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Bernie Sanders: 'I Am Prepared to Run for President of the United States' Print
Friday, 07 March 2014 15:12

Nichols writes: "Bernie Sanders says he is 'prepared to run for president of the United States.' That's not a formal announcement. A lot can change between now and 2016."

Sen. Bernie Sanders at a markup meeting of the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee, 03/21/13. (photo: Win McNamee/Getty Images)
Sen. Bernie Sanders at a markup meeting of the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee, 03/21/13. (photo: Win McNamee/Getty Images)


Bernie Sanders: 'I Am Prepared to Run for President of the United States'

By John Nichols, The Nation

07 March 14

 

ernie Sanders says he is "prepared to run for president of the United States." That's not a formal announcement. A lot can change between now and 2016, and the populist senator from Vermont bristles at the whole notion of a permanent campaign. But Sanders has begun talking with savvy progressive political strategists, traveling to unexpected locations such as Alabama and entertaining the process questions that this most issue-focused member of the Senate has traditionally avoided.

In some senses, Sanders is the unlikeliest of prospects: an independent who caucuses with the Democrats in the Senate but has never joined the party, a democratic socialist in a country where many politicians fear the label "liberal," an outspoken critic of the economic, environmental and social status quo who rips "the ruling class" and calls out the Koch brothers by name. Yet, he has served as the mayor of his state's largest city, beaten a Republican incumbent for the US House, won and held a historically Republican Senate seat and served longer as an independent member of Congress than anyone else. And he says his political instincts tell him America is ready for a "political revolution."

In his first extended conversation about presidential politics, Sanders discussed with The Nation the economic and environmental concerns that have led him to consider a 2016 run; the difficult question of whether to run as a Democrat or an independent; his frustration with the narrow messaging of prominent Democrats, including Hillary Clinton; and his sense that political and media elites are missing the signs that America is headed toward a critical juncture where electoral expectations could be exploded.

John Nichols: Are you going to run for president in 2016?

Bernie Sanders: I don't wake up every morning, as some people here in Washington do and say, "You know, I really have to be president of the United States. I was born to be president of the United States." What I do wake up every morning feeling is that this country faces more serious problems than at any time since the Great Depression, and there is a horrendous lack of serious political discourse or ideas out there that can address these crises, and that somebody has got to represent the working-class and the middle-class of this country in standing up to the big-money interests who have so much power over the economic and political life of this country. So I am prepared to run for president of the United States. I don't believe that I am the only person out there who can fight this fight, but I am certainly prepared to look seriously at that race.

When you say you are "prepared to run," that can be read in two ways. One is to say you have the credentials, the prominence, the following to seek the office. The other is to say that you are making preparations for a run. How do you parse that?

If the question is, am I actively right now organizing and raising money and so forth for a campaign for president, I am not doing that. On the other hand, am I talking to people around the country? Yes, I am. Will I be doing some traveling around the country? Yes, I will be. But I think it's premature to be talking about (the specifics of) a campaign when we still have a 2014 congressional race in front of us.

I want to push back at some of what you are saying. Political insiders define presidential politics, and they are already hard at work, in both major parties and in the broader sense, to erect barriers to insurgent, dissident, populist campaigns. Don't progressives who come at the process slowly run the risk of finding that everything has been locked up by the time they get serious about running?

Obviously, if I run, both in terms of the positions that I'll be advocating, and the process itself, it will have to be a very unconventional campaign. I hear what you are saying, and I think there is truth in what you are saying. But, on the other hand, I think there is profound disgust among the American people for the conventional political process and the never-ending campaigns. If I run, my job is to help bring together the kind of coalition that can win-that can transform politics. We've got to bring together trade unionists and working families, our minority communities, environmentalists, young people, the women's community, the gay community, seniors, veterans, the people who in fact are the vast majority of the American population. We've got to create a progressive agenda and rally people around that agenda.

