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Women's Bodies Can't Perform Magic. Someone Please Tell Republicans |
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Wednesday, 25 February 2015 15:25 |
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Valenti writes: "One congressman this week thought that if women swallow pills, they end up in their vagina. The GOP still knows nothing about female anatomy."
Women's bodies are a mystery to the GOP. (image: Sebastian Kaulitzki/Alamy)

Women's Bodies Can't Perform Magic. Someone Please Tell Republicans
By Jessica Valenti, The Guardian UK
25 February 15
o Republican men think women are mythical creatures, like unicorns or fairies? It’s the only explanation I can come up with to make sense of the party’s continued insistence that women’s bodies can perform feats of absolute magic.
On Monday, during testimony on a state bill that would ban doctors from using telemedicine to prescribe abortion pills, Idaho Republican Rep Vito Barbieri asked a testifying physician if pregnant women could swallow small cameras so that doctors could “determine what the situation is”.
Dr Julie Madsen – who I imagine must have been suppressing the eyeroll of a lifetime – responded that it couldn’t be done because “when you swallow a pill it would not end up in the vagina.”
Barbieri now says the question was a rhetorical one (that’s the ticket!) but his gaffe reminds us all about just how little Republicans understand about women’s bodies. Though, again, I’m honored that they think we hold such awesome abilities. After all, who could forget then-Rep Todd Akin’s assertion that women who were “legitimately” raped would not get pregnant because “the female body has ways to try to shut that whole thing down.” Like a superpower! Or Rush Limbaugh’s belief that women’s bodies are so all-powerful that we actually require a birth control pill every time we have sex to keep from getting pregnant. But it doesn’t stop there.
Conservatives apparently also think that women are so magic as to almost be immortal - you see, they don’t believe that abortion are ever necessary to save a woman’s life or protect her health. They’re so sure of this, in fact, that they’ve been willing to bet our lives on it. It was just four years ago that House Republicans proposed to pass a bill that would have made it legal for hospitals to deny life-saving abortions to women who needed them and even deny them transfer to another hospital willing to perform the procedure. Maybe they just think we have nine lives?
Republicans must think we’re magic – how else do they think we can possibly have all these kids (since we’re not supposed to need or want or get abortions) with no paid maternity leave, no subsidized child care, no livable minimum wage and a culture that thinks we’re supposed to grin and bear it?
Shockingly, all the fairy tale tales conservatives have told themselves about women’s bodies and abilities hasn’t done the Republicans any favors around election time. And despite trainings for Republican candidates to learn how to talk about gender without saying something idiotic about rape or vaginas, Republican men continue to think stupid things about women and women continue to not vote for them.
So please, keep it up, guys. Talk more about what our vaginas can do, or how getting pregnant after rape is a “gift from god”. The more we watch as men who lack basic knowledge of biology and the human reproductive system make laws about what we can do with our own bodies, the more I believe that maybe women really are magic. We take care of our families as Republicans insist we’re “strong” enough to do with less. We battle back against archaic laws and dinosaur politicians. We do things a lot more impressive than swallowing a pill and having it migrate to our vaginas. That’s just weird.

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FOCUS | Giuliani "Loves America," but His Fellow Americans, Not So Much |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=20877"><span class="small">William Boardman, Reader Supported News</span></a>
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Wednesday, 25 February 2015 12:41 |
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Boardman writes: "Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel, they sometimes say, but they are too kind."
Rudolph Giuliani. (photo: AP/Chris Carlson)

Giuliani "Loves America," but His Fellow Americans, Not So Much
By William Boardman, Reader Supported News
25 February 15
Jiving “patriot” is just another draft-dodging political narcissist
atriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel, they sometimes say, but they are too kind. Patriotism is the first and permanent refuge of authoritarian scoundrels like Rudy Giuliani. The former New York Mayor demonstrated his basic demagoguery once again with his recent, widely reported performance of one of the raging right’s most popular, long-running hit pieces. Echoing screeds long since turned into obsessive liturgy by the Limbaughs, Hannitys, and Nugents of this world, the derivative Giuliani re-enacted their politically sacred right-wing ritual denunciation of the president-as-imagined: a macabre dance of character assassination, the tarring and feathering of a fantasy crucified straw man.
Giuliani offered his fawning crowd-pleaser to a fatcats audience honoring Wisconsin governor Scott Walker, a prime exemplar of how to run a democratic state for the benefit of the 1% while lying about it to everyone else. Giuliani, an old hand at pandering to his patrons, smoothly repackaged the ritual, reactionary incantation of right-wing Republicans’ self-satisfaction with their own importance and worth, even though that room represented one of the nastiest political minorities seeking to run the country these days.
