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"Run Warren Run" Gaining Steam and High-Profile Support Print
Wednesday, 04 February 2015 09:55

Galindez writes: "When My plane landed in Des Moines on Saturday some of my new neighbors were meeting at a Run Warren Run house party."

Elizabeth Warren. (photo: Michael Dwyer/AP)
Elizabeth Warren. (photo: Michael Dwyer/AP)


"Run Warren Run" Gaining Steam and High-Profile Support

By Scott Galindez, Reader Supported News

04 February 15

 

hen my plane landed in Des Moines on Saturday, some of my new neighbors were meeting at a Run Warren Run house party. On Saturday and Sunday – in more than 200 homes around the country – Run Warren Run supporters met to focus on building connections among neighbors who want to see Senator Elizabeth Warren run for president in 2016, sharing stories about getting involved in this campaign, and developing ideas for local actions supporters can take to show Senator Warren she has the support needed to enter the race.

Supporters met in all 10 early primary states – including at nearly a dozen house parties in Iowa, where Run Warren Run recently hired staff and is opening field offices.

Thursday night, the Run Warren Run campaign opened a campaign office in Des Moines.

Two weeks ago, over 100 people gathered in Manchester, New Hampshire, to launch the Run Warren Run effort there. Field staff is on the ground, with a director to be hired soon and an office to be opened as well.

In a post on MoveOn’s website, Brian Stewart announced:

In an expansion of the Run Warren Run effort in Iowa, MoveOn.org Political Action hired Blair Lawton as the campaign’s Iowa field director and also four other field organizers.”

The announcement comes less than one month after more than 100 Iowans met in Des Moines to kick off the Run Warren Run effort in the state. Nationwide, more than 240,000 Americans have signed on to support the growing campaign, which is being run by MoveOn and Democracy for America.

Blair Lawton, who will lead Run Warren Run on-the-ground organizing efforts in Iowa, is a native of Western Iowa and a graduate of Morningside College in Sioux City. Lawton served as 2014 get-out-the-vote director for the Alaska Democratic Coordinated Campaign and as a regional field director for President Barack Obama’s 2012 re-election campaign in Iowa.

MoveOn has also hired four Iowa-based regional field directors to support the Run Warren Run effort:


  • Adam Beaves, a native of Ankeny, Iowa, who recently worked on the Pat Murphy for Congress campaign and has worked in the Iowa House of Representatives and for the campaign of Virginia governor Terry McAuliffe and President Obama’s re-election campaign

  • Susana Cervantes, who has worked for the White House, Organizing for America, the United Farm Workers, and the Nevada Coordinated Campaign

  • Beth Farvour, who recently organized with the Democratic Party of Wisconsin and the Mary Burke for Governor campaign

  • Margaret Jarosz, a Milwaukee native who worked on the Wendy Davis for Governor campaign and as a campaign manager for a Wisconsin State Assembly candidate, and who volunteered with the campaign to recall Wisconsin governor Scott Walker and with President Obama’s re-election campaign

At the national level, MoveOn has also brought on experienced progressive campaign professionals Tom Swan and Adam Ruben to serve as senior advisors to the campaign. Swan managed Ned Lamont’s successful campaign to beat Senator Joe Lieberman in the 2006 Democratic Senate primary in Connecticut; he is currently the executive director of the Connecticut Citizen Action Group. Ruben, a consultant to progressive organizations, is the former Political and Field Director for MoveOn and ran MoveOn’s massive field campaigns to elect Barack Obama in 2008 and 2012. He was previously national field director for U.S. Public Interest Research Group.

Additionally, MoveOn has retained the services of Revolution Messaging, FitzGibbon Media Inc., and Art Not War to assist in the Run Warren Run effort.

Scott Goodstein, who was External Online Director for President Obama’s 2008 campaign, founded Revolution Messaging in 2009. Revolution Messaging is providing digital strategy, video, and design support for Run Warren Run. Their team includes Arun Chaudhary, who served as the first White House Videographer and as the New Media Road Director on President Obama’s 2008 campaign, and Tim Tagaris, who served as Digital Director on Senator Chris Dodd’s presidential campaign in 2007 and created the Service Employees International Union’s new media department. Revolution Messaging’s Shauna Daly, who served as deputy research director for President Obama’s 2008 campaign, and Walker Hamilton, site architect for Obama for America in 2008, are also advising on strategy for Run Warren Run.

FitzGibbon Media, whose founder and president Trevor FitzGibbon served as Communications Director for President Obama’s 2008 campaign in New Hampshire and whose managing director Doug Gordon has worked on presidential, House, and Senate campaigns, will be serving as the lead communications firm for the Run Warren Run campaign.

Art Not War, led by former MoveOn National Creative Director Laura Dawn and co-founders Daron Murphy and David Ambrose, will organize artists, produce cultural events, and create video content for Run Warren Run.

Poll Numbers

Organizational gains are not the only good news for Warren supporters. The Des Moines Register released a poll showing a six-point gain for Warren despite her continued denials that she is running. She still has a long way to go, and the increase was only from 10 to 16 percent, but to be the second choice without saying you are running is a good sign for Warren.

