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The Actor and the Minister Print
Tuesday, 22 July 2014 09:34

Hedges writes: "Michael Milligan confronted the callousness of our health care system when he cared for a friend with a serious illness. His play 'Mercy Killers,' which he has performed nearly 200 times, chronicles the struggle with insurance companies, drug companies and hospitals that profit from medical distress and then discard terminally ill people when they no longer can pay."

Michael Milligan, in his one-actor play 'Mercy Killers,' portrays a man struggling with our dysfunctional health care system as his wife is dying of cancer. (photo: Nicholas Betito/Truthdig)
Michael Milligan, in his one-actor play 'Mercy Killers,' portrays a man struggling with our dysfunctional health care system as his wife is dying of cancer. (photo: Nicholas Betito/Truthdig)


The Actor and the Minister

By Chris Hedges, Truthdig

22 July 14

 

n June 30 I was at the First Church in Jamaica Plain, Unitarian Universalist, which had turned its hall over to Michael Milligan, traveling the country performing his one-man play about a husband and wife trapped in our dysfunctional health care system. I arrived early at the stone church, whose present structure was erected in 1853, to help set up the chairs and clear the stage. The minister, the Rev. Terry Burke, who was a classmate of mine at Harvard Divinity School, officially retired that day after 31 years as a minister at the church. Burke, a non-smoker, has been diagnosed with lung cancer, and his doctors have told him he has six to 12 months to live. He applied for Social Security disability and was denied. He consulted a lawyer. He well might spend his last months struggling to get the disability system to pay for the chemotherapy that sustains his life.

Michael Milligan confronted the callousness of our health care system when he cared for a friend with a serious illness. His play “Mercy Killers,” which he has performed nearly 200 times, chronicles the struggle with insurance companies, drug companies and hospitals that profit from medical distress and then discard terminally ill people when they no longer can pay. The hourlong drama, set in the wake of the 2007-2008 financial crisis, occurs in a police station where Joe, an auto mechanic originally from West Virginia, speaks to an unseen investigator. [To see samples from the play, click here.]

“Mercy Killers” opens with Woody Guthrie’s “This Land Is Your Land” playing. The song soon morphs into the sound of sirens. Joe explains how he attempted to care for his terminally ill wife, Jane, amid crushing psychological and financial pressures that put him half a million dollars in debt. His neighbors, he tells the police interrogator, held a bake sale to help out and raised $163.

READ MORE

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Private Prisons: The GOP's Real Shame on the Border Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9456"><span class="small">Ana Marie Cox, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Tuesday, 22 July 2014 09:20

Cox writes: "Despite growing evidence that the private prison industry is neither humane nor cost-effective, for-profit incarceration has increased dramatically in the past 10 years, and nowhere has the boom been more obvious - and had more devastating impact - than along the United States' border."

(image: FinalCall.com)
(image: FinalCall.com)


Private Prisons: The GOP's Real Shame on the Border

By Ana Marie Cox, Guardian UK

22 July 14

 

Private prisons have taken up immigration as a profit center, based on assembly-line 'justice' of the Bush era – and kept alive by Republican presidential contenders who look the other way

igh-profile Republicans, from Governors Rick Perry and Rick Scott to even Chris Christie, have gone hoarse these past few weeks in denouncing the overflow of migrant detention centers at the US-Central American border as "the federal government's failure." All of them have ignored – or blissfully forgotten – that privatization, not government overreach, lies at the heart of America's suppurating arrest and deportation policy.

Despite growing evidence that the private prison industry is neither humane nor cost-effective, for-profit incarceration has increased dramatically in the past 10 years, and nowhere has the boom been more obvious – and had more devastating impact – than along the United States' border.

The tragedy of prison privatization is well-documented. For-profit institutions allows states to pass on overcrowding problems rather than solve them. There is lax attention to government regulations. This is a system designed for the benefit of its owners, not in the best interests of the state – or the prisoners themselves.

But almost half of all detainees held by Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and US Marshall Service were held in private prisons as of 2012, and the rate of private incarceration of immigrants has grown at rates hundreds of times faster than the rates at government-run prisons. Go ahead, call in the National Guard and complain about the US border patrol. But the US Bureau of Prisons spent about $600m on private prison contracts in the last fiscal year, as private prisons have become the beneficiaries of ICE’s diversion of illegal immigrants to "civil detainment", or housing for those not suspected of additional crimes.