I think we've got a message that can resonate, that people want to hear, that people need to hear. Time is very important. But I don't think it makes sense-or that it is necessary-to start a campaign this early.

If and when you do start a full-fledged campaign, and if you want to run against conventional politics, how far do you go? Do you go to the point of running as an independent? That's a great challenge to conventional politics, but it is also one where we have seen some honorable, some capable people stumble.

That's an excellent question, and I haven't reached a conclusion on that yet. Clearly, there are things to be said on both sides of that important question. Number one: there is today more and more alienation from the Republican and Democratic parties than we have seen in the modern history of this country. In fact, most people now consider themselves to be "independent," whatever that may mean. And the number of people who identify as Democrats or Republicans is at a historically low point. In that sense, running outside the two-party system can be a positive politically.

On the other hand, given the nature of the political system, given the nature of media in America, it would be much more difficult to get adequate coverage from the mainstream media running outside of the two-party system. It would certainly be very hard if not impossible to get into debates. It would require building an entire political infrastructure outside of the two-party system: to get on the ballot, to do all the things that would be required for a serious campaign.

The question that you asked is extremely important, it requires a whole lot of discussion. It's one that I have not answered yet.

Unspoken in your answer is the fact that you have a great discomfort with the Democratic Party as it has operated in recent decades.

Yes. It goes without saying. Since I've been in Congress, I have been a member of the Democratic caucus as an independent. [Senate majority leader] Harry Reid, especially, has been extremely kind to me and has treated me with enormous respect. I am now chairman of the Veterans Committee. But there is no question that the Democratic Party in general remains far too dependent on big-money interests, that it is not fighting vigorously for working-class families, and that there are some members of the Democratic Party whose views are not terribly different from some of the Republicans. That's absolutely the case. But the dilemma is that, if you run outside of the Democratic Party, then what you're doing-and you have to think hard about this-you're not just running a race for president, you're really running to build an entire political movement. In doing that, you would be taking votes away from the Democratic candidate and making it easier for some right-wing Republican to get elected-the [Ralph] Nader dilemma

You're not really saying whether you could run as a Democrat?

I want to hear what progressives have to say about that. The more radical approach would be to run as an independent, and essentially when you're doing that you're not just running for president of the United States, you're running to build a new political movement in America-which presumably would lead to other candidates running outside of the Democratic Party, essentially starting a third party. That idea has been talked about in this country for decades and decades and decades, from Eugene Debs forward-without much success. And I say that as the longest serving independent in the history of the United States Congress. In Vermont, I think we have had more success than in any other state in the country in terms of progressive third-party politics. During my tenure as mayor of Burlington, I defeated Democrats and Republicans and helped start a third-party movement. Today, there is a statewide progressive party which now has three people in the state Senate, out of 30, and a number of representatives in the state Legislature. But that process has taken 30 years. So it is not easy.

If you look back to Nader's candidacy [in 2000], the hope of Nader was not just that he might be elected president but that he would create a strong third party. Nader was a very strong candidate, very smart, very articulate. But the strong third-party did not emerge. The fact is that is very difficult to do.

You plan to travel, to spend time with activists in the Democratic Party and outside the Democratic Party. Will you look to them for direction?

Yes. The bolder, more radical approach is obviously running outside of the two-party system. Do people believe at this particular point that there is the capability of starting a third-party movement? Or is that an idea that is simply not realistic at this particular moment in history? On the other hand, do people believe that operating in framework of the Democratic Party, getting involved in primaries state-by-state, building organization capability, rallying people, that for the moment at least that this is the better approach? Those are the options that I think progressives around the country are going to have to wrestle with. And that's certainly something that I will be listening to.

You have always been identified as a democratic socialist. Polling suggests that Americans are not so bothered by the term, but it seems to me that our media has a really hard time with it. Is that a factor in your thinking about a presidential race?

