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FOCUS | Vladimir Putin Must Be Called to Account on Surveillance Just Like Obama Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=30258"><span class="small">Edward Snowden, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Friday, 18 April 2014 11:33

Snowden writes: "I was surprised that people who witnessed me risk my life to expose the surveillance practices of my own country could not believe that I might also criticize the surveillance policies of Russia."

Vladimir Putin during the nationwide phone-in in Moscow. (photo: RIA Novosti/Reuters)
Vladimir Putin during the nationwide phone-in in Moscow. (photo: RIA Novosti/Reuters)


Vladimir Putin Must Be Called to Account on Surveillance Just Like Obama

By Edward Snowden, Guardian UK

18 April 14

 

I questioned the Russian president live on TV to get his answer on the record, not to whitewash him

n Thursday, I questioned Russia's involvement in mass surveillance on live television. I asked Russia's president, Vladimir Putin, a question that cannot credibly be answered in the negative by any leader who runs a modern, intrusive surveillance program: "Does [your country] intercept, analyse or store millions of individuals' communications?"

I went on to challenge whether, even if such a mass surveillance program were effective and technically legal, it could ever be morally justified.

The question was intended to mirror the now infamous exchange in US Senate intelligence committee hearings between senator Ron Wyden and the director of national intelligence, James Clapper, about whether the NSA collected records on millions of Americans, and to invite either an important concession or a clear evasion. (See a side-by-side comparison of Wyden's question and mine here.)

Clapper's lie – to the Senate and to the public – was a major motivating force behind my decision to go public, and a historic example of the importance of official accountability.

In his response, Putin denied the first part of the question and dodged on the latter. There are serious inconsistencies in his denial – and we'll get to them soon – but it was not the president's suspiciously narrow answer that was criticised by many pundits. It was that I had chosen to ask a question at all.

I was surprised that people who witnessed me risk my life to expose the surveillance practices of my own country could not believe that I might also criticise the surveillance policies of Russia, a country to which I have sworn no allegiance, without ulterior motive. I regret that my question could be misinterpreted, and that it enabled many to ignore the substance of the question – and Putin's evasive response – in order to speculate, wildly and incorrectly, about my motives for asking it.

The investigative journalist Andrei Soldatov, perhaps the single most prominent critic of Russia's surveillance apparatus (and someone who has repeatedly criticised me in the past year), described my question as "extremely important for Russia". According to the Daily Beast, Soldatov said it could lift a de facto ban on public conversations about state eavesdropping.

Others have pointed out that Putin's response appears to be the strongest denial of involvement in mass surveillance ever given by a Russian leader – a denial that is, generously speaking, likely to be revisited by journalists.

In fact, Putin's response was remarkably similar to Barack Obama's initial, sweeping denials of the scope of the NSA's domestic surveillance programs, before that position was later shown to be both untrue and indefensible.

 

 

So why all the criticism? I expected that some would object to my participation in an annual forum that is largely comprised of softball questions to a leader unaccustomed to being challenged. But to me, the rare opportunity to lift a taboo on discussion of state surveillance before an audience that primarily views state media outweighed that risk. Moreover, I hoped that Putin's answer – whatever it was – would provide opportunities for serious journalists and civil society to push the discussion further.

When this event comes around next year, I hope we'll see more questions on surveillance programs and other controversial policies. But we don't have to wait until then. For example, journalists might ask for clarification as to how millions of individuals' communications are not being intercepted, analysed or stored, when, at least on a technical level, the systems that are in place must do precisely that in order to function. They might ask whether the social media companies reporting that they have received bulk collection requests from the Russian government are telling the truth.

I blew the whistle on the NSA's surveillance practices not because I believed that the United States was uniquely at fault, but because I believe that mass surveillance of innocents – the construction of enormous, state-run surveillance time machines that can turn back the clock on the most intimate details of our lives – is a threat to all people, everywhere, no matter who runs them.

Last year, I risked family, life, and freedom to help initiate a global debate that even Obama himself conceded "will make our nation stronger". I am no more willing to trade my principles for privilege today than I was then.

I understand the concerns of critics, but there is a more obvious explanation for my question than a secret desire to defend the kind of policies I sacrificed a comfortable life to challenge: if we are to test the truth of officials' claims, we must first give them an opportunity to make those claims.