Indeed, it is President Obama's enforcement of Bush-era deportation policy, not the "amnesty" granted to so-called Dreamers, that's created the overcrowding and hellish conditions that so define the lives of border detainees.

In 2005, the Bush administration introduced bulk proceedings – unrelated immigrants tried and sentenced at the same time – and mandatory detention for illegal border-crossers, under a program known as Operation Streamline. This assembly-line justice, with up to 100 immigrants tried in a single court in a single day, continued under Obama, and eats up the time and resources of immigration lawyers and judges. (No wonder the children waiting at the border today are suing for representation.) Industrial justice leads to industrial detention: Operation Streamline funnels 30% of all those convicted into the waiting beds of detention centers run by one of the county's three largest for-profit prison operators.

Those not caught in the cookie-cutter courtrooms, and found guilty in a traditional hearing process, usually wind up in one of the country's Criminal Alien Requirement facilities. Every single one of them is run by private operators. And so almost every cry for "enforcement first" immigration reform – or "enforcement only" non-reform – puts a dollar into the pockets of private prison companies: In 2005, prior to the Bush administration's swift and harsh border policy, the federal government paid out $400m to GEO and Corrections Corporation of America (CCA), the two largest gaolers; in 2011 alone, those companies billed the US for $1.4b, with immigrants generating about $250,000 a day. And the long-term outlook is rosy: Federal government spending on immigrant detention in private centers has gone from $760m in 2002 to upwards of $1bn annually today.

In the circular economy of American politics, that money naturally first travels through the coffers of lobbyists and legislators. The private prison industry spent $45m on lobbying in the past decade, much of it going toward legislation that would simply incarcerate more people. With the war on drugs slowing, the industry has taken up immigration as a profit center: Companies contributed to the campaigns of 30 of the 36 lawmakers behind Arizona's "show your papers" law. The industry has also focused its attention on border states – Florida, California, and New Mexico – all of which face overcrowding in part due to waves of immigrants; even if state prison populations decrease, after all, stricter border enforcement creates federal detainees.

Republicans who are not immediately grandstanding on the shoulders of those trapped in private detention centers have posed as simply concerned – and angry at the federal government. But almost each figure blaming government ineptitude is caught up in the insidiousness of private prisons:

  • Texas governor Rick Perry has actually bragged about finding common cause with Eric Holder in reducing Texas's prison population, but with Monday's deployment of 1,000 National Guardsman against "criminal aliens," he's on track to undo his legacy of reform – and keep alive the private prison system that works against it.

  • Florida governor Rick Scott waded in on the migrant crisis rather gently on Friday, with a letter from his attorney general about children that might be transferred to Florida: "What medical services, if any, were provided," it asked, inquiring about infectious diseases and "those who may have come through the flawed federal system." Of course, that flawed system maybe be paid for by federal government, but at least a third of its detention centers are administered by GEO – which is both based in Florida and a significant contributor to Scott and the Florida Republican party. Just last night, the governor, an enthusiastic and over-promising promoter of private prisons in general, was arm-in-arm with the company's CEO at a $10,000-a-plate fundraiser.

  • Chris Christie, quiet of late, simply told Iowans over the weekend that "I have great empathy for that situation." And that the children-at-the-border fiasco exists because "the United States that the federal government has refused to address this issue in any meaningful way." But Christie's tough-on-crime CV includes a close relationship to the euphemistically-named Community Education Centers, the president of which is Christie's former law partner and political advisor. CEC's laxly-monitored halfway houses have been tied to prison escapes and further crimes – including sexual abuse on-site – and it was the only bidder in a state contract to build an ICE facility. CEC is also the owner of Texas's most notorious detention center, where inadequate medical care and labor exploitation are the norm. So, yes, you would hope Chris Christie has "great empathy" for that kind of situation.

The immigration crisis at the border has blessed – or cursed – potential contenders for the 2016 Republican presidential race: the Perrys and Christies and Ted Cruzes and Marco Rubios have an opportunity, right now, to hone their rhetoric around the policy, cleaving a careful line between calls for more forceful border defense and sympathy for those suffering. (Non-contenders can indulge in the luxury of pure xenophobia.) But prison and detention privatization, the underlying factor in the ongoing humanitarian tragedy that is immigration policy, presents another obstacle to GOP hopefuls – even as the prison industry itself continues to pump money into politics and wring profit out of the ongoing crisis at the border.