There was also a poll commissioned by Warren supporters that showed that manner looking for an alternative to Hillary Clinton. This poll was clearly a push poll, but PPP director Tom Jensen defended it as an earnest effort to assess Clinton’s weaknesses, asserting she likely “will be testing a lot of this stuff in her own polling.”

The results show she “has some vulnerability – and Warren a lot of appeal – when it comes to their records on the financial crisis and related economic issues,” Jensen said. “If Clinton does end up running, she will need to take a tougher approach toward the financial industry or risk having the issue give her a lot of trouble with voters across the party spectrum,” he said.

A few key results of the poll:

Do you have a favorable or unfavorable opinion of Hillary Clinton?

Favorable 43%
Unfavorable 48%
Not sure 10%

If the candidates for president next year were Republican Scott Walker and Democrat Hillary Clinton, who would you vote for?

Scott Walker 42%
Hillary Clinton 45%
Not sure 14%

There were also questions that showed that voters would be receptive to to a Warren candidacy.

The 900 registered voters were from both parties. Clinton does have greater popularity among Democrats. But the results show that Clinton’s name recognition does not give her an advantage in the general election, and that her popular support does not go beyond the Democratic Party.

Artists for Warren

A new organization has been formed, Artists for Warren, comprised of many popular musicians, actors, actresses and other high profile individuals. More than 90 artists have joined the Artists for Warren movement, releasing an open letter to the Massachusetts senator asking her to run. Supporters include Matt Bomer, Kim Gordon, Kathleen Hanna, Adam Horovitz, Natasha Lyonne, Ed Norton, Mark Ruffalo, Susan Sarandon, Chloë Sevigny, Julia Stiles, Olivia Wilde, and Joss Whedon.

In a letter, they write:

We, the undersigned artists, are joining hundreds of thousands of Americans who want to passionately urge you to run for President.... We need someone who stands up for the people – America’s students, mothers, retirees, teachers, minimum-wage workers – instead of for the big banks and corporations.... Senator Warren, we’re ready to show you that you have the support needed to enter this presidential race. We’re ready to fight with you, Senator Warren. Please, run for President.

In a video released to Vanity Fair, Marc Ruffalo said: “If she primaries and doesn’t win the primary, she will at least push the conversation more toward the progressive values that we all share. As my brother and sister artists, I’m asking that you join me in getting on board with asking Elizabeth Warren to run.”

Why won’t I take no for an answer?

When asked by Forbes Magazine if she will run for president, Elizabeth Warren said “No.” That should put this all to rest, right? Well I’m not convinced. If I remember correctly, Warren was a reluctant candidate for Senate. I believe reluctant candidates are the best. It wouldn’t be about her ego and ambitions. It would be about her answering the call to service.

Some have asked why so many are putting an effort into a Warren campaign when she has not said she is running. They wonder why the energy is not being put into Bernie Sanders, who has expressed an interest in running and has several events planned in Iowa in February.

For me, it is clear that Elizabeth Warren is a once in a lifetime candidate. A Warren candidacy would not be about influencing the debate. I believe Elizabeth Warren is the Democrats’ best candidate for president. Of course, if Warren doesn’t run, progressives should get behind Bernie Sanders. Being a socialist is a big hurdle for Sanders to overcome. Most Americans don’t understand what it really means to be a socialist. To them, “socialist” is evil and un-American. I love Bernie Sanders and believe he will have a great impact on the 2016 race. I am not a believer that he can win. I do believe Elizabeth Warren can win and would have the coattails for the Democrats to recapture the Senate.

Hillary Clinton is the past, and no other Democrat has Warren’s star power in the Democratic Party. As I have said before, the polls are meaningless – Hillary is the only candidate people know is running, so of course she is going to poll well. I am convinced that if Warren announced her candidacy tomorrow, her poll numbers would rise quickly. That’s why I’m not giving up on the possibility of a Warren run for president.


Scott Galindez co-founded Truthout and will be reporting on the presidential election from Iowa throughout 2015.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Bush Campaign Hopes to Stoke Nostalgia for Nation's Most Glorious Era Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9160"><span class="small">Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Tuesday, 03 February 2015 14:19

Borowitz writes: "Media advisers to former Governor Jeb Bush are hoping to exploit nostalgia for what is widely seen as the greatest era in American history, the years 2001 to 2009."

George W. Bush. (photo: J. Scott Applewhite/AP)
George W. Bush. (photo: J. Scott Applewhite/AP)


Bush Campaign Hopes to Stoke Nostalgia for Nation's Most Glorious Era

By Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker

03 February 15

 

The article below is satire. Andy Borowitz is an American comedian and New York Times-bestselling author who satirizes the news for his column, "The Borowitz Report."


edia advisers to former Governor Jeb Bush are hoping to exploit nostalgia for what is widely seen as the greatest era in American history, the years 2001 to 2009.

Tracy Klugian, who heads the newly assembled Bush media team, said that he and his staff are poised to tap into the nation’s longing for a time “when everything in this country seemed to be going right.”

