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The Disaster That Is How We Elect People Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Wednesday, 18 December 2013 14:15

Pierce writes: "The report found that the FEC is beset with the customary partisan gridlock, and that it is starved for resources and manpower by a Congress awash in the money that the FEC was set up to regulate."

The Federal Election Commission. (photo: Jay Westcott/Politico)
The Federal Election Commission. (photo: Jay Westcott/Politico)


The Disaster That Is How We Elect People

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

18 December 13

 

ven before the Supreme Court opened the floodgates, any attempt to reform or otherwise improve the way The World's Last Great Democracy elects its leaders was a massive demonstration of the futility of shoveling sand against the tide. Any reform has to pass muster with some of the very people whose careers were endangered by reform. Then, Chief Justice John Roberts and his merry majority turned what few election laws we had into ashes. Now comes an important report from the Center For Public Integrity that conclusively demonstrates how the Federal Election Commission has been rendered the primary buffoon in an ongoing farce. The report found that the FEC is beset with the customary partisan gridlock, and that it is starved for resources and manpower by a Congress awash in the money that the FEC was set up to regulate. This creates a number of problems, and they are created quite deliberately:

The commission over the past year has reached a paralyzing all-time low in its ability to reach consensus, stalling action on dozens of rulemaking, audit and enforcement matters, some of which are years old. Despite an explosion in political spending hastened by key Supreme Court decisions, the agency's funding has remained flat for five years and staffing levels have fallen to a 15-year low. Analysts charged with scouring disclosure reports to ensure candidates and political committees are complying with laws have a nearly quarter-million-page backlog. Commissioners themselves are grappling with nearly 270 unresolved enforcement cases. Staff morale has plummeted as key employees have fled and others question whether their work remains relevant. Among top FEC jobs currently unfilled or filled on an "acting" basis: general counsel, associate general counsel for policy, associate general counsel for litigation, chief financial officer and accounting director. The staff director doubles as IT director.

None of this is an accident. There simply is no real desire for serious election reform in the Congress, and the Citizens United decision rendered any momentum for it moot anyway. A quarter-million page backlog? That's not because a lot of people are out with the flu. And the report also cites a kind of institutional cowardice that has set in among the people actually trying to make the FEC work.

"The commission just seems to look inward and almost wonder aloud if a decision has an ideological impact, and if so, they shy away from it," said Frank P. Reiche, a Republican who served as an FEC commissioner from 1979 to 1985. "It's sad-very sad-and the agency is almost doomed to failure for carrying out its statutory mission unless reform measures are implemented and adopted by Congress."

How can it possibly be that any regulatory decision by the FEC won't have an "ideological impact" of one kind or another? As much as it saddens the No Labels crowd, every political decision involves, you know, politics. This is especially true of political decision that affect political campaigns. And we are told now that the FEC can't do its job unless the Congress -- which is completely populated by politicians who have been elected -- decide to make the job of being elected a little more difficult. "Orr was crazy and could be grounded. All he had to do was ask; and as soon as he did, he would no longer be crazy..."

We are about to round into what is going to be the most manifestly expensive -- and, therefore, the most manifestly corrupt -- midterm election in our history. We are doing so with the untrammelled power of money still the most important issue in our politics. We are doing so with the Voting Rights Act eviscerated and minority voters, most of them poor, having their franchise restricted by their state legislatures. We are doing so with campaign money virtually unregulated, and with the Supreme Court likely warming up to remove the adverb from in front of "unregulated." And the institution charged with controlling this mess on behalf of the rest of us might as well be a two-man law firm in west Texas. Is there anything else that anyone would need to create a plutocracy?

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The Rumored Chase-Madoff Settlement Is Another Bad Joke Print
Tuesday, 17 December 2013 09:25

Taibbi writes: "Last week, it was reported that the state and Chase were preparing a separate $2 billion deal over the Madoff issues, a series of settlements that would also involve a deferred prosecution agreement. The deferred-prosecution deal is a hair short of a guilty plea."