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When Dick Cheney Told the Truth About Iraq Print
Monday, 21 July 2014 13:44

Reinhardt writes: "But what about top U.S. policymakers? Were they really so much less educated about Iraq? Were they unaware of the well-known history of tribal enmity that forever smolders beneath the surface in arbitrarily composed Iraq - as well as the futility of attempting to invade that country?"

Dick Cheney. (photo: Luis Alvarez/AP)
Dick Cheney. (photo: Luis Alvarez/AP)


When Dick Cheney Told the Truth About Iraq

By Uwe Reinhardt, The Globalist

21 July 14

 

Before becoming vice president, Cheney acknowledged the country could disintegrate following a U.S. invasion

tephan Richter’s recent “Iraq’s Predictable Fate” notes that then German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder had warned the George W. Bush administration in 2002 that the invasion of Iraq was ill-advised.

The majority of Americans — and both political parties — once cheered on that invasion. Americans belatedly have come to realize that they would have been much better off if Schröder’s advice had been heeded.

To be sure, only a tiny minority of Americans have been directly touched by the cost of the war in terms of American lives lost and limbs destroyed. But all Americans will long feel the fiscal burden of amortizing the money cost of the war, including the long-term medical and social support of the warriors sent out to fight that war.

And it is anybody’s guess what the Iraqi people might say now if they were polled on the benefits of the U.S. invasion.

An educated elite

But what about top U.S. policymakers? Were they really so much less educated about Iraq? Were they unaware of the well-known history of tribal enmity that forever smolders beneath the surface in arbitrarily composed Iraq – as well as the futility of attempting to invade that country?

Ironically, and tragically for the United States as a country, none other than former U.S. Vice President Dick Cheney issued the same warning in 1991 and 1994, drawing on the same lessons from history.

Unfortunately, by 2002 Mr. Cheney had all but conveniently forgotten his earlier wisdom proffered during the 1990s. The episode and the details are very much worth recalling, because they show what happens after someone simply “converts” to the belligerent credo of the neo-conservatives (a.k.a. neo-cons).

Cheney, in prior incarnations, had earned a reputation as a measured man. He soon became the top marketer for, and enforcer of, the ill-conceived invasion of Iraq to the American people.

Cheney, the wise man: The evidence on video

On April 7, 1991 Cheney appeared on ABC news’s This Weekas the then U.S. Secretary of Defense in the George H.W. Bush Administration. Secretary Cheney was asked by the late elder statesman of ABC News, David Brinkley, why the U.S. government did not invade Iraq proper after the liberation of Kuwait in Operation Desert Storm.

BRINKLEY: One other question — it keeps coming up. Why didn’t we go to Baghdad and clean it all up while we were there?

Sec. CHENEY: Well, just as it’s important, I think, for a president to know when to commit U.S. forces to combat, it’s also important to know when not to commit U.S. forces to combat. I think for us to get American military personnel involved in a civil war inside Iraq would literally be a quagmire.

Once we got to Baghdad, what would we do? Who would we put in power? What kind of government would we have? Would it be a Sunni government, a Shi’a government, a Kurdish government? Would it be secular, along the lines of the Ba’ath Party?

Would it be fundamentalist Islamic? I do not think the United States wants to have U.S. military forces accept casualties and accept the responsibility of trying to govern Iraq. I think it makes no sense at all.

A repeat of these talking points can be seen on a YouTube clip, apparently of an interview on C-SPAN in 1994. In the interview, then ex-Secretary of Defense Cheney offered roughly the same talking points as he did on ABC News in 1991. He then added ominously:

If you can take down the central government of Iraq, you can easily see pieces of Iraq fly off. Part of it the Syrians would like to have in the West. Part of Eastern Iraq the Iranians would like to claim – fought over for eight years.

In the North you have the Kurds, and if the Kurds spin loose and join with the Kurds in Turkey, then you threaten the territorial integrity of Turkey. It’s a quagmire if you go that far and try to take over Iraq.

Cheney noted in addition that conquering Iraq and deposing Saddam Hussein was not worth the U.S. casualties it might entail, not even to speak on the death toll and hardship it might visit on the people of Iraq.

Why do the U.S. media still cover for the Bush team?

One can understand why former Vice President Cheney would just as soon not be reminded of these prescient remarks made in the aftermath of Desert Storm.