Reaction to what Giuliani had to say to rich folks at their 21 Club watering hole on February 18 has been ample, but largely superficial. Much media coverage makes this personal, a Giuliani-throws-mud-at-Obama kind of sideshow, which it certainly is. But that’s nowhere near all that it is. This ideological iconography is now so well-choreographed that its form and content should be recognized as structural. Spontaneity is gone from this universal totem to reactionary nostalgia for a reality that never existed. Giuliani is only the most recent to tap into the perennial darkness of revenge-seeking, revolutionary wet dreamers seeking to drive a final stake though the heart of American constitutional democracy – and in the name of patriotism to boot!
Jive-ass Giuliani’s quietly rabid rant was just another variation on the endlessly parroted Obama-bigotry regurgitated by Republican and Tea Party reality-haters since at least 2008. Stonewalling the country’s “half-white president” (in Giuliani’s phrase) passes for patriotism among Republicans, but has absolutely nothing to do with making the country work well for most of its citizens. Republican patriotism has everything to do with defying the twice-elected president and denying the will of the majority of the people, all for the sake of partisan political advantage at everyone else’s expense. This is not a new game for rich, remote elites. The recent Bush administration smothered the country with the same manipulative but mindless zeal as described a century earlier by Count Leo Tolstoy, referring to his own czarist Russia:
Patriotism … for rulers is nothing else than a tool for achieving their power-hungry and money-hungry goals, and for the ruled it means renouncing their human dignity, reason, conscience, and slavish submission to those in power. … Patriotism is slavery.
At the same time, in 19th century England, George Bernard Shaw observed: “Patriotism is, fundamentally, a conviction that a particular country is the best in the world because you were born in it.” What Rudy Giuliani had to say was an excellent, if inadvertent, illustration of the insights of Tolstoy and Shaw. Giuliani apparently took himself seriously, as ever, and showed no awareness of the irony of his sacramental posturing. Giuliani even acknowledged that what he had to say was “horrible,” but he didn’t let that stop him from saying it anyway, at a dinner in honor of another cookie-cutter man-of-the-rich-people, Scott Walker, whose anti-democratic assaults on Wisconsin have made him, preposterously, a current Republican front-runner for the 2016 presidential nomination.
Giuliani’s “horrible thing to say” was nothing new, and took no courage to offer to that audience. It was just his variation on the tired right-wing trope about Barack Obama being different, as if that were a bad thing, or even an unusual thing. Giuliani’s riff on patriotism is every bit as craven and dishonest as Tolstoy suggested, but with a twist: Giuliani’s slavish submission is not to those in power as legitimate authority today. Giuliani’s is rather a slavish submission to those who were in power yesterday, craving to be in power tomorrow. Giuliani, like the rest of the rabid right, has no qualms about subverting legitimate authority for the sake of his narrow claque’s regaining power over the much greater majority of his fellow citizens. Giuliani is one of the people who love their country so very, very deeply that they’ve spent more than six years working to destroy its constitutional structure.
The banal sentiments, the elitist attitude, the smug moral superiority, and the lies about basic facts are all familiar elements of the traditional right-wing baffle screen that Giuliani uses as his political template. His latest variation on the same old theme, as reported by Politico, went like this:
I do not believe, and I know this is a horrible thing to say, but I do not believe that the president loves America. He doesn’t love you. And he doesn’t love me. He wasn’t brought up the way you were brought up and I was brought up through love of this country …
... with all our flaws we’re the most exceptional country in the world. I’m looking for a presidential candidate who can express that, do that and carry it out. And if it’s you Scott [Walker], I’ll endorse you. And if it’s somebody else, I’ll support somebody else.
That’s what Giuliani had to say, or some of it, and it’s been widely circulated, and repeated, and commented upon, and one has to wonder why. How on earth does it matter to any serious person what an aging political hack says he believes about anything? Giuliani says he believes in human impact on the climate. His lobbying firm represents “conventional energy sources” in their effort to stay in business and make climate change worse. In other words, what Giuliani believes doesn’t even matter to Giuliani.
“I know this is a horrible thing to say,” Giuliani says, unpersuasively. What he knows is that it’s just the kind of horrible thing his bigoted right-wing audiences want to hear. That’s why he and all the other vocal sock puppets of hate have been saying such things for eight years. That’s why they’ll keep on saying them. And that’s why they have no incentive to stop saying horrible things that undermine that very America they profess to love and honor.
“I do not believe the president loves America,” Giuliani says, as if it matters what he believes. How would he or anyone else know who does or doesn’t love America? What does that mean? What is love? This is trigger language designed to make the Rorschach blot look monstrous. But suppose, for argument’s sake, that Giuliani is right and the president doesn’t love America? So what?
Seriously, so what if this president, or any president, doesn’t love America? The president’s job is not to send Valentines. His obligation is to work for the common good of 300 million citizens, not pamper them like puppies. The president’s job is to run the country well, to improve America for the sake of most Americans, not just for Halliburton. Giuliani says he liked the way George W. Bush loved America, though he mentions only the cheerleading, not the lying and the wars and the economic crisis from which we’re still trying to recover. Really, if that’s love, the country would have been much better off with a hater.