No, that's not a factor at all. In Vermont, people understand exactly what I mean by the word. They don't believe that democratic socialism is akin to North Korea communism. They understand that when I talk about democratic socialism, what I'm saying is that I do not want to see the United States significantly dominated by a handful of billionaire families controlling the economic and political life of the country. That I do believe that in a democratic, civilized society, all people are entitled to health care as a right, all people are entitled to quality education as a right, all people are entitled to decent jobs and a decent income, and that we need a government which represents ordinary Americans and not just the wealthy and the powerful.

The people in Vermont know exactly when I mean, which is why I won my last election with 71 percent of the vote and carried some of the most conservative towns in the state. If I ran for president, and articulated a vision that speaks to working people, I am confident that voters in every part of this country would understand that.

The truth is that, very sadly, the corporate media ignores some of the huge accomplishments that have taken place in countries like Denmark, Finland, Sweden and Norway. These countries, which have a long history of democratic socialist or labor governments, have excellent and universal health care systems, excellent educational systems and they have gone a long way toward eliminating poverty and creating a far more egalitarian society than we have. I think that there are economic and social models out there that we can learn a heck of a lot from, and that's something I would be talking about.

What you seem to be saying is that, as a presidential candidate, you would try to make the very difficult combination of not just being a personality that people would like, or at least want to vote for, but also educate people about what is possible.

My whole life in politics has been not just with passing legislation or being a good mayor or senator, but to educate people. That is why we have hundreds of thousands of people on my Senate email list, and why I send an email to all Vermonters every other week. It is why I have held hundreds of town meetings in Vermont, in virtually every town in the state.

If you ask me now what one of the major accomplishments of my political life is, it is that I helped double the voter turnout in Burlington, Vermont. I did that because people who had given up on the political process understood that I was fighting for working families, that we were paying attention to low and moderate-income neighborhoods rather than just downtown or the big-money interests. In fact, I went to war with virtually every part of the ruling class in Burlington during my years as mayor. People understood that; they said, "You know what? Bernie is standing with us. We're going to stand with him." The result is that large numbers of people who previously had not participated in the political process got involved. And that's what we have to do for the whole country.

I think one of the great tragedies that we face today politically, above and beyond the simple economic reality of the collapse of the middle-class, more people living in poverty, growing gap between the rich and poor, the high cost of education-all those objective, painful realities in American society-the more significant reality from a political perspective is that most people have given up on the political process. They understand the political deck is stacked against them. They think there is no particular reason for them to come out and vote-and they don't.

So much of what [media-coverage of] politics is about today is personality politics. It's gossip: Chris Christie's weight or Hillary's latest hairdo. But the real issue is how do you bring tens of millions of working-class and middle-class people together around an agenda that works for them? How do we make politics relevant to their lives? That's going to involve some very, very radical thinking. At the end of the day, it's not just going to be decisions from Washington. It really means empowering, in a variety of ways, ordinary people in the political process. To me, when you talk about the need for a political revolution, it is not just single-payer health care, it's not just aggressive action on climate change, it's not just creating the millions of jobs that we need, it is literally empowering people to take control over their lives. That's clearly a lot harder to do than it is to talk about, but that's what the political revolution is about.

One of the things that I find most disturbing-in fact, beyond comprehension-is that the Democrats now lose by a significant number the votes of white working-class people. How can that be? When you have a Republican Party that wants to destroy Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, ect., ect., why are so many people voting against their own economic interests? It happens because the Democrats have not been strong in making it clear which side they are on, not been strong in taking on Wall Street and corporate America, which is what Roosevelt did in the 1930s.

So, to me, what politics is about is not just coming up with ideas and a legislative program here in Washington-you need to do those things-but it's about figuring out how you involve people in the political process, how you empower them. It ain't easy, but that is, in fact, what has to be done. The bad news is that people like the Koch brothers can spend huge sums of money to create groups like the Tea Party. The good news is that, once people understand the right-wing extremist ideology of the Koch brothers, they are not going to go along with their policies. In terms of fundamental economic issues: job creation, a high minimum wage, progressive taxation, affordable college education-the vast majority of people are on our side.