A centerpiece of the marketing strategy will be evoking memories of the 2003 invasion of Iraq. “It’s been a long time since the United States has invaded another country for no reason,” he said. “People are sentimental about those simpler times.”

Additionally, Klugian and his fellow Bush marketers hope to remind Americans of “a chapter in our history that showed what this nation was made of: Hurricane Katrina.”

“A lot of people are nostalgic about the way the government didn’t panic about Katrina and instead took its time to come up with a response,” he said. “I think when we look back on those days, we all say, ‘Heck of a job.’”

Finally, Klugian said, the Bush team hopes to rekindle Americans’ memories of “one of those most exciting times in recent history,” the financial meltdown of 2008.

“Seeing the financial system teeter on the brink of Armageddon was a thrill ride we haven’t experienced the likes of since,” he said. “I know I’m not alone when I say that I miss those days.”

All in all, Klugian said that he and the Bush team “can’t wait” to roll up their sleeves and start reminding America of the glories that were the years 2001 to 2009. “When you have a great story like the Bush story, it’s hard to know where to start,” he said.

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Your Feelings About Vaccines Don't Trump Another Child's Medical Reality Print
Tuesday, 03 February 2015 14:06

Valenti writes: "Risking other children's lives, and other parents' pain, is exactly what you're doing when you don't vaccinate your child: you're not just making decisions about your children's health, but the health and safety of the children around them."

Keon Lockhart, 12 months old, getting a measles vaccination in Miami last June. (photo: Joe Raedle/Getty Images)
Keon Lockhart, 12 months old, getting a measles vaccination in Miami last June. (photo: Joe Raedle/Getty Images)


ALSO SEE: Medical Experts Rebuke Republican Politicians Hyping Vaccination Concerns

ALSO SEE: Obama to Parents Doubting "Indisputable" Science: "Get Your Kids Vaccinated"


Your Feelings About Vaccines Don't Trump Another Child's Medical Reality

By Jessica Valenti, The Guardian

03 February 15

 

his weekend, I heard a noise in the hallway in the middle of the night and I just knew something was wrong. Before the terrible idea in my head had time to completely form – before even checking my daughter’s small bed beside my own – I ran into the hallway and snatched up Layla, who was sleepily stumbling near the top of the second floor staircase in my parents’ house. I was terrified, but grateful that I had listened to my gut. Like every mother, I can list a dozen other moments like this with my daughter – when a doctor missed something, or when I realized her safety was at risk and no one else did.

There are things we know about our children that no one else ever will, and there is no doctor or nurse who will be closer to our children than we are. So when I hear parents who don’t vaccinate their children claiming that they “just know” that it’s the right decision, or when some say it was a mother’s instinct that told them their child was “vaccine injured”, I almost want to sympathize. The intensity of parental love combined with the medical establishment’s poor history of listening to and trusting women’s voices can make it easy to believe that we are the ones who know best. But quite simply: we’re not.

We are experts in what our children like to wear to bed, and what toy they’re favoring. We know their smiles, their sleep sounds and the way they mess up putting on their sneakers. But despite the platitudes thrown at mothers – that we’re doing the hardest job in the world and that motherhood is also being a chef, chauffeur and doctor – the truth is that we do not know everything about our children and what is best for them. That’s why we have real doctors. And no matter how condescended one feels by the medical establishment – and I’ve had that feeling myself – it does not excuse putting other children’s lives at risk.

Risking other children’s lives, and other parents’ pain, is exactly what you’re doing when you don’t vaccinate your child: you’re not just making decisions about your children’s health, but the health and safety of the children around them. Children like mine.

Layla was born extremely premature, and because of her low birth weight and underdeveloped lungs, her immune system was not up to par for years. She got sick more easily and more drastically than other children. The first two years of her life were filled with too many emergency room visits, doctors, shots, antibiotics and other medical interventions.

She was at such risk, in fact, that our pediatrician recommend that we keep her out of daycare and away from groups of children for as long as possible, so we cared for her at home for two years – a luxury we could afford but many other families cannot. But every time she played with a child at the park or a doctor’s waiting room, I was terrified.

So when I read quotes from parents denying any social responsibility to vaccinate saying things like, “My child is pure ... It’s not my responsibility to be protecting their child,” it makes me livid. Where once we said “it takes a village”, these days some people don’t care if the village burns to the ground so long as their precious snowflake is left standing.

Despite the overwhelming scientific evidence that shows vaccines are safe, the debunking of “science” that said otherwise, the widespread medical support for vaccinating your children and the irreparable harm not vaccinating can do, some radical parents continue to insist they will not vaccinate and some politicians, like Chris Christie, want to make sure they can do just that.

But it’s also a little too easy to say that parents who don’t vaccinate their children are being stupid and selfish. Raging at people who have already drank the Kool-Aid will do little to change their minds; if anything, hearing the facts makes them dig their heels in more – it’s just proof that they’re “anti-establishment”. So if we want to convince anti-vaccination parents to open their minds, we need to come from a place that empathizes with their need to feel like the utmost expert on their child. Their belief that vaccines are dangerous – however misguided – comes from a place of fierce love for their children.

