascus to the Clinton administration's bombing of Serbia in the late 1990s, which they say killed innocent non-combatants in contrast to American pledges.

This development strikes me as a startling turn-around from 2003, when France and Germany criticized Bush's invasion of Iraq but then Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld could point to support from "new Europe," the post-Soviet states of eastern Europe.

Zeman is a notorious Islamophobe who probably just hates the Syrian rebels, coding them as Nazis. He also denounces Bashar al-Assad as a dictator, but says there isn't much to choose between the two. Still, the Czech Republic has an embassy in Damascus and Rusnok says there are Czech "interests" in Syria (probably referring to trade, including arms trade).

Poland hasn't gone so far as to denounce the US for plotting illegal activity, but it has firmly declined to be involved in any military action vis-a-vis Syria. Prime Minister Donald Tusk referred to Polish troop deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan, saying: "We have experience in this part of the world, which shows that military intervention, even from the most obvious and noble motives, rarely produces the desired effect." The US Neoconservative scorched earth tactics in pulling a 'coalition of the willing' into the cauldron of Iraq has left the US with virtually no allies save a handful of countries (chiefly France and Turkey) who wisely stayed out of the Iraq fiasco and so aren't traumatized.

Poland is suggesting a face-saving way out, that Russia should intervene with its Syrian ally to extract pledges and ensure that chemical weapons are not used again. (Unfortunately, Russia is in complete denial about the Baath regime's chemical weapons use and so at the moment not exactly helpful).

One of the differences between Syria and Iraq is that Syria is not very far from eastern Europe. For Bulgaria, the anxiety about an American attack mainly centers on fears that it will create a whole new wave of Syrian refugees in that country, which is already facing a refugee crisis from the Syrian influx.

Although many in Western Europe (including the British parliament) also oppose unilateral American action, Eastern European opposition, especially the Polish, is one reason that NATO has said that it won't be aboard with a US attack.

In essence, the US is flanked only by France, Israel and Turkey publicly, and behind the scenes by Qatar and Saudi Arabia. It is a much diminished, pitiful coalition of the willing.

Ironically, the breathtaking illegality of the US war on Iraq may have over the succeeding decade given the UN charter and international law more standing than it had ever had before, at least in world political rhetoric. To have even a ethnically chauvinist government like that of the Czech Republic invoke it against the United States is mind-boggling.


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Boston's Epidemic Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=26463"><span class="small">Elizabeth Warren, Elizabeth Warren for Senate</span></a>   
Saturday, 31 August 2013 13:15

Warren writes: "Some people say that gun laws should be left to the states, but state laws just aren't enough. We have some of the country's toughest gun control laws in Massachusetts, but Mayor Menino has pointed out that an astonishing 65% of the guns recovered at crime scenes in Boston come from out of state."

Sen. Elizabeth Warren testifies during a hearing on Capitol Hill about the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. (photo: Joshua Roberts/Bloomberg)
Sen. Elizabeth Warren testifies during a hearing on Capitol Hill about the Consumer Financial Protection Agency. (photo: Joshua Roberts/Bloomberg)


Boston's Epidemic

By Elizabeth Warren, Elizabeth Warren for Senate

31 August 13

 

here have been more than 100 shootings in Boston since the Marathon in April.

Think about that. If 100 people went to Massachusetts General Hospital with a mysterious virus in four months, we would treat it as an epidemic. There would be headlines, alarms, and calls for action.

This week, I stood with Boston Mayor Tom Menino, Senator Ed Markey, and Mayors Against Illegal Guns at Faneuil Hall to demand stronger national gun laws. We're not going to our call for action.

Some people say that gun laws should be left to the states, but state laws just aren't enough.

We have some of the country's toughest gun control laws in Massachusetts, but Mayor Menino has pointed out that an astonishing 65% of the guns recovered at crime scenes in Boston come from out of state. Unlike Massachusetts, nearby states like New Hampshire and Maine don't require a permit or license to buy a gun, so people can buy guns there and drive back to Massachusetts with the trunk loaded up.

Nationwide, only 60% of gun sales are subject to a federal background check because of the gun show loophole and other gaps in oversight. Background checks are a simple and effective step that would help keep guns out of the wrong hands, and we need to close the gaps.