(photo: Rolling Stone)
(photo: Rolling Stone)


The Rumored Chase-Madoff Settlement Is Another Bad Joke

By Matt Taibbi, Rolling Stone

17 December 13

 

ust under two months ago, when the $13 billion settlement for JP Morgan Chase was coming down the chute, word leaked out that that the deal was no sure thing. Among other things, it was said that prosecutors investigating Chase's role in the Bernie Madoff caper – Chase was Madoff's banker – were insisting on a guilty plea to actual criminal charges, but that this was a deal-breaker for Chase.

Something had to give, and now, apparently, it has. Last week, it was reported that the state and Chase were preparing a separate $2 billion deal over the Madoff issues, a series of settlements that would also involve a deferred prosecution agreement.

The deferred-prosecution deal is a hair short of a guilty plea. The bank has to acknowledge the facts of the government's case and pay penalties, but as has become common in the Too-Big-To-Fail arena, we once again have a situation in which all sides will agree that a serious crime has taken place, but no individual has to pay for that crime.

As University of Michigan law professor David Uhlmann noted in a Times editorial at the end of last week, the use of these deferred prosecution agreements has exploded since the infamous Arthur Andersen case. In that affair, the company collapsed and 28,000 jobs were lost after Arthur Andersen was convicted on a criminal charge related to its role in the Enron scandal. As Uhlmann wrote:

From 2004 through 2012, the Justice Department entered into 242 deferred prosecution and nonprosecution agreements with corporations; there had been just 26 in the preceding 12 years.

Since the AA mess, the state has been beyond hesitant to bring criminal charges against major employers for any reason. (The history of all of this is detailed in The Divide, a book I have coming out early next year.) The operating rationale here is concern for the "collateral consequences" of criminal prosecutions, i.e. the lost jobs that might result from bringing charges against a big company. This was apparently the thinking in the Madoff case as well. As the Times put it in its coverage of the rumored $2 billion settlement:

The government has been reluctant to bring criminal charges against large corporations, fearing that such an action could imperil a company and throw innocent employees out of work. Those fears trace to the indictment of Enron's accounting firm, Arthur Andersen . . .

There's only one thing to say about this "reluctance" to prosecute (and the "fear" and "concern" for lost jobs that allegedly drives it): It's a joke.

Yes, you might very well lose some jobs if you go around indicting huge companies on criminal charges. You might even want to avoid doing so from time to time, if the company is worth saving.

But individuals? There's absolutely no reason why the state can't proceed against the actual people who are guilty of crimes.

If anything, the markets might react positively to that kind of news. It certainly did so in the Adelphia case, in which the government dragged cable company executives John, Timothy and Michael Rigas out of their beds and publicly frog-marched them in handcuffs on the streets of the Upper East Side at 6 a.m.

The NYSE had been on a four-day slump up until those arrests. After they hit the news, it surged to its second-biggest one-day gain in history. From the AP report on July 25, 2002:

Although stocks began the day by extending a four-day losing streak, the arrest of top Adelphia Communications Corporation executives for allegedly looting the cable TV company triggered a broad rally that intensified as the session wore on.

Of course, that was an isolated example, and the broad market rally that day didn't save Adelphia, which had already gone bankrupt by the time of the Rigas arrests. But certainly it gave credence to the sensible argument that the markets generally would rather see the government punish criminals than not.

Anyway, it's hard to not notice the fact that crude Ponzi schemers like Madoff (150 years) and Allen Stanford (110 years) drew enormous penalties – essentially life terms for both – while no one from any major firm has drawn any penalty at all for abetting those frauds.

That's an enormous discrepancy, life versus nothing. But it makes an awful kind of sense. Madoff and Stanford were safe prosecutorial targets. There was no political fallout to worry about for sending up two guys who mostly bilked other rich people out of money. Also, there were no "collateral consequences" in the form of major job losses that had to be considered, just a couple of obnoxious families that would lose their jets and their ski vacations.