One of the goals that I would have, politically, as a candidate for president of the United States is to reach out to the working-class element of the Tea Party and explain to them exactly who is funding their organization-and explain to them that, on virtually every issue, the Koch brothers and the other funders of the Tea Party are way out of step with what ordinary people want and need.

You have made it very clear that you have no taste for personality politics. But a part of why you are thinking of running for president has to be a sense that the prospective Democratic candidates are unlikely to do that or to do that effectively.

Yes.

Is it your sense that Hillary Clinton, the clear front-runner at this point, is unlikely to do that?

Look, I am not here to be attacking Hillary Clinton. I have known Hillary Clinton for a number of years; I knew her when she was First Lady a little bit, got to know her a little bit better when she was in the Senate. I like Hillary; she is very, very intelligent; she focuses on issues. But I think, sad to say, that the Clinton type of politics is not the politics certainly that I'm talking about. We are living in the moment in American history where the problems facing the country, even if you do not include climate change, are more severe than at any time since the Great Depression. And if you throw in climate change, they are more severe.

So the same old same old [Clinton administration Secretary of the Treasury] Robert Rubin type of economics, or centrist politics, or continued dependence on big money, or unfettered free-trade, that is not what this country needs ideologically. That is not the type of policy that we need. And it is certainly not going to be the politics that galvanizes the tens of millions of people today who are thoroughly alienated and disgusted with the status quo. People are hurting, and it is important for leadership now to explain to them why they are hurting and how we can grow the middle class and reverse the economic decline of so many people. And I don't think that is the politics of Senator Clinton or the Democratic establishment…. People want to hear an alternative set of policies that says to the American people: with all of this technology, with all of this productivity, the truth of the matter is that the average person in this country should be living better than ever before-not significantly worse economically than was the case thirty years ago. That's what we need. That's what I want to talk about… I think that the class message, that in this great country, especially with all kinds of new technology and increased productivity, that we can in fact provide a decent standard for all people, I think that resonates in fifty states in America. I think what people are looking for is leadership that is prepared to take on the big money interests (to deliver that message). That's not what we're seeing, by and large, from most Democrats.

Are they missing something?

I think so. My experience and my political instinct tells me that a lot of the discussions about 2016 are minimizing the profound disgust that people are having now with the status quo-and they're desperate for a message that addresses that disgust. If I run, I'm not going to be raising hundreds and hundreds of millions of dollars. I think I have the capability of raising a lot of money and that's important, but that at the end of the day is not going to be what's most important. What's most important is this idea of a political revolution-rallying the working families of this country around a vision that speaks to their needs. People need to understand that, if we are prepared to stand up to Wall Street and the big-money interests, we can create a nation that works for all Americans, and not just the handful of billionaires.

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Do Corporations Have a First Amendment Right to Track You? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=14516"><span class="small">David Sirota, Salon</span></a>   
Friday, 07 March 2014 15:07

Sirota writes: "Do corporations have a legal right to track your car? If you think that is a purely academic question, think again."

Sirota: 'In a lawsuit against the state of Utah, Digital Recognition Network Inc. and Vigilant Solutions are attempting to appropriate the ACLU's own pro-free speech arguments for themselves.' (photo: file)
Sirota: 'In a lawsuit against the state of Utah, Digital Recognition Network Inc. and Vigilant Solutions are attempting to appropriate the ACLU's own pro-free speech arguments for themselves.' (photo: file)


Do Corporations Have a First Amendment Right to Track You?

By David Sirota, Salon

07 March 14

 

States are considering laws to prevent private companies from continuing to mass-photograph license plates

o corporations have a legal right to track your car? If you think that is a purely academic question, think again. Working with groups like the American Civil Liberties Union, states are considering laws to prevent private companies from continuing to mass-photograph license plates.

This is one of the backlashes to the news about mass surveillance. However, this backlash is now facing legal pushback from the corporations that take the photographs and then sell the data gleaned from the images.