  • Edward Snowden wrote for the Guardian through the Freedom of the Press Foundation
  • This article was amended on 18 April to correct the attribution of comments from Andrei Soldatov to the Daily Beast
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Restoring Louisiana's Coast Will Require Restoring Its Democracy Print
Thursday, 17 April 2014 14:56

Kennedy writes: "Managing the Mississippi River Delta is a daunting challenge, but the greatest barrier to restoration and flood protection is politics."

Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (photo: unknown)
Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (photo: unknown)


Restoring Louisiana's Coast Will Require Restoring Its Democracy

By Robert F. Kennedy Jr., Reader Supported News

17 April 14

 

he Mississippi's River southernmost delta is home to a rich ecosystem, robust, culture and booming economy. Wetlands provide critical storm protection for the Louisiana's coast. A recent poll by America's Wetland Foundation found that 74 percent of Louisiana residents "consider saving the coast to be the most important issue [in the state] of our lifetime." For Delta citizens, flood protection is a matter of survival. Louisiana wetlands are disappearing at a rate of approximately 1 football field every hour and coastal communities are already washing into the Gulf of Mexico. To date, roughly 2,000 square miles of land have disappeared under water and the erosion is accelerating. The disappearing land once buffered communities including New Orleans from catastrophic storm surges.

Managing the Mississippi River Delta is a daunting challenge, but the greatest barrier to restoration and flood protection is politics. Last year, a board of flood experts, acting to protect New Orleans, ignited a battle that has starkly pitted the public welfare against the sycophantic fealty of Louisiana's toadying politicians to a rapacious oil and gas industry.

The Southeast Louisiana Flood Protection Authority -- East (SLFPA-E) oversees the greater New Orleans levee system. The deterioration of the wetlands that protect the levees surrounding New Orleans led the SLFPA-E to file suit against 97 oil and gas companies. While the Army Corp of Engineers diversion projects have contributed to wetland shrinkage by starving the delta of sediments, study after study, including those conducted by the state and the oil industry, point to oil and gas activities as a principle culprit in the loss of Louisiana's wetlands. The petroleum titans have dredged approximately 10,000 miles of canals through Louisiana's fragile wetlands in their thirst for oil and gas allowing wave action and salt water from the Gulf to infiltrate and destroy what is left. State issued dredge permits require these companies to restore the injured wetlands. Petroleum industry practice is to ignore those permit mandates.

SLFPA's suit seeks to force these companies to finally repair the damage they have inflicted on coastal wetlands as the law requires.

These permit violations are not victimless crimes. In breaking the laws that require wetland restoration, these companies endanger everyone who depends on Louisiana's productive and delicate coasts. The protection of the many should take precedence over the protection of the money, but Louisiana's servile politicians seem more concerned with protecting cash flow for the most profitable industry in history -- an industry that provides local pols their largest source of campaign lucre.

Genuflecting to Big Oil's pressure, the industry's chief indentured servant, Governor Bobby Jindal, is leading an attempt to kill the suit by orchestrating the replacement of several members of the levee authority. Jindal's caper violates state laws that guarantee that body's political independence. Urged on by the Governor, crooked Legislators are currently advancing bills to undermine the levee board and retroactively kill the lawsuit. Louisiana is a classic corporate kleptocracy. There is no sunshine in Baton Rouge ; Like so many cockroaches Big Oil's state house sock puppets are working their mischief in the darkness with no accountability or public participation.

A Louisiana elected official once said "the flag of Texaco flies over the Louisiana State Capitol." Right now that flag is flapping in the face of every citizen. Tax-hating governor Jindall now wants to spend tens of millions of dollars of tax payer money to plug oil canals which companies are required by law to plug themselves. That money pales beside to the $50 billion cost of the state's Master Plan to protect the coast. Jindal's funding proposal caper will protect his oil industry patrons and stick the public with the bill: taxpayers will cover the costs of damage caused by oil companies.

A recent poll by the nonprofit, Restore Louisiana Now, found that 90 percent of state residents believe the oil and gas industry should pay it's fair share, and 75 percent believe the governor has no business shielding the oil and gas industry from the costs of its misbehavior.

As Seneca observed "To greed, all of nature is insufficient".

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President Obama, Put the Arctic Off-Limits to Big Oil Print
Thursday, 17 April 2014 14:54

Redford writes: "Four years ago this week, BP's Deepwater Horizon drill platform exploded. Eleven workers died that day."