One can understand also why those politicians, pundits and media personalities who are heavily invested in the aggressive foreign policies espoused by the so-called neo-conservatives (or neo-cons) now spare Mr. Cheney the embarrassment of confronting his earlier dicta on Iraq.

After all, even though they are proven wrong once again, they are eager now to use their moment in the media “sun.” They want to provide their neo-con theories with another lease on life in the media spotlight.

What is much harder to understand is why the mainstream media – who make great ado about being papers of “record” — spare Mr. Cheney and the rest of the neo-cons that embarrassment. Their silence prevents Cheney and Co. from being held accountable – the opposite of what American democracy should be all about.

For all their still very voluminous personnel resources, among the U.S. media only very few stood out for their clairvoyance on the subject matter. McClatchy ranks top among those few.

Yes, humans can commit errors, even grave ones. However, the public, or those whose profession it is to work on the public record, should not condone proven malfeasance with their silence. Such silence, in real life, has but one practical consequence.

It makes the silent co-culpable – if not for committing the faulty act itself, but for covering up its tracks by omitting the known facts.

Such deliberate ex-post-facto whitewashing of the past is not good for any democracy’s health, especially one so keen to preach democracy’s virtues around the globe. And it most certainly isn’t what the American people need after their country’s government created chaos in a region that needed stability.

Amateur hour in the Obama camp

Most puzzling of all, however, is the inability of the Obama Administration to defend itself.

Obama’s Administration hardly fights the new charge – now very widely adopted in the media as their dominant narrative on Iraq – that the current mayhem in Iraq is the result of President Obama’s decision, and his alone, to beat a hasty, complete retreat from Iraq at the end of 2011.

If nothing else, that begs the question of what difference the proposed alternative — leaving a residual U.S. force in Iraq — would have made. Would it have been sizeable enough to be able to avert the current calamity in that country — and in neighboring Syria?

A classic and visible example of the Obama Administration’s inability to defend itself against neo-conservative charges, and to inform the American people truthfully on the matter, is the appearance of State Department spokeswoman Marie Harf on Fox News’s “The Kelly File” on June 23, 2014.

In response to pointed and devastating questioning by Ms. Megyn Kelly, Ms. Harf would have been well advised to remind Ms. Kelly of Mr. Cheney’s sage predictions of 1991 and 1994, had Ms. Harf been aware of them, as surely she should have been.

On more than one occasion, Ms. Harf could also have reminded the interviewer and the Fox News viewers that the decision to withdraw not just combat forces, but all U.S. forces from Iraq by December 31, 2011, was not Obama’s decision alone.

The order actually had been inked into a Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) signed ceremoniously by none other than President George W. Bush.

He did so jointly with another disastrous creation of the Bush Administration, Iraqi Prime Minister al-Maliki, on December 14, 2008. That event occurred just a few weeks before President Bush left the White House and President Obama was sworn in as President.

Bush did it – and Obama covers for him. Why?

The White House “In Focus” post on that agreement, dated December 14, 2008 includes this bullet:

¦ The Security Agreement also sets a date of December 31, 2011, for all U.S. forces to withdraw from Iraq.

This date reflects the increasing capacity of the Iraqi Security Forces as demonstrated in operations this year throughout Iraq, as well as an improved regional atmosphere towards Iraq, an expanding Iraqi economy and an increasingly confident Iraqi government.

A Congressional Research Service (CRS) analysis of this agreement, dated July 13, 2009, notes at the top of page 10 that this statement on the complete troop withdrawal of U.S. troops reflects article 24.1 of the SOFA.

President Bush’s then Ambassador to Iraq Ryan C. Crocker had negotiated it during 2008 with the Iraqi government and President Bush had signed it mid-December of 2008.

The neo-cons and their defenders claim that President Obama would, early in his administration, negotiate yet another SOFA with Iraq, calling for a sizeable residual U.S. force to remain in Iraq past December 2011.

If that were so, then why would President Bush make haste only weeks before leaving the White House to sign an agreement completely counter to that idea?

Continued media complicity

That is the overarching question a well informed and truly vigilant press corps, with some memory of the past beyond a year or so, would pursue vigorously at this stage. A vigilant press corps would ask the neo-cons time and again — at this stage — about it.

Through intense questioning and analyzing, they could make up for past media failures regarding complicity in mindlessly whipping up patriotic fervor pre-Iraq invasion.

In short, faced with an opportunity finally to get the record straight, the mainstream media simply opts out of its self-ascribed role as truth teller yet again.