In a lawsuit against the state of Utah, Digital Recognition Network Inc. and Vigilant Solutions are attempting to appropriate the ACLU's own pro-free speech arguments for themselves. They argue that a recent Utah law banning them from using automated cameras to collect images, locations and times of license plates is a violation of their own free speech rights. Indeed, in an interview, DRN's counsel Michael Carvin defends this practice by noting, "Everyone has a First Amendment right to take these photographs and disseminate this information."

He argues that a license plate is an inherently public piece of information.

"The only purpose of license plate information is to identify a vehicle to members of the public," he says. "The government has no problem with people taking pictures of license plates in a particular location. But for some irrational reason it has a problem with people taking high speed photographs of those license plates."

The analogy to an individual's right to take photos only goes so far, though. Vigilant's website notes that "DRN fuels a national network of more than 550 affiliates," its tracking "technology is used in every major metropolitan area" and it "captures data on over 50 million vehicles each month."

"This is a complicated area where we are going to need to carefully balance First Amendment rights of corporations versus individuals privacy rights," says ACLU attorney Catherine Crump. "The mere fact that an individual has a First Amendment right doesn't mean that right is unlimited. There are circumstances under which the government is free to regulate speech."

Crump cited the Fair Credit Reporting Act and laws regulating the dissemination of health information as examples of legal privacy-related restrictions of speech rights.

"One could argue that the privacy implications of a private individual taking a picture of a public place is sufficiently less than a company collecting millions of license plate images," Crump says. "Especially with technology becoming more widespread and databases going back in time, there may be justification for regulation."

The Wall Street Journal reports that DRN's own website boasted to its corporate clients that it can "combine automotive data such as where millions of people drive their cars … with household income and other valuable information" so companies can "pinpoint consumers more effectively." Yet, in announcing its lawsuit, DRN and Vigilant argue that their methods do not violate individual privacy because the "data collected, stored or provided to private companies (and) to law enforcement … is anonymous, in the sense that it does not contain personally identifiable information."

In response, Crump says: "This is the same argument that the NSA made in the face of public outcry about its collection of telephone metadata, The argument was essentially, we're not collecting information about people, we are collecting info about telephone numbers. But every telephone number is associated with an individual, just like a license plate is."

The courts could follow corporate personhood precedents and strengthen First Amendment protections for private firms. Alternately, the courts could more narrowly rule on whether individuals' license plate information is entitled to any minimal privacy protections.

Either way, the spat epitomizes how the collision of free speech rights, the desire for privacy and the expansion of data-collecting technology is raising huge questions about what is - and is not - public.

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FOCUS | The Crooks at CPAC Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Friday, 07 March 2014 13:13

Pierce writes: "There is nothing more hilarious in public life than watching Ollie North give a speech. Truly, it's a wonder to behold, because everything he says comes with its own mental subtitles."

Rand Paul speaks at CPAC last year. (photo: file)
Rand Paul speaks at CPAC last year. (photo: file)


The Crooks at CPAC

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

07 March 14

 

ou have to hand it to the conservatives here at CPAC. They're a forgiving lot. They believe in second chances, even for felons. Why, just this morning, I heard a speech by a guy who sold missiles to a government that sponsored terrorism, lied about it, got convicted, and then dove like a scalded rat through a loophole. I watched a panel including a guy who, while working as police commissioner in New York, entangled himself in such baroque corruption that he ended up in the federal sneezer for 36 months. And, this afternoon, on a panel entitled "After Obama," we will be treated to the views of a guy who helped out a covert CIA agent, lied about it, got convicted, and then got pardoned.

There is no crime on the Right that cannot be forgiven -- except, maybe, supporting something this particular president proposes.