Actor and environmental activist Robert Redford. (photo: Contour/Getty Images)
Actor and environmental activist Robert Redford. (photo: Contour/Getty Images)


President Obama, Put the Arctic Off-Limits to Big Oil

By Robert Redford, Reader Supported News

17 April 14

 

our years ago this week, BP's Deepwater Horizon drill platform exploded. Eleven workers died that day. Their bodies were never found. Over the next 87 days, 210 million gallons of oil gushed into the Gulf of Mexico. It fouled fishing grounds, ravaged the coastline, and shut down tourism. The world got an ugly look at some of the terrible hidden costs of fossil fuels. Spill-related health problems plague the people and the wildlife of the Gulf to this very day.

I personally hoped that we, as a nation, would quickly learn from this tragedy and move swiftly to prevent a repeat disaster in our most vulnerable coastal environments. So it boggles the mind that Shell Oil is still determined to drill in one of the most fragile and remote ecosystems on Earth: the Arctic Ocean -- the last bastion of America's polar bears, endangered bowhead whales and other rare wildlife. For Native Alaskans who live along the coast, this ocean has been the source of their food security and a way of life since time immemorial.

 

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cWSLdRMFw5Q

 

It's sheer madness to drill in the Arctic -- in treacherous conditions of gale-force winds, 20-foot seas, sub-zero temperatures, shifting currents -- and for eight months of the year -- solid pack ice. If the oil industry was utterly unprepared for a blowout in the balmy Gulf of Mexico, how in the world can we trust them in a treacherous environment like the Arctic? Nobody knows how to clean up oil there, even during the open water season. And once the ice and long Arctic night close in, there'd be zero hope of plugging a blow-out or containing a spill.

Those harsh conditions also guarantee human and mechanical error. During a disastrous 2012 attempt at Arctic drilling, Shell Oil experienced fires, leaks, slipped anchors, emergency gear that was "crushed like a beer can," and a 30-mile iceberg that sent its ships fleeing.

A just-released Coast Guard report says Shell's reckless and failed attempt to tow its Arctic Ocean drill rig in 2012 was riddled with poor planning and judgment -- and involved numerous potential violations of the law.

Then, a couple of months ago, the Arctic caught a huge break. A federal appeals court ruled that in 2008, when the government approved drilling there, it wildly underestimated the risks of spills and other hazards. That has stopped all drill efforts for now. And it's created a golden opportunity for President Obama to chart a new course by putting the Arctic completely off-limits to Shell and every other oil company -- for good.

It also sets the president up to lead the fight against climate change. Left to their own devices, oil companies will drill and unleash every last bit of carbon-polluting crude they can get their hands on. Just two weeks ago ExxonMobil said it "takes the risk of climate change seriously," but that they'd go right on digging and burning all their oil reserves.

To be blunt, that is crazy talk. There's a clear scientific consensus that pumping that much carbon into the atmosphere will change life on Earth as we know it.

That's why I made this video, calling on all Americans to stand up to Big Oil by asking President Obama to ban oil drilling in the Arctic and lead the way to a future powered by 100% clean energy. Please make your own voice heard at www.DemandCleanPower.org. But don't delay. In a court filing last week, Shell indicated it's counting the days till it can get back into the Arctic. We have to make sure that never happens.

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FOCUS | Ukraine, Through the US Looking Glass Print
Thursday, 17 April 2014 13:00

Parry writes: "As the post-coup regime in Ukraine sends troops and paramilitaries to crack down on ethnic Russian protesters in the east, the U.S. news media continues to feed the American public a steady dose of anti-Russian propaganda, often wrapped in accusations of 'Russian propaganda.'"

(photo: Baz Ratner/Reuters)
(photo: Baz Ratner/Reuters)


Ukraine, Through the US Looking Glass

By Robert Parry, Consortium News

17 April 14

 

he acting president of the coup regime in Kiev announces that he is ordering an “anti-terrorist” operation against pro-Russian protesters in eastern Ukraine, while his national security chief says he has dispatched right-wing ultranationalist fighters who spearheaded the Feb. 22 coup that ousted elected President Viktor Yanukovych.

On Tuesday, Andriy Parubiy, head of the Ukrainian National Security Council, went on Twitter to declare, “Reserve unit of National Guard formed #Maidan Self-defense volunteers was sent to the front line this morning.” Parubiy was referring to the neo-Nazi militias that provided the organized muscle that overthrew Yanukovych, forcing him to flee for his life. Some of these militias have since been incorporated into security forces as “National Guard.”