Still: until we can convince people that caring about public health is more important than the health of one person (let alone that the science shows both are better off if children are vaccinated) I’m not entirely against forcing anti-vaccine parents to vaccinate their children or stay away from mine. Anti-vaccine parents’ fantasies shouldn’t trump any other child’s reality – or their future.

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FOCUS | Don't Blame the Khazars for Taking Modern Ukraine - or Palestine Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=5494"><span class="small">Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Tuesday, 03 February 2015 12:14

Weissman writes: "The Khazars always take the rap. Nomadic Turkic tribesmen from Central Asia, their medieval empire lay along the Volga River on the steppes between the Caspian and Black Seas in what is now Southern Russia, and also included Crimea and much of present-day Ukraine."

Shlomo Sand. (photo: Yanai Yechiel/Haaretz)
Shlomo Sand. (photo: Yanai Yechiel/Haaretz)


Don't Blame the Khazars for Taking Modern Ukraine - or Palestine

By Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News

03 February 15

 

he Khazars always take the rap. Nomadic Turkic tribesmen from Central Asia, their medieval empire lay along the Volga River on the steppes between the Caspian and Black Seas in what is now Southern Russia, and also included Crimea and much of present-day Ukraine. Many see them as ancestors of the Ashkenazi Jews of Eastern Europe, giving their story an enduring role in modern racism, even among people who claim to be part of the American, European, and Israeli Left.

Consider three examples:

  • US military commanders spewing a mix of rabid anti-Communism, shameless white supremacy, and virulent anti-Semitism after the Nazi Holocaust.
  • Arguments for and against Zionism based on blood, genes, ethnicity, or race.
  • Claims that the Israelis secretly plan to resettle Ukraine.

As different as these are, the Khazar impact on all three starts with the same story – that a pagan ruler of the warlike empire converted to Judaism during or after the mid-eighth century. Did he? And how do we know?

Jews with Swords?

The conversion most famously appears in a book now republished as The Kuzari, written in the 12th century by the Jewish physician, philosopher, and poet Yehudah HaLevi. Living generations later and half a world away among the Moslems of Spain, HaLevi borrowed the story from Arab writers and an exchange of letters attributed to a leading Spanish Jew named Hasdai ibn Shaprut and Joseph, king of the Khazars, or as he called himself, “King of the Turks.” The highly educated HaLevi told how the Khazar king questioned Christian, Moslem, and Jewish sages about the merits of their faiths. The king, or khagan, found the Jewish argument the most convincing and decided that he and his court should become Jews.

Over the years, Jews have delighted in HaLevi’s account, proud to believe that their people had ruled a kingdom of their own. Historian Simon Schama still shares the joy in The Story of the Jews, as does novelist Michael Chabon in his utterly charming Gentlemen of the Road. But, many more knowledgeable historians reject the story, and none more convincingly than Shaul Stampfer, a professor of Soviet and East European Jewry at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. In 2013, Stampfer published a scholarly tour de force called “Did the Khazars Convert to Judaism?” Doing what historians are supposed to do, he systematically examined the original sources, including the widely quoted exchange of letters with King Joseph. Stampfer showed the letters to be counterfeit, probably to make a religious argument, much as HaLevi had used the story to do.

Digging into the story’s other Jewish, Arabic, Iranian, and Christian sources, Stampfer argues that not a single one could be considered reliable or authoritative. Most are second- or third-hand and contain much he shows to be self-contradictory, at odds with the historic or geographical reality, taken from each other, or simply far-fetched. He also looks at a wide range of Byzantine observers, Christian missionaries, and Jewish commentators who knew the Khazars first-hand. Most of them had every reason to report if the Khazar rulers or any significant number of their people were Jewish. Not one ever mentioned that either was the case. They did not even bother to deny that the Khazars were Jewish.

“Many of the most reliable contemporary texts that mention Khazars say nothing about their conversion, nor is there any archaeological evidence for it,” Stampfer concludes. “The story of a Khazar king who became a pious and believing Jew was a splendid story.” But it’s “a legend with no factual basis.”

The Thirteenth Tribe

As difficult as it is to prove a negative, Stampfer did it in a very professional manner, eschewing any political polemics. He then turned to the related question of whether Ashkenazi Jews descend from the Khazars, an idea that is widely credited to Ernest Renan, the nineteenth-century author of Life of Jesus. Jewish historians replayed the theme, none with more impact than the Hungarian-born writer and activist Arthur Koestler, who popularized it in the 1970s in his best-selling The Thirteenth Tribe. A youthful Zionist who went on to serve as a Soviet agent before working with the CIA’s Congress for Cultural Freedom, the ideologically promiscuous Koestler hoped to dilute anti-Semitism by showing that many, if not most, Jews lacked Semitic origins. He hoped in vain.

Adding a scientific twist in 2013, geneticist Eran Elhaik published a study that claimed to prove the Khazar connection. Other geneticists quickly disputed his claim, and Stampfer neatly summed up their arguments and added some of his own in “Are We All Khazars Now?” The puckish Stampfer may have been making a joke with his question, since in poorly pronounced Yiddish, Khazars sounds close to Chazzers, which translates as pigs, the unmistakable symbol of not being kosher.