But most importantly, Madoff and Stanford were simple scam artists who could have come from any generation. There was nothing systemic about their crimes. It was possible to throw them in jail without exposing widespread corruption in our financial system.

That's what's so disturbing about this latest Justice Department cave. It underscores the increasingly obvious fact that the federal government is not interested in getting to the bottom of our financial corruption problem. They seem more to be treating bank malfeasance as a PR issue for the American financial markets that has to be managed away, instead of a corruption problem to be thoroughly investigated and fixed.

In a way, the administration seems to have the same motivation as Chase itself – as CEO Jamie Dimon put it last week, "We have to get some of these things behind us so we can do our job."

Madoff's con was comically crude: He never executed a single trade for a client, and instead just dumped all of their money into a single checking account. To say, as Madoff himself did, that his bank "had to know" what he was up to seems a major understatement.

Remember, independent investigator Harry Markopolos figured the whole thing out years before the Ponzi collapsed without the benefit of complete access to Madoff's financial information. Markopolos really needed just one insight to penetrate the Madoff mystery.

"You can't dominate all markets," Markopolos said, years ago. "You have to have some losses."

That this basic truth eluded both the SEC (which somehow failed to notice the world's largest hedge fund never making a single trade) and Madoff's own banker for years on end points to horrific systemic problems. A prosecutor who actually cared would floor it in court against everyone who made that fraud possible until he or she got to the bottom of how these things can happen.

Our response was different. We gave 150 years to the main guy, and now it seems we're quietly taking a check to walk away from the rest of it. It's not going to be a surprise when it happens again.

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Haters Gonna Hate, Then Vote Republican Print
Tuesday, 17 December 2013 09:04

Sullivan and Clement write: "The haters matter because they constitute a significant and growing share of the electorate, due to sunken approval ratings for both Obama and congressional Republicans. Together they make up about a third (34 percent) of all voters."

(illustration: WTF is it now?)
(illustration: WTF is it now?)


Haters Gonna Hate, Then Vote Republican

By Sean Sullivan and Scott Clement, The Washington Post

17 December 13

 

eet the haters.

We're talking about the voters who've had it with all Washington politicians: President Obama, congressional Republicans and congressional Democrats. Despite their distaste for, well, everyone, when push comes to shove, these voters are lining up squarely behind GOP candidates for Congress.

It's encouraging news for a Republican Party eyeing midterm elections now only about 11 months away. Why? Because it suggests the image problems the party's congressional members have experienced - which have been worse than those suffered by Obama or congressional Democrats - don't translate to a death knell at the ballot box.

Seventy-two percent of voters who disapprove of the job Obama, congressional Democrats and congressional Republicans are doing say they'd vote for the GOP candidate for U.S. House in their district if the election were held today, according to a new Washington Post-ABC News poll released Tuesday. Just 14 percent say they'd vote for the Democrat.

The new findings come as Republicans have erased the generic House ballot advantage Democrats built in the wake of the government shutdown showdown. In October, Democrats held a 48 percent to 40 percent lead among registered voters. Now, because of a big shift among independents, they're only running about even with the GOP, at 47 percent to 45 percent.

So, just who are the haters, and why do their votes matter so much?

They lean heavily Republican. Thirty-four percent identify as Republicans and another 38 percent are independents who lean Republican. Just 13 percent are independents with no lean and just 10 percent are Democrats. Seventy-one percent oppose the federal health-care law.

The haters matter because they constitute a significant and growing share of the electorate, due to sunken approval ratings for both Obama and congressional Republicans. Together they make up about a third (34 percent) of all voters. A month before the 2010 GOP wave election that swept House Democrats from power, the haters constituted only 28 percent of the electorate.

The haters' clear support for Republican candidates means GOP voters' grumbling about its party's maneuverings in Congress – past polling shows the dissatisfaction is wide-ranging, from seeing the party as too liberal or too conservative - does not mean they are ready to abandon the party's candidates at the ballot box. Quite the opposite, in fact. These voters will come home in the end, the data suggest.