Parubiy himself is a well-known neo-Nazi, who founded the Social-National Party of Ukraine in 1991. The party blended radical Ukrainian nationalism with neo-Nazi symbols. Parubiy also formed a paramilitary spinoff, the Patriots of Ukraine, and defended the awarding of the title, “Hero of Ukraine,” to World War II Nazi collaborator Stepan Bandera, whose own paramilitary forces exterminated thousands of Jews and Poles in pursuit of a racially pure Ukraine.

During the months of protests aimed at overthrowing Yanukovych, Parubiy became the commandant of “Euromaidan,” the name for the Kiev uprising, and – after the Feb. 22 coup – Parubiy was one of four far-right Ukrainian nationalists given control of a ministry, i.e. national security.

But the U.S. press has played down his role because his neo-Nazism conflicts with Official Washington’s narrative that the neo-Nazis played little or no role in the “revolution.” References to neo-Nazis in the “interim government” are dismissed as “Russian propaganda.”

Yet there Parubiy was on Tuesday bragging that some of his neo-Nazi storm troopers – renamed “National Guard” – were now being sicced on rebellious eastern Ukraine as part of the Kiev government’s “anti-terrorist” operation.

The post-coup President Oleksandr Turchynov also warned that Ukraine was confronting a “colossal danger,” but he insisted that the suppression of the pro-Russian protesters would be treated as an “anti-terrorist” operation and not as a “civil war.” Everyone should understand by now that “anti-terror” suggests extrajudicial killings, torture and “counter-terror.”

Yet, with much of the Ukrainian military of dubious loyalty to the coup regime, the dispatch of the neo-Nazi militias from western Ukraine’s Right Sektor and Svoboda parties represents a significant development. Not only do the Ukrainian neo-Nazis consider the ethnic Russians an alien presence, but these right-wing militias are organized to wage street fighting as they did in the February uprising.

Historically, right-wing paramilitaries have played crucial roles in “counter-terror” campaigns around the world. In Central America in the 1980s, for instance, right-wing “death squads” did much of the dirty work for U.S.-backed military regimes as they crushed social protests and guerrilla movements.

The merging of the concept of “anti-terrorism” with right-wing paramilitaries represents a potentially frightening development for the people of eastern Ukraine. And much of this information – about Turchynov’s comments and Parubiy’s tweet – can be found in a New York Times’ dispatch from Ukraine.

Whose Propaganda?

However, on the Times’ front page on Wednesday was a bizarre story by David M. Herszenhorn accusing the Russian government of engaging in a propaganda war by making many of the same points that you could find – albeit without the useful context about Parubiy’s neo-Nazi background – in the same newspaper.

In the article entitled “Russia Is Quick To Bend Truth About Ukraine,” Herszenhorn mocked Russian Prime Minister Dmitri Medvedev for making a Facebook posting that “was bleak and full of dread,” including noting that “blood has been spilled in Ukraine again” and adding that “the threat of civil war looms.”

The Times article continued, “He [Medvedev] pleaded with Ukrainians to decide their own future ‘without usurpers, nationalists and bandits, without tanks or armored vehicles – and without secret visits by the C.I.A. director.’ And so began another day of bluster and hyperbole, of the misinformation, exaggerations, conspiracy theories, overheated rhetoric and, occasionally, outright lies about the political crisis in Ukraine that have emanated from the highest echelons of the Kremlin and reverberated on state-controlled Russian television, hour after hour, day after day, week after week.”

This argumentative “news” story spilled from the front page to the top half of an inside page, but Herszenhorn never managed to mention that there was nothing false in what Medvedev said. Indeed, it was the much-maligned Russian press that first reported the secret visit of CIA Director John Brennan to Kiev.

Though the White House has since confirmed that report, Herszenhorn cites Medvedev’s reference to it in the context of “misinformation” and “conspiracy theories.” Nowhere in the long article does the Times inform its readers that, yes, the CIA director did make a secret visit to Ukraine last weekend. Presumably, that reality has now disappeared into the great memory hole along with the on-ground reporting from Feb. 22 about the key role of the neo-Nazi militias.

The neo-Nazis themselves have pretty much disappeared from Official Washington’s narrative, which now usually recounts the coup as simply a case of months of protests followed by Yanukovych’s decision to flee. Only occasionally, often buried deep in news articles with the context removed, can you find admissions of how the neo-Nazis spearheaded the coup.