Stampfer and the geneticists he cites completely debunk Elhaik’s study, especially with their two most fundamental criticisms. Elhaik looked at an extremely small sample of Ashkenazi DNA, taken from only 8 men and 4 women. Far worse, he had no verifiable Khazar DNA against which to compare them. He looked only at samples taken from proxies, present-day Armenians and Georgians, two populations that have absolutely no established link to the Khazars.

Stampfer also touches, though far too briefly, on an everyday fact of life that completely demolishes any possibility of a Khazar connection. If Ashkenazi Jews had descended from Turkic Khazars, Yiddish would necessarily show significant traces of some Central Asian language in its vocabulary, grammatical structure, syntax, or other linguistic features. Scholars have found only a handful of Turkic words, including “davenen” (to pray) and “yarmulke” (skullcap), about which scholars still quibble. The Turks were a major presence in Eastern Europe for many years, and many of their words entered various Slavic languages. But the number of them in Yiddish is far, far fewer than would be the case if Eastern European Jews actually had Turkic origins.

To put this in perspective, many linguists are also unhappy with an alternative theory that Central European Jews and their language came from as far West as the Rhine valley. So, where did they come from? It remains an open question. All we now know on the basis of credible evidence is where they did not come from. Other than in legend, the Khazars were never Jewish and the Ashkenazim never Turkic.

“There is no evidence that Ashkenazi Jews are descended from Central Asian ‘Jews with swords,’ and there is every reason to think that they simply came from Central Europe,” as Stampfer sums it up. “The findings of other genetic researchers that the DNA of most Jews seems to link them with other Jews more than with any other group has not been disproven.”

The Jewish Threat

Why, then, has the myth of Jewish Khazars lived on in modern racism and its attendant conspiracy theories?

Start with U.S. military commanders, many of whom had a long history of racial prejudice against Jews as well as blacks. Fellow officers often stood up against these attitudes, but the U.S. Army War College and other military schools honed the prejudice by teaching “racial science,” as historian Joseph Bendersky documented in The “Jewish Threat.” Even after the Army encountered the reality of Hitler’s Holocaust, the prejudice endured, epitomized by no less than Gen. George S. Patton, a celebrated hero of the war and a military governor in America’s occupation of Germany.

“Actually, the Germans are the only decent people left in Europe,” he wrote in August 1945, while describing their Jewish victims at a Yom Kippur service in a displaced persons camp as “the greatest stinking bunch of humanity I have ever seen.” He regularly lamented “pro-Jewish” influence in Roosevelt’s government, the press, and the occupation, seeing most of it as pro-Communist. “I am frankly opposed to this war criminal stuff,” he wrote. “It is not cricket and is Semitic.”

Though barely remembered, this anti-Jewish prejudice became a recurring staple of the Cold War, fed by resurrecting the old Khazar myth. Earlier military thinkers had briefly railed against the Asiatic Khazars to build public support for nationality restrictions in the Immigration Act of 1924. But nothing matched the impact created by the 1951 publication of The Iron Curtain Over America, which warned that “Russian Jews” in both the US and USSR were Khazars, racially predisposed to Communism and an existential threat to white Christian civilization.

Col. John Owen Beaty, the author, had served in Washington in military intelligence, a longtime focal point for racist thinking. This gave him credibility with the brass, helping him provide an easy answer to embittered warriors who felt betrayed by “the loss of China” and military stalemate in Korea. As Lt. Gen. George E. Stratemeyer, the man who ran the air war against Nazi Germany, testified to Congress, “some hidden force or some hidden power” had sold them out.

Beaty, a longtime professor of Old English at Southern Methodist University, couched his scapegoating in scholarly sounding prose salted with sweeping generalizations about history, race, and religion. “We must never forget,” he wrote, “that the Russian people are at heart Christian. They were converted even as they emerged onto the stage of civilized modern statehood, and Christianity is in their tradition – as it is ours.”

Retelling the tale of the Khazars converting to Judaism, Beaty portrayed their “mongrelized” descendants of “mixed non-Russian stock” as the born enemies of the Westernized Russian ruling classes of Nordic Aryan blood. The “Judaized Khazars,” he argued, became the dictatorial and immoral “Russian Jews,” who assassinated czars, founded Bolshevism, and became the “masters of Russia.”

“Stalin, Kaganovich, Beria, Molotov, and Litvinoff all have Jewish blood or are married to Jewesses,” he wrote.

Beaty went on to argue that Russian and Eastern European Jews, all descendants of “the Judaized Khazars,” had immigrated in huge numbers to the United States, where they became “virtually a nation within the nation, and an aggressive culture-conscious nation at that.” Joining the Democratic Party, they dominated the governments of Roosevelt and Truman and organized stab-in-the-back Communist subversion. They were “the hidden force” for which Gen. Stratemeyer was looking.