Democrats may take comfort in the fact that, as unpopular as Obama and congressional Democrats are right now, congressional Republicans are faring even worse. Obama's approval rating is an unimpressive 43 percent, and congressional Democrats are sporting an even more dismal 34 percent approval rating in the new poll among all adults. Still, that's nothing compared to congressional Republicans' lowly 24 percent approval rating.

But here's the thing: Approval rating ? what voters decide to do at the ballot box. The haters' alignment with GOP candidates is a testament to that.

The news isn't all bad for Democrats. Republican-leaning voters' poor opinion of their own – just 39 percent approve of congressional Republicans, compared to 58 percent of Democratic-leaning voters who approve of congressional Democrats - could complicate GOP incumbents' lives in primaries, which in turn could be good news for Democratic candidates. And the haters don't tilt as heavily toward the GOP now as they did on the eve of the GOP wave election of 2010, when 85 percent said they planned to vote for the GOP candidate.

All told, though, Republicans have to be satisfied to know that, right now, the disappointment their core voters are expressing would give way to support at the ballot box.

In short, haters gonna hate. Republican candidates just may not feel it on Election Day.

Click here to view the full poll results.

Fixbits:

A judge ruled that the NSA's collection of virtually all Americans' phone records is likely unconstitutional.

Obama will meet Tuesday with tech executives to talk about how to improve the health-care Web site.

The House Ethics Committee will investigate embattled Rep. Trey Radel (R-Fla.).

The Senate confirmed Jeh Johnson as the next Homeland Security secretary.

Ending Spending is up with a new ad hitting Sen. Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.) on Obamacare.

Meanwhile, Scott Brown (R) plans to move to New Hampshire, further stoking speculation he may run for the Senate.

The Kentucky Opportunity Coalition will run an ad that seeks to boost Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) by saying he and Sen. Rand Paul (R-Ky.) are "working together to stop Obamacare."

The Senate Conservatives Fund went after House Speaker John Boehner (R-Ohio).

Members of Congress are held in lower regard than car salespeople.

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Sending a Nun to Prison to Die Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=28700"><span class="small">Lisa De Bode, Al Jazeera America</span></a>   
Monday, 16 December 2013 14:22

Excerpt: "[Sister Megan] Rice and her friends were arrested for acts of civil disobedience they devoted to global nuclear disarmament at various stages of their lives."

Sister Megan Gillespie Rice, now 83 (center); drifter Michael Robin Walli, now 64 (left); and house painter Gregory Irwin Boertje-Obed, 57 (right) penetrated the exterior of Y-12 in Tennessee, supposedly one of the most secure nuclear-weapons facilities in the United States. (photo: Linda Davidson)
Sister Megan Gillespie Rice, now 83 (center); drifter Michael Robin Walli, now 64 (left); and house painter Gregory Irwin Boertje-Obed, 57 (right) penetrated the exterior of Y-12 in Tennessee, supposedly one of the most secure nuclear-weapons facilities in the United States. (photo: Linda Davidson)


Sending a Nun to Prison to Die

By Lisa De Bode, Al Jazeera America

16 December 13

 

83-year-old Sister Megan Rice continues her anti-nuclear activism in jail, pleads for a Catholic Church 'of the streets'

ister Megan Rice presses the palm of her hand against the glass in greeting, her blue eyes welcoming her visitor in a cell opposite hers. Lamps illuminate her oval face framed by cropped hair like a white halo. Her uniform - a green-striped jumpsuit, sneakers and a gray blanket that covers her slender shoulders - is not the norm for a Roman Catholic nun, but she sees her presence in Georgia's Irwin County Detention Center as answering her Christian calling.

The 83-year-old Rice has chosen to spend the final chapter of her life behind bars.

She faces a possible 30-year prison sentence on charges of interfering with national security and damaging federal property, resulting from an act of civil disobedience she committed in July last year.