If you want to be loved, it helps to be lovable, and to act lovably
“He doesn’t love you,” Giuliani says, meaning the rich political donors in his audience, people who are used to buying influence and calling it love. Why should anyone love these people? What have they done to deserve this political love? Well, someone like Scott Walker would love for them to buy into his campaign for the presidency, he’d love them for that, no doubt. But is loving fatcats the same as loving America? It’s more like Stockholm syndrome, as pathetic politicians chase the money dangled to bait them into destroying America for the many to serve the few.
“And he doesn’t love me,” Giuliani says, perhaps getting to the core of what he hates most about Obama. The unstated assumption here is that Giuliani is somehow lovable. Evidence for Giuliani’s lovability is not easy to discern. His serial betrayals of his wives probably didn’t strike them as a really lovable personal characteristic. His political betrayals are not especially endearing either.
Just one example should suffice, given the way Giuliani has wrapped himself in 9/11 ever since it happened. Giuliani, now self-apotheosized as the patron saint of firefighters and police officers, knew for years that emergency services needed radios that allowed them to talk to each other. He knew that from the 1993 attack on the World Trade Center. Eight years later he had done nothing to fix the problem. Hundreds of firefighters and police officers died for his sins. And the ones who survived in the toxic aftermath went begging for needed health care from the Giuliani administration. Funny, now that he’s the one with the martyr complex.
“He wasn’t brought up the way you were brought up and I was brought up through love of this country,” Giuliani says of Obama, packing a lot of dishonesty in short sentence. Only a handful of Americans were brought up the way the rich people in that room were brought up (and not all of them were brought up that way). Giuliani, with a convict father doing time for a violent robbery, was not brought up as they were. As for the “love of this country” part of it, Giuliani’s heritage includes a draft-dodging father during World War II, as well as four draft-dodging uncles during the same war. That family value made it only natural for Giuliani (classified 1-A) to express his own love of country by evading service during the Viet-Nam War, even as he cheered on its killing other young men who seem to have loved their countries more.
“With all our flaws, we’re the most exceptional country in the world,” Giuliani says, while claiming that Obama does not express love for America, an opinion that is demonstrably false (as the N.Y. Times has documented). In fact, Giuliani’s point about exceptionalism was vividly made in 2004, when Barack Obama acknowledged “that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.”
I would go anywhere, any place, anytime, and I wouldn’t give a damn what the President of the United States said, to defend my country. That’s a patriot. That’s a man who loves his people. That’s a man who fights for his people. Unlike our President.
This is what Giuliani was deceitfully saying to cheers in Arizona a week before his Obama-bashing affair for Scott Walker in New York. Giuliani’s Phoenix appearance at an anti-Iran conference was reported by Wayne Barrett of the N.Y. Daily News and apparently no one else in conventional media circles. The video of Giuliani’s February 13 speech appears to have gone viral on right-wing blogs. There, Giuliani’s inflated demagoguery and manipulative falsehoods elicit cheers from his fellow American-president haters. Giuliani’s fascistic rhetoric in Phoenix includes an emotional manipulation of the 1979 hostages in Iran and the intellectually manipulative, false claim that Obama doesn’t recognize ISIS as a threat, even though this administration has waged undeclared war on ISIS since last summer.
Turns out this year’s Giuliani right-wing red-meat-fest is nothing new. He performed the same tropes for the same hate-hungry crowd a year earlier. In 2014, Giuliani even claimed that Iran has “killed more Americans than any other country.” That raises a historical question or two about the death toll in the American wars with Iraq and Viet-Nam, or Germany and Japan. Iran has killed more Americans than any of them? And we’re not doing something about it?
All the focus on the personalities of Giuliani and Obama minimizes the larger importance of the Giuliani pattern, especially the successful racial divisiveness that has characterized both his career and the country’s history. The essential argument being peddled here is that only the true patriot loves his country enough to divide it in as many ways as possible for the sake of purifying it. For all the media twittering about loving America, the absence of political pushback indicates the deeper reality: there is a large constituency still out there for war-mongering and race-baiting and any politician confronts it only at his peril.
“The soul and substance of what customarily ranks as patriotism is moral cowardice – and always has been.” ~ Mark Twain's Notebook
Fifty years ago the country’s reactionary mindset was characterized as a “paranoid style,” as Jeffrey Toobin notes in The New Yorker. The shards of Giuliani’s explosive outbursts “are meant to tap into a deep wellspring of American political thought,” Toobin rightly says. But in the genteel style of The New Yorker avoidance, he only tepidly links “heated exaggeration, suspiciousness, and conspiratorial fantasy” to the present political moment in which forthright political sanity is rare and thought to be dangerous to anyone expressing it.