There is nothing more hilarious in public life than watching Ollie North give a speech. Truly, it's a wonder to behold, because everything he says comes with its own mental subtitles if you remember what an absolute weasel the guy was the last time he got close to an actual center of power. Yesterday, he got in some discreet fag-baiting -- "Our armed forces and their families deserve better than to be treated like laboratory rats in some radical social experiment. The people of Ukraine are now paying the terrible price for America's leadership deficit disorder. We don't need a head of state that guts our defenses and draws phony red lines with a pink crayon. Yeah, I said that." Nice. Are you 12? -- he got around to talking about things that set the subtitles echoing.

"We need a congressional majority that will insist on the rule of law in Washington."

(The rule of law? You mean like when Congress forbids arms shipments to guerrillas and you find a way to fund it by soliciting money from Brunei, and from selling advanced weaponry to the mullahs in Tehran? That rule of law, or another one?)

"We The People can demand accountability for a string of horrendous scandals and coverups starting with Benghazi, the IRS enemies lists, and government spying on the American people and reporters."

(From North's testimony before Congress in 1987, according to then-Congressman Jack Brooks of Texas: "I was particularly concerned, Mr. Chairman, because I read in Miami papers, and several others, that there had been a plan developed, by that same agency, a contingency plan in the event of emergency, that would suspend the American constitution. And I was deeply concerned about it and wondered if that was an area in which he had worked. I believe that it was and I wanted to get his confirmation.")

"The president I was blessed to serve told us that we had a rendezvous with destiny."

(The president you were blessed to serve is the same president you sold out at your trial in order to stay out of jail and to the point that the wife of the president you were blessed to serve went out of her way to point out what a liar you are.)

After North drifted off the stage to wild applause, there was an extended panel session regarding a conservative response to the issue of prison reform. It was moderated by old pal Goodhair Perry from Texas - who earlier had wound some stems and burned some barns with his address to the faithful in which he proposed rolling the national government back to the Articles Of Confederation -- and it included Grover Norquist. To be completely fair, it was the most interesting panel of the weekend so far, even though it glided over the problem of how conservatives can pitch themselves as criminal-justice reformers at the same time that demagoguing criminality -- especially black criminality. See LaPierre, Wayne. -- still raises so much money and wins so many elections, especially at the local level. One of the other panelists was Bernard Kerik, whom Rudy Giuliani wanted to make the country's director of Homeland Security, but who wound up in prison for financial hocus-pocus that included improvements to his home. Kerik spoke from his experiences as a federal convict.

"A 21-year old black kid gets arrested in Baltimore for simple possession," Kerik said. "He gets tied into a conspiracy and gets 10 years. He's sent to prison for 10 years. During that time in federal prison, he really gets no education, no life-improvement skills. He learns how to lie, steal, cheat, gamble and fight. That's what they're taught. Then, by some illusion, we believe he's ready to go back out into the world.

"I taught a class. You gotta get your GED. You got to get an education. That kid looked at me and said, 'I'm black. I'm a convicted felon. That GED isn't going to help me ever.' There are guys in prison for minor whitecollar crimes. There are doctors. They have Masters. They have Bachelors. They can't get hired. If they can't hired, what chance does that 21-year old kid have? And the problem with that is that there are thousands upon thousands of men in prison. It's wrong for this country. It's wrong for this party."

This, at least, is somebody who has learned something from his own past. And, this afternoon, we get to hear Scooter Libby speculate on life after Obama. There are no crimes on the Right beyond forgiveness.

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FOCUS | The Great American Working Class U-Turn Print
Friday, 07 March 2014 11:32

Reich writes: "Do you recall a time in America when the income of a single school teacher or baker or salesman or mechanic was enough to buy a home, have two cars, and raise a family?"

Economist, professor, author and political commentator Robert Reich. (photo: Richard Morgenstein)
Economist, professor, author and political commentator Robert Reich. (photo: Richard Morgenstein)


The Great American Working Class U-Turn

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

07 March 14

 

o you recall a time in America when the income of a single school teacher or baker or salesman or mechanic was enough to buy a home, have two cars, and raise a family?