Exhausted after hiking through the woods adjacent to the Y-12 National Security Complex in Oak Ridge, Tenn., that once provided the enriched uranium for the Hiroshima bomb, Rice, along with Michael Walli and Gregory Boertje-Obed splashed blood against the walls, put up banners and beat hammers "into plowshares" - a biblical reference to Isaiah 2:4, "They shall beat swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks."

Breaking into a sensitive nuclear facility to stage a protest, the three activists were prepared for the worst. "We were very aware that we could have died," Rice said.

They were not killed but found themselves incarcerated. Now she spends her days answering letters from supporters and educating other detainees about the dangers of nuclear weapons - and the connections she draws between militarism and the poverty she believes has landed so many young women behind bars. Rice accuses the U.S. government of denying citizens such basic rights such as medical care and access to education because it invests so many billions of dollars in military equipment.

"Every day is a day to talk about it," she told Al Jazeera, raising her voice a bit to be heard through the glass wall that separates her from the outside world. "It's not time lost by any means."

Citing backgrounds of poverty from towns "where there are hardly any other options," she blames a capitalist economy for not investing more in social services available to the underclass and effortlessly connects nuclear weapons to the "prison-industrial complex." They're not bad people, she says of her fellow inmates, but were unfortunate enough to be born into a society that gave them few choices.

"They know that they are the human fallout and the victims of the profiteering by the elite and top leaders of the corporations that are contracted to make the nuclear weapons. It's (the money) denied to human services that should be the priority of any government," she said.

She coughs slightly, her nose running from the cold inside the jail. Every morning, she stands in line to receive her daily dose of antihistamines, but others receive pills for conditions far worse than what she has to endure, she said. "So many should not be here," she sighed, edging closer to the glass wall in which a talking hole was partly blocked.

"I don't see them as perpetrators but as the victims. People are being warehoused in detention centers all over the country."

Walli, a 64-year-old Vietnam veteran, also spends long hours talking to inmates, veterans from Iraq with post-traumatic stress disorder, whom he said should be getting proper treatment. "We try to do missionary work here," he said. "We're trying to instill the idea that human life is sacred."

Mushrooms clouds in Nevada

Unlike most of her fellow inmates, Rice was born to an affluent family, on Manhattan's Upper West Side, whose next-door neighbor was a physicist secretly involved in the Manhattan Project, which created the world's first nuclear weapons. Her passion for social justice came early. She followed her parents to meetings of the Catholic Workers Movement with Dorothy Day, the social-justice activist currently on course for beatification. Her mother wrote her doctoral thesis at Columbia University on the Catholic view of slavery, and her father helped serve the city's poor as an obstetrician. "I just happened to have very conscientious parents," she said.

At 18, she joined the Society of the Holy Child Jesus and started teaching science to girls in rural Nigeria in 1962. During summer holidays, she visited her sister's home in upstate New York, where she would ride a horse in her habit, looking "different, not a typical nun," said her niece, who was named after her and is now 52. Wherever Rice went, she inspired people to follow her example, such that six to eight letters reach her cell every day. "I just get this feeling that the action she did with Michael and Greg is a culmination of her life," her niece said.

As malaria and typhoid began to take their toll, Rice permanently returned to the U.S. in 2003 and took up a position with the Nevada Desert Experience, a nonprofit organization advocating against nuclear warfare at a former test site. Ghastly visions of giant mushroom-shaped clouds became tourist attractions from hotel rooftops in Las Vegas, near which about 1,000 nuclear weapons were detonated since the 1950s.

Rice's uncle, a former Marine who watched Nagasaki being leveled, befriended a Jesuit bishop whose mother and sister were incinerated in Japan during a Mass. They were among the estimated 60,000 people immediately killed by the blast. He devoted the rest of his life to nuclear disarmament.

"That's how close I've been in touch with the reality," Rice said.

She was pleased to report that, nearly 70 years later, Japanese media reported on her arrest and lauded her action.

Hypocrisy in disarmament?

Rice and her friends were arrested for acts of civil disobedience they devoted to global nuclear disarmament at various stages of their lives. She feels a special responsibility to draw attention to the U.S nuclear arsenal, she said.