A Wounded Extremist

For instance, on April 6, the New York Times published a human-interest profile of a Ukrainian named Yuri Marchuk who was wounded in clashes around Kiev’s Maidan square in February. You have to read far into the story to learn that Marchuk was a Svoboda leader from Lviv, which – if you did your own research – you would discover is a neo-Nazi stronghold where Ukrainian nationalists hold torch-light parades in honor of Nazi collaborator Stepan Bandera.

Without providing that context, the Times does mention that Lviv militants plundered a government weapons depot and dispatched 600 militants a day to do battle in Kiev. Marchuk also described how these well-organized militants, consisting of paramilitary brigades of 100 fighters each, launched the fateful attack against the police on Feb. 20, the battle where Marchuk was wounded and where the death toll suddenly spiked into scores of protesters and about a dozen police.

Marchuk later said he visited his comrades at the occupied City Hall. What the Times doesn’t mention is that City Hall was festooned with Nazi banners and even a Confederate battle flag as a tribute to white supremacy.

The Times touched on the inconvenient truth of the neo-Nazis again on April 12 in an article about the mysterious death of neo-Nazi leader Oleksandr Muzychko, who was killed during a shootout with police on March 24. The article quoted a local Right Sektor leader, Roman Koval, explaining the crucial role of his organization in carrying out the anti-Yanukovych coup.

“Ukraine’s February revolution, said Mr. Koval, would never have happened without Right Sector and other militant groups,” the Times wrote. Yet, that reality – though actually reported in the New York Times – has now become “Russian propaganda,” according to the New York Times.

This upside-down American narrative also ignores the well-documented interference of prominent U.S. officials in stirring up the protesters in Kiev, which is located in the western part of Ukraine and is thus more anti-Russian than eastern Ukraine where many ethnic Russians live and where Yanukovych had his political base.

Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs Victoria Nuland was a cheerleader for the uprising, reminding Ukrainian business leaders that the United States had invested $5 billion in their “European aspirations,” discussing who should replace Yanukovych (her choice, Arseniy Yatsenyuk became the new prime minister), and literally passing out cookies to the protesters in the Maidan. (Nuland is married to neoconservative superstar Robert Kagan, a founder of the Project for the New American Century.)

During the protests, neocon Sen. John McCain, R-Arizona, took the stage with leaders of Svoboda – surrounded by banners honoring Stepan Bandera – and urged on the protesters. Even before the demonstrations began, prominent neocon Carl Gershman, president of the U.S.-funded National Endowment for Democracy, had dubbed Ukraine “the biggest prize.” [For more details, see Consortiumnews.com’s “What’s the Matter with John Kerry?”]

Indeed, in my four-plus decades in journalism, I have never seen a more thoroughly biased and misleading performance by the major U.S. news media. Even during the days of Ronald Reagan – when much of the government’s modern propaganda structure was created – there was more independence in major news outlets. There were media stampedes off the reality cliff during George H.W. Bush’s Persian Gulf War and George W. Bush’s Iraq War, both of which were marked by demonstrably false claims that were readily swallowed by the big U.S. news outlets.

But there is something utterly Orwellian in the current coverage of the Ukraine crisis, including accusing others of “propaganda” when their accounts – though surely not perfect – are much more honest and more accurate than what the U.S. press corps has been producing.

There’s also the added risk that this latest failure by the U.S. press corps is occurring on the border of Russia, a nuclear-armed state that – along with the United States – could exterminate all life on the planet. The biased U.S. news coverage is now feeding into political demands to send U.S. military aid to Ukraine’s coup regime.

The casualness of this propaganda – as it spreads across the U.S. media spectrum from Fox News to MSNBC, from the Washington Post to the New York Times – is not just wretched journalism but it is reckless malfeasance jeopardizing the lives of many Ukrainians and the future of the planet.

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FOCUS | Blind Hatred for Iran Is Puerile Tantrum-Throwing, Not Foreign Policy Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=20877"><span class="small">William Boardman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Thursday, 17 April 2014 11:30

Boardman writes: "Why has pretty much the entire American national leadership reacted with a pusillanimous stampede into stupidity over a routine appointment that should be a non-issue?"