I remember. My father (who just celebrated his 100th birthday) earned enough for the rest of us to live comfortably. We weren't rich but never felt poor, and our standard of living rose steadily through the 1950s and 1960s.

That used to be the norm. For three decades after World War II, America created the largest middle class the world had ever seen. During those years the earnings of the typical American worker doubled, just as the size of the American economy doubled. (Over the last thirty years, by contrast, the size of the economy doubled again but the earnings of the typical American went nowhere.)

In that earlier period, more than a third of all workers belonged to a trade union - giving average workers the bargaining power necessary to get a large and growing share of the large and growing economic pie. (Now, fewer than 7 percent of private-sector workers are unionized.)

Then, CEO pay then averaged about 20 times the pay of their typical worker (now it's over 200 times).

In those years, the richest 1 percent took home 9 to 10 percent of total income (today the top 1 percent gets more than 20 percent).

Then, the tax rate on highest-income Americans never fell below 70 percent; under Dwight Eisenhower, a Republican, it was 91 percent. (Today the top tax rate is 39.6 percent.)

In those decades, tax revenues from the wealthy and the growing middle class were used to build the largest infrastructure project in our history, the Interstate Highway system. And to build the world's largest and best system of free public education, and dramatically expand public higher education. (Since then, our infrastructure has been collapsing from deferred maintenance, our public schools have deteriorated, and higher education has become unaffordable to many.)

We didn't stop there. We enacted the Civil Rights Act and Voting Rights Act to extend prosperity and participation to African-Americans; Medicare and Medicaid to provide health care to the poor and reduce poverty among America's seniors; and the Environmental Protection Act to help save our planet.

And we made sure banking was boring.

It was a virtuous cycle. As the economy grew, we prospered together. And that broad-based prosperity enabled us to invest in our future, creating more and better jobs and a higher standard of living.

Then came the great U-turn, and for the last thirty years we've been heading in the opposite direction.

Why?

Some blame globalization and the loss of America's manufacturing core. Others point to new technologies that replaced routine jobs with automated machinery, software, and robotics.

But if these were the culprits, they only raise a deeper question: Why didn't we share the gains from globalization and technological advances more broadly? Why didn't we invest them in superb schools, higher skills, a world-class infrastructure?

Others blame Ronald Reagan's worship of the so-called "free market," supply-side economics, and deregulation. But if these were responsible, why did we cling to these ideas for so long? Why are so many people still clinging to them?

Some others believe Americans became greedier and more selfish. But if that's the explanation, why did our national character change so dramatically?

Perhaps the real problem is we forgot what we once achieved together. The collective erasure of the memory of that prior system of broad-based prosperity is due partly to the failure of my generation to retain and pass on the values on which that system was based. It can also be understood as the greatest propaganda victory radical conservatism ever won.

We must restore our recollection. In seeking to repair what is broken, we don't have to emulate another nation. We have only to emulate what we once had.

That we once achieved broad-based prosperity means we can achieve it again - not exactly the same way, of course, but in a new way fit for the twenty-first century and for future generations of Americans.

America's great U-turn can be reversed. It is worth the fight.



Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley and Senior Fellow at the Blum Center for Developing Economies, was Secretary of Labor in the Clinton administration. Time Magazine named him one of the ten most effective cabinet secretaries of the twentieth century. He has written thirteen books, including the best sellers "Aftershock" and "The Work of Nations." His latest, "Beyond Outrage," is now out in paperback. He is also a founding editor of the American Prospect magazine and chairman of Common Cause. His new film, "Inequality for All," is now available on Netflix, iTunes, DVD, and On Demand.

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There's No Need to End Saturday Mail Delivery Print
Friday, 07 March 2014 09:25

Sanders writes: "Whether you are a low-income elderly woman living at the end of a dirt road in Vermont or a wealthy CEO living on Park Avenue, you get your mail six days a week. And you pay for this service at a cost far less than anywhere else in the industrialized world."