The logic of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty under which Iran is currently being held accountable, for example, requires that the existing nuclear-armed states take steps toward disarmament. Yet in 2008, for example, almost two decades after the end of the Cold War, the U.S. was spending at least $52 billion a year on nuclear weapons, according to the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. And only 10 percent of that spending is devoted to disarmament.

"It's extremely hypocritical to demand disarmament (from Iran)," Rice said, recalling an anecdote involving former Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who reportedly honored the activist trio during a dinner in New York City last year, where he held a photo of them close to his heart. "It showed that he honored the effort to call the U.S. to its legal obligations."

The activists decided to stage a protest to draw attention to the U.S. nuclear arsenal. Defunct cameras and fences couldn't prevent the three elderly people from damaging what some call the country's Fort Knox of uranium, raising questions about how they might restrain professional thieves with less idealistic intentions. Some members of Congress even thanked Rice and her accomplices for bringing the Y-12 facility's security problems to the nation's attention - the latest in a series of nuclear security breaches in recent years.

The U.S. nuclear weapons program has become the backwater of military services. In 2010 the Pentagon concluded that "the massive nuclear arsenal we inherited from the Cold War era of bipolar military confrontation is poorly suited to address the challenges posed by suicidal terrorists and unfriendly regimes seeking nuclear weapons."

Paul Carroll, program director at the Ploughshares Fund, a foundation that supports the elimination of nuclear weapons, said, "Sitting in a missile silo in the middle of the country, waiting for the day when the Soviets (attack) is a throwback. So they have moral problems. They're rusty."

Paul Magno, a fellow plowshares activist and loyal friend of Rice's, said a generational disconnect pushed the nuclear issue into relative obscurity in recent years. A guest lecturer at a University of Tennessee sociology class, he said it's become increasingly hard to impress his student audience with the gravity of nuclear warfare.

"For decades there was duck and cover and you would climb under your desk at school," he said. "Kids today never had that moment. They don't have any idea about nuclear winter."

Occupy Church

Rice may see her actions as inspired by her faith, but she has had little support from within the Church establishment. Retired Bishop Thomas Gumbleton, a renowned peace activist, laments the Church's tepid stance on Rice's detention and nuclear weapons. Citing official doctrine that explicitly condemns the use of weapons of mass destruction as "a crime against God and man himself," he calls on colleagues to take up her cause as an exemplar of someone who stood up for what is right.

"They're supposed to be leaders on something like this. There hasn't been any kind of statement from Catholic bishops on what Megan has done," he said. To be frank, Gumbleton added, "in the official church, I have to say most people don't even know about her. And that's really sad."

Rice doesn't expect much from the establishment - not even from the new pope, whose recent pronouncements have raised many eyebrows. She isn't interested in institutions but swears instead by a grass-roots church. "The church is where the people are," she said. The church matters only "on a local level." She is skeptical of Pope Francis but feels encouraged by his choice of a less extravagant lifestyle than those of his predecessors, who she said had been living like "princes in their palaces."

Her order, the Society of the Holy Child Jesus, offered the lone voice of support from within the Catholic establishment.

"While we do not condone criminal activity, we would like to point out that Sister Megan has dedicated her life to ending nuclear proliferation. With the Catholic Church, she believes nuclear weapons are incompatible with the peace so desperately needed throughout the world and therefore cannot be justified," Mary Ann Buckley wrote in a statement emailed to Al Jazeera.

Pope Francis certainly seems inclined to rebrand the Church as an institution that fights for social justice and is not afraid of protesting. "I prefer a church which is bruised, hurting and dirty because it has been out on the streets rather than a church which is unhealthy from being confined," Francis wrote in the mission statement for his papacy issued last month. That's a message that has resonated with many young people in different parts of the world who have taken to the streets to protest austerity and vast economic inequalities.