I know a minority of Senators blocked this bipartisan bill earlier this year, but I'm not going to stop fighting. Neither is President Obama, who just yesterday announced an executive order to close more of the loopholes.

But too many loopholes remain. Our children are at risk. Until we have made our schools and our streets safer - here in Massachusetts and across the country - we're going to keep talking about this issue.

To join the call for action, visit NoMoreNames.org.


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The West Has No Mandate to Act As a Global Policeman Print
Saturday, 31 August 2013 13:13

Blix writes: "It is true that the UN security council is not a reliable global policeman. It may be slow to take action, or paralysed because of disagreement between members. But do we want the US or Nato or 'alliances of willing states' as global policemen either?"

Former chief UN weapons inspector Hans Blix. (photo: BBC)
Former chief UN weapons inspector Hans Blix. (photo: BBC)


The West Has No Mandate to Act As a Global Policeman

By Hans Blix, Guardian UK

31 August 13

 

t is true that the UN security council is not a reliable global policeman. It may be slow to take action, or paralysed because of disagreement between members. But do we want the US or Nato or "alliances of willing states" as global policemen either? Unlike George Bush in 2003, the Obama administration is not trigger-happy and contemptuous of the United Nations and the rules of its charter, which allow the use of armed force only in self-defence or with an authorisation from the security council. Yet Obama, like Bush and Blair, seems ready to ignore the council and order armed strikes on Syria with political support from only the UK, France and some others.

Such action could not be "in self-defence" or "retaliation", as the US, the UK and France have not been attacked. To punish the Assad government for using chemical weapons would be the action of self-appointed global policemen - action that, in my view, would be very unwise.

While much evidence points to the guilt of the Assad regime, would not due process require that judgment and consideration of action take place in the UN security council and await the report of the inspectors that the UN has sent to Syria - at the demand of the UK and many other UN members?

We may agree with John Kerry, the US secretary of state, that the use of gas is a "moral obscenity", but would we not feel that "a measured and proportionate punishment", like striking at some missile sites or helicopter bases, is like telling the regime that "you can go on with your war but do stay away from the chemical weapons"? And what is the moral weight of the condemnation by nuclear weapons states of the use of gas as a serious war crime when they themselves will not accept a norm that would criminalise any first use of their own nuclear weapons?

It is hard to avoid the impression that the political and military developments now in overdrive stem partly from pressure exerted by the rebel side to trigger an American military intervention - by trying to hold President Obama to an earlier warning to Assad that a use of chemical weapons would alter his calculation. Equally, if not more important, may be a need felt by the Obama administration to avoid criticism for being hesitant and passive - and appearing like a paper tiger to countries such as Iran that have been warned that the US will not allow them to have nuclear weapons.

In 2003 the US and the UK and an alliance of "friendly states" invaded Iraq without the authorisation of the security council. A strong body of world opinion felt that this constituted a violation and an undermining of the UN charter. A quick punitive action in Syria today without UN authorisation would be another precedent, suggesting that great military powers can intervene militarily when they feel politically impelled to do so. (They did not intervene when Iraq used chemical weapons on a large scale in the war with Iran in the 1980s.)

So, what should the world reaction be to the use of chemical weapons? Clearly, evidence available - both from UN inspectors and from member states - should be placed before and judged by the security council. Even if the council could only conclude that chemical weapons had been used - and could not agree that the Assad regime alone was responsible - there would be a good chance of unanimous world condemnation. Global indignation about the use of chemical weapons is of value to strengthen the taboo.

Condemnation is not enough. With 100,000 killed and millions of refugees, the civil war itself is a "moral obscenity". The council must seek to achieve not just an end to chemical weapons use but an end to all weapons use, by a ceasefire. As was planned not long ago by the US and Russia, the council must seek to bring about a conference at which relevant parties and states can form an interim authority. The alternative is continued civil war in Syria and worsening international relations.

Is the ending of active hostilities totally unrealistic? Let us be clear that the government in Syria, as well as all rebel groups, depends upon a flow of weapons, munitions and money from the outside. Much is reported to come to the rebels from Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey; and much is reported to come to the government from Russia and Iran. The supplier countries have leverage. Agreement should be sought, under the auspices of the security council, that all parties that have given such support demand that their clients accept a ceasefire - or risk losing further support.


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