Sen. Bernie Sanders. (photo: AP)
Sen. Bernie Sanders. (photo: AP)


There's No Need to End Saturday Mail Delivery

By Sen. Bernie Sanders, Reader Supported News

07 March 14

 

he U.S. Postal Service is one of our most popular and important government agencies. It provides universal service six days a week to every corner of America, no matter how small or remote. It supports millions of jobs in virtually every other sector of our economy. It provides decent-paying union jobs to some 500,000 Americans, and it is the largest employer of veterans.

Whether you are a low-income elderly woman living at the end of a dirt road in Vermont or a wealthy CEO living on Park Avenue, you get your mail six days a week. And you pay for this service at a cost far less than anywhere else in the industrialized world.

Yet the Postal Service is under constant and vicious attack. Why? The answer is simple. There are very powerful and wealthy special interests who want to privatize or dismember virtually every function that government now performs, whether it is Social Security, Medicare, public education or the Postal Service. They see an opportunity for Wall Street and corporate America to make billions in profits out of these services, and couldn't care less how privatization or a degradation of services affects ordinary Americans.

US Postal Service CarrierFor years, antigovernment forces have been telling us that there is a financial crisis at the Postal Service and that it is going broke. That is not true. The crisis is manufactured.

At the insistence of the Bush administration, Congress in 2006 passed legislation that required the Postal Service to prefund, over a 10-year period, 75 years of future retiree health benefits. This onerous and unprecedented burden--$5.5 billion a year--is responsible for all of the financial losses posted by the Postal Service since October 2012.

Without prefunding, the Postal Service would have made a $623 million profit last year. Excluding the prefunding mandate, the Postal Service estimates it will make more than $1 billion in profits this year. This is not surprising, since the Postal Service made a combined profit of $9 billion from 2003-06, before the prefunding mandate took effect.

The mandate allows the antigovernment crowd to proclaim that the Postal Service "is going bankrupt." Their solution is to slash hundreds of thousands of jobs, close thousands of post offices, eliminate hundreds of mail processing plants, end Saturday mail, and substantially slow down mail delivery.

In the House, Rep. Darrell Issa (R., Calif.) passed a bill through his committee that would do all of these things. The bill would drive more customers to seek other options and will lead to a death spiral--lower-quality service, fewer customers, more cuts, less revenue and eventually the destruction of the Postal Service.

In the Senate, Sens. Tom Carper (D., Del.) and Tom Coburn (R., Okla.) also passed a postal reform bill through the Homeland Security and Government Affairs Committee. While not as destructive as the House proposal, the Carper-Coburn bill could lead to the loss of about 100,000 jobs, allow the Postal Service to eliminate six-day mail delivery, substantially slow down the delivery of mail, and lead to the loss of more mail processing plants and post offices within the next few years.

There are much better ideas that would strengthen, not destroy the Postal Service, and they are in the Postal Service Protection Act that has been introduced by Rep. Peter DeFazio (D., Ore.) in the House and by me in the Senate. The House bill has 174 co-sponsors. The Senate bill has 27 co-sponsors.

First, prefunding must end. The future retiree health fund now has some $50 billion in it. That is enough. This step alone will restore the Postal Service to profitability.

Second, the Postal Service should have the flexibility to provide new consumer products and services--a flexibility that was banned by Congress in 2006. It is now against the law for workers in post offices to notarize or make copies of documents; to cash checks; to deliver wine or beer; or to engage in e-commerce activities (like scanning physical mail into a PDF and sending it through e-mail, selling non-postal products on the Internet or offering a non-commercial version of Gmail).

A recent report from the Postal Service Inspector General suggests that almost $9 billion a year could be generated by providing financial services. At a time when more than 80 million lower-income Americans have no bank accounts or are forced to rely on rip-off check-cashing storefronts and payday lenders, these kinds of financial services would be of huge social benefit.

It is time for Congress to save the Postal Service, not dismantle it.

Sen. Sanders is an independent senator from Vermont.

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