It is true, of course, that candidate Obama during the presidential election in 2008 had promised to withdraw all U.S. troops from Iraq if elected. It is also true that from time to time he has taken credit for the withdrawal, after it had been effected and before the current mayhem erupted in Iraq.

The president now blames Prime Minister al-Maliki that no residual force was left in Iraq after 2011.

In truth, however, President Obama merely faithfully executed a strategic decision made by President George W. Bush toward the end of his term in office, formally enshrined in his SOFA of December 14, 2014.

One should think that anyone sent by President Obama into the lioness’s den of Fox News’s “The Kelly File” would have had those facts at her or his finger tips and used them smartly to rebut charges that are at variance with the truth.

Instead, the entire Obama Administration, from the President on down to the State Department, allows itself to be pummeled time and again.

The Obama Administration hardly defends itself against discredited neo-cons whose bold, data-free theories had been put to the trash heap by actual events, precisely as Mr. Cheney had predicted it in 1991 and 1994.


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Too Big to Punish? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=31563"><span class="small">Carl Pope, EcoWatch</span></a>   
Monday, 21 July 2014 13:31

Pope writes: "So how much did the Occupational Safety and Health Administration fine Freedom Industries, the company whose sloppy handling of the toxic chemical MCHM caused 10,000 gallons to spill into the Elk River, poisoning the water supply of hundreds of thousands of Charleston, West Virginia residents? Pathetically, a measly $11,000."

The chemical leak at Freedom Industries into the Elk River impacted the drinking water of more than 300,000 residents. (photo: EcoWatch)
The chemical leak at Freedom Industries into the Elk River impacted the drinking water of more than 300,000 residents. (photo: EcoWatch)


Too Big to Punish?

By Carl Pope, EcoWatch

21 July 14

 

s of this week, a single violation of prohibitions on watering your lawn in California can cost $500. I recently picked up a tourist brochure for Sierra County California which cautioned me that a medical emergency in the mountainous, rural county was likely to require air evacuation, that my insurance probably wouldn’t cover it and that the bill would begin at $15,000. I’ve also read that the rescue price tag for a climber who needs evacuation by air from Yosemite’s cliff’s can easily run $85,000. But that’s fair—we ought to pay for the costs we create.

So how much did the Occupational Safety and Health Administration fine Freedom Industries, the company whose sloppy handling of the toxic chemical MCHM caused 10,000 gallons to spill into the Elk River, poisoning the water supply of hundreds of thousands of Charleston, West Virginia residents? Pathetically, a measly $11,000, less than the cost of a single burst appendix helicopter ambulanced in Sierra County. This when 300,000 people had to find alternative water supplies for ten days.

Clearly Freedom Industries isn’t even beginning to pay the cost of what they created. In fact, this fine is probably smaller than what it would have cost them to run their facility correctly and avoid the spill in the first place, since one of the problems that OSHA fined them for was a leaky wall that needed to be replaced.

Freedom Industries is not alone in facing regulatory incentives that make short-cuts and safety violations economically attractive. Even giant BP, after running its refinery in Texas City for six years with repeated releases of lethal gasses, and then knowingly running for 40 days with its pollution control system out of operation and no notification of pollution control officials or the neighbors, got away with a $50 million fine, $22,000/day, that almost certainly made running the refinery and releasing hundreds of thousands of pounds of toxic air pollutant the profitable decision.

It’s not like we don’t know how to encourage most people to play by the rules without intrusive inspections or a police state. Many bus and tram systems in Europe don’t check your ticket—except once every ten rides. But the fine for riding without a ticket is, say, 25 times the fare—so even passengers who might be inclined to cheat quickly see that it doesn’t pay—and buy a ticket. But if a bus system checked every ten rides, and the fine was five times the fare—well, do that math. You get a different answer. Lots of free riders.

But we seem to lose track of what we know about human behavior when it comes to those artificial human beings we call corporations. It’s almost as if we take what we know would be an appropriate penalty to make sure you didn’t damage your neighbors and divide it by the size of the corporation—the bigger the company, the weaker the incentive we create for following the rules.

Statute after statute sets penalty limits too small to make compliance the right call for profits. The maximum fine for an auto company that fails to report a safety defect and implement a required recall is only $35 million—that might have gotten Freedom Industries to repair its wall, but it is a tiny fraction of what a timely recall would have cost GM in its current lethal ignition switch scandal. (And remember, many of the vehicles with the defect are no longer on the road, so the current recall is actually costing GM less than a timely one would have.)