Dozens of other retired military leaders endorsed Beaty’s racist views. Most of the same former brass publicly defended Senator Joseph McCarthy and fiercely opposed racial desegregation. They also became stalwarts of ultra-right Cold War groups like the John Birch Society, whose founder Robert Welch repeatedly called former general Dwight D. Eisenhower “a conscious agent of the Communist conspiracy.”

Gen. Stratemeyer, a key architect of Hitler’s defeat, went on to join the board of the Liberty Lobby’s Willis Carto, an unabashed defender of Hitler and godfather of Holocaust denial. “The vast majority of today’s Jews are racially Khazars,” Carto wrote as late as 2010. And the Khazars themselves descended from Neanderthals, while “the extreme hatred of Jews for others” came from “the atavistic hatred of the Neanderthal for Cro-Magnon/Aryan mankind.”

The Zionist Dream

Whether the Ashkenazim share DNA with Neanderthals, Khazars, or Sephardic and Middle Eastern Jews, how would it affect claims to what earlier Zionists used to call Palestine? The answer for anti-Semites is easy. Since the Khazars had no blood ties to the ancient Israelites, the Ashkenazi Jews, who spearheaded modern Zionism, would have absolutely no claim at all.

Would vintage anti-Semites accept the converse? Would proven genetic ties to Palestine and the Palestinians give Ashkenazi Jews any right to “colonize” the land, as the Zionist leaders called their project? Would those ties give them the right to dispossess their distant cousins already living there? Absolutely not, the racists insist, but not for reasons of simple justice and basic human rights that led many of us long ago to reject Zionism’s territorial claims. The racists will simply stop selling the Khazar myth and go back to bashing Jews with old-fashioned Semitic myths, the way former Ku Klux Klan leader David Duke is already doing.

As the Klan and the Nazis have shown, there can be no compromise with those who rely on genetic inheritance, real or imagined, to make their political arguments. Their “science” is bogus. Their “history” is myth. And their political program invariably harms the “Others,” whether non-whites, non-Europeans, Moslems or Jews, non-Russians or non-Ukrainians. This is the lesson to learn. Yet, the very people who should most have taken it to heart continue to stake their defense of Zionism on blood, genes, ethnicity, and race, to which they add Biblical fiction, rabbinical law, and “history” that never happened.

Just over three thousand years ago, the fable teaches, an Egyptian prince of Hebrew origin called Moses led the children of Israel out of slavery and into the Sinai desert, where they wandered for forty years and received the Ten Commandments in at least three different versions – two in the book of Exodus and another in Deuteronomy. The ancient Israelites then entered the land of Canaan, fought the battle of Jericho, and either did or did not exterminate the local inhabitants, many of whom they later married. They went on to form two separate kingdoms, Israel and Judea, which two storied kings – David and Solomon – supposedly unified.

The Judeans also created the Old Testament, in which the authors had the God Yahweh promise the land to the patriarch Abraham and his descendants as long as they continued to worship Him as the one and only Lord of the Universe. An inspired fiction, the promise appeared in different versions. Was it from the Nile to the Euphrates? From the Red Sea and Mediterranean to the Euphrates? Or did it have smaller borders that were less clear? The Old Testament’s authors could not make up their mind. The Romans then took the land from the Jews and sent them into exile.

“The land of Israel was the birthplace of the Jewish people,” proclaimed Israel’s 1948 Declaration of Independence. “Here their spiritual, religious and national identity was formed. Here they achieved independence and created a culture of national and universal significance. Here they wrote and gave the Bible to the world.” This was their ancient homeland, in which they strived “in every successive generation to reestablish themselves.”

Well, not exactly. Besides the loose ends in the Biblical narrative, Israeli and other archeologists can find no evidence that the ancient Hebrews were ever slaves in Egypt, while historians can find no evidence that Moses, David, or Solomon ever existed, much as is the case with Jesus. In addition, Israel and the Judea never formed a single kingdom, and the Romans never sent the Jews into exile. But who needs facts? The story still stirs many souls in the United States and Europe, though more among Evangelical Christians than the ornery majority of Jews, who have historically shown a hesitancy – even now in embattled France – to move themselves to Zion. Send money or visit? Perhaps. Go there to live? Only in the most dire circumstances, and only then if they can find no better alternative.

No one makes this argument more vigorously than the Israeli controversialist Shlomo Sand, a French-trained historian at the University of Tel Aviv. Born to Holocaust survivors from Poland, he spent his first years in a displaced persons camp, one of “the stinking bunch of humanity” that so offended General Patton. His mother tongue is Yiddish, though he now loves Hebrew. He shared his father’s idealistic Communism before shedding its restraints, though he still embraces the humanist values of the democratic left. The idea of “a Jewish state” offends him deeply, just as many Americans find any idea of “a Christian nation” offensive. As for religion, Shlomo Sand has none, seeing himself as no longer of the Jewish faith, but very much a secular citizen of Israel.

In 2008, Sand published an eye-opening book called in English The Invention of the Jewish People, a best-seller in Israel for 19 weeks and now translated into 20 language. He followed it up in 2012 with The Invention of the Land of Israel. Both make fascinating reading, though they both have significant flaws, some of which he admits.