Hamid Aboutalebi was denied a visa to enter the United States. (photo: Iran)
Hamid Aboutalebi was denied a visa to enter the United States. (photo: Iran)


Blind Hatred for Iran Is Puerile Tantrum-Throwing, Not Foreign Policy

By William Boardman, Reader Supported News

17 April 14

 

In Congress, emotional demagoguery displaces rational debate

ave you thought much about just how stupid, petty, obtuse, dishonest, and hypocritical so many senators, representatives, and other American officials (including the president) have been in their “patriotic” fervor to protect the rest of us from a 57-year-old professional diplomat whose only demonstrable threatening trait is that he’s Iranian?

The Iranian in question, Hamid Aboutalebi, has a Ph.D. in historical sociology and has served as Iran’s ambassador to Australia, the European Union, Belgium, and Italy, all of which appear to have survived unscathed by his presence. In the 1990s, even the United States was unafraid to allow Aboutalebi to be a member of Iran’s United Nations delegation in New York, and everyone survived that, too.

On April 11, 2014, the White House formally confirmed what it had been indicating for days, that the United States would deny Aboutalebi a visa to enter the country, thereby preventing him from assuming his post as Iran’s ambassador to the United Nations.

As the host country for the UN, the United States has a legal obligation to accept the appointed ambassadors of other sovereign countries. The UN ambassadors from Syria and North Korea were admitted to the country bur required to remain within a 25-mile radius of New York City. The government has cited no precedent, no legal basis, and no credible factual basis for denying Iran its choice of its own ambassador. Iran is appealing the American decision through the UN legal process.

Why was there no public opposition to this rush to misjudgment?

Why has pretty much the entire American national leadership reacted with a pusillanimous stampede into stupidity over a routine appointment that should be a non-issue? Because moral bullying works, even when it makes the least sense. This is a decision that relies for its justification on pure guilt by association. Underlying this travesty is a familiar American weakness of long standing: craven unwillingness to accept accountability for American actions in the past.

Also the president was apparently intimidated by Congressional demagogues passing a probably unconstitutional bill limiting the power granted solely to the president: that “he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers” (Art. II, sec. 3). Asked whether the president would sign that bill, press secretary Jay Carney danced around the legal question while confirming the official decision to demonize the professional diplomat:

“Let me say a couple of things. We have informed the United Nations and Iran that we will not issue a visa to Mr. Aboutalebi. We certainly share the intent of the bill passed by Congress, as we have already told the U.N. and Iran that we will not issue a visa.

“We’ll review the legislation; we’re doing that now. And we will work to address any issues related to its utility and constitutionality. But we share the intent of the bill. The bill expands upon a 1990 law for which President George H.W. Bush issued a signing statement expressing constitutional concerns. And, obviously, we will be looking at this issue as part of our review. But as to the intent, we share it. And I think we have made clear in previous statements and today in my statement that we won’t be issuing a visa.”

In other words, the legislation is absurd but we’re not about to stand up to Congress when they’ve got the Iran rage machine going. “We take our host country responsibilities very seriously,” Carney said to the audience that knew he meant the opposite whenever it was expedient. Carney did not explain why the president thinks denying the visa is constitutional or legal or justified, or whether that’s even what the president thinks about Iran. And of course no reporter asked. Who wants to be seen treating a designated scapegoat even-handedly?

This whole mishagas started with what looks now like it could have been an April Fool’s joke that nobody got. On April 1, Republican senator Ted Cruz of Texas (with six Republican co-sponsors) introduced a bill (S.2195) that would “deny admission to the United States to any representative to the United Nations who has been found to have been engaged in espionage activities or a terrorist activity against the United States and poses a threat to United States national security interests.”

In the House, Colorado Republican congressman Doug Lamborn and 48 like-minded co-sponsors introduced a bill identical to the Senate version. In support of the bill, Lamborn said, “Last week, we learned something shocking and appalling. The Iranian Government wants to appoint a terrorist as their Ambassador to the United Nations, a man who participated in the 1979 terrorist attack on our Embassy in Tehran. This is unconscionable and unacceptable.”

There is no credible finding or other factual basis to support this hyperbole, which soon became conventional wisdom in Washington.

As in the original Wonderland, the authorities began with the verdict

By April 10, with minor technical amendments added, the bill had passed both the Senate and the House by unanimous consent, allowing most members to keep their fingerprints off it (especially Democratic senators Leahy, Menendez, and Schumer, whom Senator Lindsey Graham thanked personally).