And if low penalties aren’t enough, business allies in Congress are busily making it harder to collect penalties once levied—the House Appropriations Committee just voted to block U.S. Environmental Protection Agency from garnishing wages to collect fines from recalcitrant violators.

Do we have some reason to believe that corporations are somehow MORE virtuous than individuals? Not really. Indeed, many of our most prominent business voices argue that a corporation’s only duty is to make money. How does this play out when it comes to following the rules? Early in my work as an environmentalist, I was slipped an internal oil company memo, discussing whether to inform the federal government that a portion of one of its natural fields in the Gulf of Mexico was in federal waters and subject to federal price controls. The memo boasted a complex decision tree complete with % estimates of how likely the feds were to discover the liability on their own, what the oil company’s chances of winning in court were (less than half) and finally what were the odds of jail terms for company employees. Each of these had a dollar value attached, and the final conclusion was—don’t report. I shared the leaked document with federal energy regulators. The oil company observed the price controls.

No company executives went to jail, and at least on the public record, no fine was paid.

Some companies, it seem, are just too big to punish.


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FOCUS | What Did US Spy Satellites See in Ukraine? Print
Monday, 21 July 2014 12:01

Parry writes: "In the heat of the U.S. media’s latest war hysteria – rushing to pin blame for the crash of a Malaysia Airlines passenger jet on Russia’s President Vladimir Putin – there is the same absence of professional skepticism that has marked similar stampedes on Iraq, Syria and elsewhere – with key questions not being asked or answered."

Ukrainian woman adds her floral tribute to the mountain of flowers placed in commemoration of MH17 victims at the Dutch Embassy in Ukraine. (photo: Sergey Dolzhenko/European Pressphoto Agency)
Ukrainian woman adds her floral tribute to the mountain of flowers placed in commemoration of MH17 victims at the Dutch Embassy in Ukraine. (photo: Sergey Dolzhenko/European Pressphoto Agency)


What Did US Spy Satellites See in Ukraine?

By Robert Parry, Consortium News

21 July 14

 

n the heat of the U.S. media’s latest war hysteria – rushing to pin blame for the crash of a Malaysia Airlines passenger jet on Russia’s President Vladimir Putin – there is the same absence of professional skepticism that has marked similar stampedes on Iraq, Syria and elsewhere – with key questions not being asked or answered.

The dog-not-barking question on the catastrophe over Ukraine is: what did the U.S. surveillance satellite imagery show? It’s hard to believe that – with the attention that U.S. intelligence has concentrated on eastern Ukraine for the past half year that the alleged trucking of several large Buk anti-aircraft missile systems from Russia to Ukraine and then back to Russia didn’t show up somewhere.

Yes, there are limitations to what U.S. spy satellites can see. But the Buk missiles are about 16 feet long and they are usually mounted on trucks or tanks. Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 also went down during the afternoon, not at night, meaning the missile battery was not concealed by darkness.

So why hasn’t this question of U.S. spy-in-the-sky photos – and what they reveal – been pressed by the major U.S. news media? How can the Washington Post run front-page stories, such as the one on Sunday with the definitive title “U.S. official: Russia gave systems,” without demanding from these U.S. officials details about what the U.S. satellite images disclose?

Instead, the Post’s Michael Birnbaum and Karen DeYoung wrote from Kiev: “The United States has confirmed that Russia supplied sophisticated missile launchers to separatists in eastern Ukraine and that attempts were made to move them back across the Russian border after the Thursday shoot-down of a Malaysian jetliner, a U.S. official said Saturday.

“‘We do believe they were trying to move back into Russia at least three Buk [missile launch] systems,’ the official said. U.S. intelligence was ‘starting to get indications … a little more than a week ago’ that the Russian launchers had been moved into Ukraine, said the official” whose identity was withheld by the Post so the official would discuss intelligence matters.

But catch the curious vagueness of the official’s wording: “we do believe”; “starting to get indications.” Are we supposed to believe – and perhaps more relevant, do the Washington Post writers actually believe – that the U.S. government with the world’s premier intelligence services can’t track three lumbering trucks each carrying large mid-range missiles?

What I’ve been told by one source, who has provided accurate information on similar matters in the past, is that U.S. intelligence agencies do have detailed satellite images of the likely missile battery that launched the fateful missile, but the battery appears to have been under the control of Ukrainian government troops dressed in what look like Ukrainian uniforms.