Throughout most of their history, Jews never considered themselves as a nation, Sand argues. In their own eyes, they were highly diverse communities of religious believers, fierce defenders of their monotheistic faith, but not “a people” tied together by blood in the sense of the German term volk or Russian narod. Many Jews were not of the original Hebrew tribes, but had initially joined the fold by converting from their pagan and polytheistic beliefs or by marrying into the faith without any formal conversion.

Surveying this religious reality, Sand tells how the Hasmonean kingdom of Judea forced the neighboring Edomites in the Negev and the Itureans of the Galilee “to part with their foreskins and become Jews in the full sense of the word.” He recalls the converted Jews of the Adiabene kingdom in what is now Iraqi Kurdistan, in the Himyarite kingdom in Yemen, and among the Falashas of Ethiopia and Berbers of North Africa, on whom he barely dents the surface of a very complex history. At the other extreme, he makes far too much of “the Jewish Khazars” without critically examining the discredited sources on whom Koestler and Jewish historians of the 19th and 20th centuries had relied.

Sand showed a lack of caution here, and now pays a hefty price, as Zionists slam him for his error while ignoring his larger argument, that Judaism had been “a dynamic and proselytizing religion at least between the second century BCE and the eighth century CE.” Jews later grew cautious about conversion, not wanting to offend the dominant Christian and Moslem authorities. But converts and their descendants made up a large part of the world’s Jews, especially in the lands all around the Mediterranean. Adding to the number, many Jewish men who had migrated to Europe and North Africa took native wives. Some converted, others did not, despite the Jewish rule that religious identity passed from the mother. So while modern Jews may have genetic markers that point to the Near East, they come from a diversity of religious converts with markers pointing elsewhere as well. They are hardly lineal descendants of the ancient Israelites, nor do they embody a significant racial, ethnic, or biological link to ancient Palestine.

What, then, of the mantra that for centuries Jews in other lands ritually intoned, “Next year in Jerusalem?” It was a religious sentiment, not a nationalistic call to emigrate. The vast majority of Jews never wanted to go to the Holy Land to live, Sand loves to quip. They only wanted to go to Jerusalem to die, hoping to jump the queue on resurrection.

Zionism changed this religious self-perception, but not in the distant past. The “invention of the Jewish people,” as Sand calls it, came only in the modern era, at a time when intellectuals all over Europe began creating and mythologizing a whole host of new nations. Each would seek to create its own nation-state, or as in the case of France, to bring together a disparate population into a new sense of nationhood. Jewish nationalism, or Zionism, was just one of the pack, strengthened by an upsurge of old-fashioned Christian hatred and new-fangled anti-Semitism based on a supposedly scientific racism.

Sand’s view was fairly standard among European historians, and many Israeli scholars shared it as well, though they were appalled by his attacks on them as nothing more than high priests of the official state ideology, which – like all nationalisms – makes bogus historical and racial claims. Nothing if not provocative, Sand puts the lie to Israel’s official ideology and to those who propound it, and though he himself buys into a different myth – that of “the Jewish Khazars” – he points the way to a far more liberating post-Zionist alternative for Jewish and no-longer-Jewish Israelis, Palestinians, and the majority of the world’s Jews who choose not to live in Eretz Yisrael.

Will Israel Conquer Ukraine?

Our final take on the Khazars comes from Thierry Meyssan’s Voltaire Network, an Internet site that specializes in unsubstantiated conspiracy theories, as I reported last week.

“Israel’s Secret Plan for a ‘Second Israel’ in Ukraine” cried the headline, followed by a breathless lead. “The role of Jewish figures and that of the State of Israel in the Ukrainian crisis has not gone unnoticed considering that this community represents less than 1 percent of the population. However, a secret report in the hands of the Netanyahu administration confirms that Ashkenazi Jews do not originate from the Levant, but are the descendants of the Khazars. This little-known population founded a Jewish empire in the tenth century on the banks of the Black Sea. Therefore, some Zionists see in Ukraine a possible second Israel.”

What an incredible scoop! Wayne Madsen, the author, describes himself as an investigative journalist specializing in the super-secret. But, here he was simply citing a story that had appeared in the March 18, 2014, edition of The Times of Israel, in a blog by Jim Wald, a cultural historian at Hampshire College in Massachusetts. Wald titled his blog “Leaked report: Israel acknowledges Jews in fact Khazars; Secret plan for reverse migration to Ukraine.”

Madsen properly attributed his story to Wald. But he never checked Wald’s “facts,” for which the historian never pretended to offer any hard evidence. He had made it all up. There was no leaked report. No Israeli acceptance of the Khazar myth. No secret plan to resettle Ukraine. Nor did Madsen bother to check the two names Wald listed as his Russian and Ukrainian correspondents. As the website “Simply Jews” suggested, Hirsh Ostropoler was an eighteenth century story-teller famous in Yiddish folk lore, while I.Z. Grosser-Spass is a pun in both German and Yiddish for “big joke.” Wald’s story was a complete spoof, which Madsen and Meyssan bought whole hog. So did several other Internet sites eager to smear Israel and “the Jews” with whatever dirt they could, whether credible or not. Like Col. Beaty and other racist conspiracy-mongers, they mistakenly used the Khazar myth in their effort. And, as evidence of their sleuthing skills, they completely missed the give-away clue in Wald’s blog, when he mentioned that the new Jewish settlement in Ukraine would be called Chazerai, which in Yiddish roughly translates as “Crap.”