"American Christians have been far too polite, too quiet and too accommodating of both the injustice and the blasphemous use of Jesus' name in committing atrocities in our nation and our world," wrote a group styling itself Protest Chaplains in a manifesto that coincided with the Occupy movement of which they formed a part. "That's why we want to protest with all those who, like us, know in the deepest places of our souls that another world is indeed possible."

Rice met with Occupy activists discussing nuclear issues in New York City, "when it began in September." She described their work as "religion doing what it's meant to be doing."

"The church is where the people are," she said. "It is the people."

A similar message has been echoed in Barcelona, where street activists known as Indignados took their cues from Sister Theresa Forcades, a Roman Catholic nun and activist who believes the current economic policy consensus among governments of industrialized nations perpetuates inequality. And like Rice, Forcades has been skeptical of Francis' pronouncements, arguing that the new pope should be judged by his attention to women's rights, which so far has been lacking.

Still, Rice is confidence that "it will come," referring to the ordination of women. Last year she attended the unofficial ordination - not recognized by the Vatican - of Diane Dougherty in Atlanta. "They are preparing the way and are receiving great acceptance from lay Catholics."

Lessons from prison

Her supporters say Rice's life exemplifies the social activism needed to revive the church's appeal among young people. Still, she's reluctant to be cast as a hero. Her heroes, she said, are ordinary people who act "according to our conscience."

As she awaits sentencing on Jan. 28 - facing a possible maximum term of 30 years - she borrowed phrases from Dr. Martin Luther King in a letter she sent to Al Jazeera. In it she reflected on her life, which may very well end in prison.

"On some positions, cowardice asks the question, 'Is it safe?' Expediency asks the question, 'Is it politic?' And vanity comes along and asks, 'Is it popular?' But conscience asks the question, 'Is it right?'" she wrote.

"And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe nor politic nor popular, but one must do it because conscience tells one it is right."

At a court hearing in May, she told the public prosecutor her only guilt is that she waited 70 years to break into the facility "to be able to speak what I knew in my conscience." Seven months later she said, "This is a very positive experience. It's getting better and better."

She remains uncomfortable being in the spotlight, looking to deflect attention to others. She settles on her fellow inmates in this prison, the ones she is helping prepare for a life outside prison bars - a life to which she herself might not return.

With them in mind, she smiled, noting simply, "I'm not alone in being misjudged."


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FOCUS | The Play's the Thing Print
Monday, 16 December 2013 12:19

Hedges writes: "The 28 men in my class have cumulatively spent 515 years in prison. Some of their sentences are utterly disproportionate to the crimes of which they are accused."

Excerpt: 'They made it clear that the traps that hold them are as present in impoverished urban communities as in prison.' (photo: Shutterstock.com)
Excerpt: 'They made it clear that the traps that hold them are as present in impoverished urban communities as in prison.' (photo: Shutterstock.com)


The Play's the Thing

By Chris Hedges, TruthDig

16 December 13

 

began teaching a class of 28 prisoners at a maximum-security prison in New Jersey during the first week of September. My last class meeting was Friday. The course revolved around plays by August Wilson, James Baldwin, John Herbert, Tarell Alvin McCraney, Miguel Piρero, Amiri Baraka and other playwrights who examine and give expression to the realities of America's black underclass as well as the prison culture. We also read Michelle Alexander's important book "The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness." Each week the students were required to write dramatic scenes based on their experiences in and out of prison.

My class, although I did not know this when I began teaching, had the most literate and accomplished writers in the prison. And when I read the first batch of scenes it was immediately apparent that among these students was exceptional talent.

The class members had a keen eye for detail, had lived through the moral and physical struggles of prison life and had the ability to capture the patois of the urban poor and the prison underclass. They were able to portray in dramatic scenes and dialogue the horror of being locked in cages for years. And although the play they collectively wrote is fundamentally about sacrifice-the sacrifice of mothers for children, brothers for brothers, prisoners for prisoners-the title they chose was "Caged." They made it clear that the traps that hold them are as present in impoverished urban communities as in prison.

READ MORE: The Play's the Thing


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