There were no meaningful hearings on the bill. There was no presentation of evidence. There was no meaningful debate about any substantive impact the bill might have. There was only unrelenting demagoguery. Some more examples:

  • Senator Cruz: Mr. Aboutalebi was an active participant in the terrorist group that took 52 Americans hostage on November 4, 1979, and held them for 444 days. There are no circumstances under which the United States should grant such a person a visa, and our immediate concern is to prevent Mr. Aboutalebi from ever setting foot on American soil.

  • Senator Schumer: [Aboutalebi] was a member of the Muslim Student Followers of the Imam's Line, the group that seized the embassy on November 4, 1979, and held American staff hostage until 1981. There were New Yorkers I knew among that group…. We should not further aggravate the pain of the individuals and families who suffered through the hostage crisis by allowing this individual to have a visa and diplomatic immunity within the United States.

  • Senator Graham: … this is a unique moment when all 100 Senators support the following statement to the Iranians: We remember who you are. We remember what you have done to our country and to our fellow citizens, and we are not going to forget. If you are listening in Iran, we have a very clear-eyed view in the Senate of who we are dealing with. So this is a very appropriate time to speak with one voice. I hope the Iranians will understand that we are resolved, Republicans and Democrats, to make sure they never possess a nuclear weapon.

Not one member of Congress said, “Let’s look at this rationally.”

The people charged with writing the laws of the United States have acted with reckless disregard for the truth. There is no evidence that Aboutalebi is a terrorist. There ‘s no evidence that he was involved in hostage-taking. There is some evidence that he may have been involved as a translator or mediator during the hostage crisis, but even that is uncertain. Apparently he was a member of the student group in 1979, when he was a 22-year-old grad student and his country was in the midst of a revolution. All this accusatory bombast is the basis for guilt by association, this is generic McCarthyism, and this is what Congress does by unanimous consent.

A bipartisan majority of American senators, all of them actually, refused to stand up for due process or rules of evidence or even simple fairness when rushing to judgment was the easiest, best way to avoid any anything close to being a profile of good sense, never mind courage. A bipartisan majority of the House of Representatives was equally unprincipled.

This choice of self-destructive, empty vengeance was driven in great part by one of the former hostages, Barry Rosen, whose attorney Tom Lankford was a lead demagogue: "At a time when the 52 American Hostages and their families remain without reparations and relief, the idea that one of their self-styled kidnappers and torturers would be allowed to receive a visa, enter the United States and then hold himself out at the rank of U.N. Ambassador makes a mockery of the horrific acts he and Iran perpetrated."

We don’t know what this spiteful, bird flipping diplomacy will do to something actually important, like the multilateral negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program. We can hope the Iranians and other parties will behave with more maturity and judgment than the US has shown.

Many of the most vociferous voices raised against Aboutalebi belong to senators and representatives who are determined to have NO accommodation with Iran. This unopposed, orchestrated hate is Orwellian (as in 1984’s daily Two Minutes Hate ritual). These haters are people for whom war with Iran has no more seriousness than a Beach Boys song parody, “Bomb bomb bomb, bomb bomb Iran.”

Yes, it’s true that in 1979 Iranians took 52 Americans hostage and held them for 444 days. And yes, that was a terrible thing. But it was a terrible thing with a real context. This was not a gratuitous act of mindless anti-Americanism, this was an opportunistic crime committed in reaction to American criminality and brutality in a country with which America was displeased.

Twenty-six years earlier, in 1953, the United States overthrew Iran’s elected government (even more blatantly than the recent Ukraine coup). The US then gave unending support to the Shah of Iran and the brutal police state he inflicted on millions of people for a quarter century, people held hostage and brutalized in their own country by their own government, all for the political convenience of the United States. Like the 52 American hostages, some 52 million Iranians still wait for reparations and relief.

The jabbering jingoes in control of this foreign policy decision, deceitfully selling Aboutalebi’s imagined transgressions, need to get over their exceptionalist self-involvement. Americans desperately need to have a sense of history, a sense of responsibility, a sense of proportion, and real humility. That would be true American exceptionalism.

Government by dishonest emotional blackmail isn’t government at all, it’s moral hostage-taking.


William M. Boardman has over 40 years experience in theatre, radio, TV, print journalism, and non-fiction, including 20 years in the Vermont judiciary. He has received honors from Writers Guild of America, Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Vermont Life magazine, and an Emmy Award nomination from the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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