A veteran of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and the New Left monthly Ramparts, Steve Weissman lived for many years in London, working as a magazine writer and television producer. He now lives and works in France, where he is researching a new book, "Big Money and the Corporate State: How Global Banks, Corporations, and Speculators Rule and How to Nonviolently Break Their Hold."

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS | The Share-the-Scraps Economy Print
Tuesday, 03 February 2015 11:12

Reich writes: "New software technologies are allowing almost any job to be divided up into discrete tasks that can be parceled out to workers when they're needed, with pay determined by demand for that particular job at that particular moment."

Economist, professor, author and political commentator Robert Reich. (photo: Richard Morgenstein)
Economist, professor, author and political commentator Robert Reich. (photo: Richard Morgenstein)


The Share-the-Scraps Economy

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

03 February 15

 

ow would you like to live in an economy where robots do everything that can be predictably programmed in advance, and almost all profits go to the robots’ owners?

Meanwhile, human beings do the work that’s unpredictable – odd jobs, on-call projects, fetching and fixing, driving and delivering, tiny tasks needed at any and all hours – and patch together barely enough to live on.

Brace yourself. This is the economy we’re now barreling toward.

They’re Uber drivers, Instacart shoppers, and Airbnb hosts. They include Taskrabbit jobbers, Upcounsel’s on-demand attorneys, and Healthtap’s on-line doctors.

They’re Mechanical Turks.

The euphemism is the “share” economy. A more accurate term would be the “share-the-scraps” economy.

New software technologies are allowing almost any job to be divided up into discrete tasks that can be parceled out to workers when they’re needed, with pay determined by demand for that particular job at that particular moment.

Customers and workers are matched online. Workers are rated on quality and reliability.

The big money goes to the corporations that own the software. The scraps go to the on-demand workers.

Consider Amazon’s “Mechanical Turk.” Amazon calls it “a marketplace for work that requires human intelligence.”

In reality, it’s an Internet job board offering minimal pay for mindlessly-boring bite-sized chores. Computers can’t do them because they require some minimal judgment, so human beings do them for peanuts — say, writing a product description, for $3; or choosing the best of several photographs, for 30 cents; or deciphering handwriting, for 50 cents.

Amazon takes a healthy cut of every transaction.

This is the logical culmination of a process that began thirty years ago when corporations began turning over full-time jobs to temporary workers, independent contractors, free-lancers, and consultants.

It was a way to shift risks and uncertainties onto the workers – work that might entail more hours than planned for, or was more stressful than expected.

And a way to circumvent labor laws that set minimal standards for wages, hours, and working conditions. And that enabled employees to join together to bargain for better pay and benefits.

The new on-demand work shifts risks entirely onto workers, and eliminates minimal standards completely.

In effect, on-demand work is a reversion to the piece work of the nineteenth century – when workers had no power and no legal rights, took all the risks, and worked all hours for almost nothing.

Uber drivers use their own cars, take out their own insurance, work as many hours as they want or can – and pay Uber a fat percent. Worker safety? Social Security? Uber says it’s not the employer so it’s not responsible.

Amazon’s Mechanical Turks work for pennies, literally. Minimum wage? Time-and-a half for overtime? Amazon says it just connects buyers and sellers so it’s not responsible.

Defenders of on-demand work emphasize its flexibility. Workers can put in whatever time they want, work around their schedules, fill in the downtime in their calendars.

“People are monetizing their own downtime,” Arun Sundararajan, a professor at New York University’s business school, told the New York Times.

But this argument confuses “downtime” with the time people normally reserve for the rest of their lives.

There are still only twenty-four hours in a day. When “downtime” is turned into work time, and that work time is unpredictable and low-paid, what happens to personal relationships? Family? One’s own health?

Other proponents of on-demand work point to studies, such as one recently commissioned by Uber, showing Uber’s on-demand workers to be “happy.”

But how many of them would be happier with a good-paying job offering regular hours?

An opportunity to make some extra bucks can seem mighty attractive in an economy whose median wage has been stagnant for thirty years and almost all of whose economic gains have been going to the top.

That doesn’t make the opportunity a great deal. It only shows how bad a deal most working people have otherwise been getting.

Defenders also point out that as on-demand work continues to grow, on-demand workers are joining together in guild-like groups to buy insurance and other benefits.

But, notably, they aren’t using their bargaining power to get a larger share of the income they pull in, or steadier hours. That would be a union – something that Uber, Amazon, and other on-demand companies don’t want.

Some economists laud on-demand work as a means of utilizing people more efficiently.

But the biggest economic challenge we face isn’t using people more efficiently. It’s allocating work and the gains from work more decently.

On this measure, the share-the-scraps economy is hurtling us backwards.


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