The source said CIA analysts were still not ruling out the possibility that the troops were actually eastern Ukrainian rebels in similar uniforms but the initial assessment was that the troops were Ukrainian soldiers. There also was the suggestion that the soldiers involved were undisciplined and possibly drunk, since the imagery showed what looked like beer bottles scattered around the site, the source said.

Instead of pressing for these kinds of details, the U.S. mainstream press has simply passed on the propaganda coming from the Ukrainian government and the U.S. State Department, including hyping the fact that the Buk system is “Russian-made,” a rather meaningless fact that gets endlessly repeated.

However, to use the “Russian-made” point to suggest that the Russians must have been involved in the shoot-down is misleading at best and clearly designed to influence ill-informed Americans. As the Post and other news outlets surely know, the Ukrainian military also operates Russian-made military systems, including Buk anti-aircraft batteries, so the manufacturing origin has no probative value here.

Relying on the Ukraine Regime

Much of the rest of the known case against Russia comes from claims made by the Ukrainian regime, which emerged from the unconstitutional coup d’etat against elected President Viktor Yanukovych on Feb. 22. His overthrow followed months of mass protests, but the actual coup was spearheaded by neo-Nazi militias that overran government buildings and forced Yanukovych’s officials to flee.

In recognition of the key role played by the neo-Nazis, who are ideological descendants of Ukrainian militias that collaborated with the Nazi SS in World War II, the new regime gave these far-right nationalists control of several ministries, including the office of national security which is under the command of longtime neo-Nazi activist Andriy Parubiy.[See Consortiumnews.com’s “Ukraine, Through the US Looking Glass.”]

It was this same Parubiy whom the Post writers turned to seeking more information condemning the eastern Ukrainian rebels and the Russians regarding the Malaysia Airlines catastrophe. Parubiy accused the rebels in the vicinity of the crash site of destroying evidence and conducting a cover-up, another theme that resonated through the MSM.

Without bothering to inform readers of Parubiy’s unsavory neo-Nazi background, the Post quoted him as a reliable witness declaring: “It will be hard to conduct a full investigation with some of the objects being taken away, but we will do our best.”

In contrast to Parubiy’s assurances, the Kiev regime actually has a terrible record of telling the truth or pursuing serious investigations of human rights crimes. Still left open are questions about the identity of snipers who on Feb. 20 fired on both police and protesters at the Maidan, touching off the violent escalation that led to Yanukovych’s ouster. Also, the Kiev regime has failed to ascertain the facts about the death-by-fire of scores of ethnic Russians in the Trade Union Building in Odessa on May 2. [See Consortiumnews.com’s “Burning Ukraine’s Protesters Alive.”]

The Kiev regime also duped the New York Times (and apparently the U.S. State Department) when it disseminated photos that supposedly showed Russian military personnel inside Russia and then later inside Ukraine. After the State Department endorsed the “evidence,” the Times led its newspaper with this story on April 21, but it turned out that one of the key photos supposedly shot in Russia was actually taken in Ukraine, destroying the premise of the story. [See Consortiumnews.com’s “NYT Retracts Ukraine Photo Scoop.”]

But here we are yet again with the MSM relying on unverified claims being made by the Kiev regime about something as sensitive as whether Russia provided sophisticated anti-aircraft missiles – capable of shooting down high-flying civilian aircraft – to poorly trained eastern Ukrainian rebels.

This charge is so serious that it could propel the world into a second Cold War and conceivably – if there are more such miscalculations – into a nuclear confrontation. These moments call for the utmost in journalistic professionalism, especially skepticism toward propaganda from biased parties.

Yet, what Americans have seen again is the major U.S. news outlets, led by the Washington Post and the New York Times, publishing the most inflammatory of articles based largely on unreliable Ukrainian officials and on the U.S. State Department which was a principal instigator of the Ukraine crisis.

In the recent past, this sort of sloppy American journalism has led to mass slaughters in Iraq – and has contributed to near U.S. wars on Syria and Iran – but now the stakes are much higher. As much fun as it is to heap contempt on a variety of “designated villains,” such as Saddam Hussein, Bashar al-Assad, Ali Khamenei and now Vladimir Putin, this sort of recklessness is careening the world toward a very dangerous moment, conceivably its last.

Also See: Without Radar, Missile May Not Have Identified Jet


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