Despite the media flurry, Giuliani remained pugnacious, secure in the knowledge that his intended audience still loved what he was saying. Aware of that, The Wall Street Journal of February 22 gave Giuliani op-ed space to continue his attack:
And to say, as the president has, that American exceptionalism is no more exceptional than the exceptionalism of any other country in the world, does not suggest a becoming and endearing modesty, but rather a stark lack of moral clarity….
I hope also that our president will start acting and speaking in a way that draws sharp, clear distinctions between us and those who threaten our way of life.
Those who (like Toobin) feign objectivity in order to consider Giuliani jive on its “merits” are accomplices to the poisoning of their own culture. In the political hurly-burly of today, they are allowing the worst among us to frame the debate in a way they cannot lose. Objective, responsible observers are enabling the very people who would extinguish them. They have attacked the messenger, but all their nattering serves only to give the calumnies more currency, while letting the essence of the deranged and vicious message stand unchallenged.

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FOCUS | Why Dr. Ben Carson Is the Latest GOP Political Unicorn |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6853"><span class="small">Frank Rich, New York Magazine</span></a>
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Wednesday, 25 February 2015 10:02 |
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Rich writes: "As the presidential field edges toward the 2016 starting gate, partisans of both parties may be able to agree that one contender stands apart from the rest."
Dr. Ben Carson. (photo: AP)

Why Dr. Ben Carson Is the Latest GOP Political Unicorn
By Frank Rich, New York Magazine
25 February 15
s the presidential field edges toward the 2016 starting gate, partisans of both parties may be able to agree that one contender stands apart from the rest. That would be the 63-year-old neurosurgeon Ben Carson, the only African-American in the race and the only candidate with a Horatio Alger story that can accurately be described as inspirational. Some voters have already begun to notice. Carson came in second to Ted Cruz in two 2014 conservative beauty contests, the Republican Leadership Council and Value Voters straw polls. He has outperformed Jeb Bush and Chris Christie in this year’s early polling of Iowa Republicans. Carson’s political-action committee raised more cash (some $12 million) in the early going than Ready for Hillary, and his best-selling political manifesto of last year, One Nation, outsold her Hard Choices by roughly a third. (In literary quality, it’s a draw: They are equally effective as sleep aids.) In a December Gallup poll measuring “the most admired men in America,” Carson was bested only by Barack Obama, Pope Francis, Bill Clinton, Billy Graham, and George W. Bush; in a tie for sixth, he was on a par with Stephen Hawking, Bill Gates, and Bill O’Reilly. No other presidential aspirant in either party made the top tier.
Carson’s backstory sounds like a movie, and indeed it has already been told in a TNT-network film adaptation of his 1990 memoir, Gifted Hands, with Cuba Gooding Jr. in the starring role. Carson was born in poverty to an illiterate single mother who was one of 24 children and whose own marriage, at age 13, was to a bigamist who deserted her and her two sons for his alternative family. With only a third-grade education, Sonya Carson had to work multiple menial jobs in hardscrabble Detroit to stay afloat. Her zeal to instill higher aspirations in her son propelled him past seemingly insurmountable racial, social, economic, and educational barriers to Yale and the University of Michigan Medical School. In 1987, he pulled off a medical miracle by leading a team of surgeons that for the first time separated Siamese twins joined at the head. At 33, he became the youngest person ever to head a department, pediatric neurosurgery, at the Johns Hopkins Hospital. He retired in 2013 to turn his full attention to politics.
A devout Seventh Day Adventist and, in partnership with his wife, a generous philanthropist, Carson seems guilty of only a single sin: vanity. His books tend toward self-deification, and he is the star of a cheesy infomercial, “A Breath of Fresh Air,” that’s blanketed the stations owned by the right-leaning Sinclair Broadcast Group. As soon as prominent conservatives started fawning over Carson, he became besotted by the idea that he could pull off the electoral miracle of becoming president of the United States. This will not be happening. There has not been a political novice elected president since Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1952. Next to commanding the European theater in the battle against Hitler, even running a groundbreaking operating theater is small-bore. But Carson is undeterred.
He found his new vocation in February 2013, when he delivered a speech laced with right-wing prescriptions (e.g., a 10 percent flat tax inspired by tithing) at the annual White House prayer breakfast in Washington. The 27-minute oration was an implicit rebuke of President Obama, sitting on the dais a few feet away, and it soon went viral on YouTube. The spectacle of a black speaker dissing the black president to his face, and a black doctor who loathes Obamacare besides, was all it took for The Wall Street Journal to run an editorial titled “Ben Carson for President.” Once an Independent, Carson soon started saying he would not resist if God called on him to seek the White House (as a Republican, His will would have it). He consolidated his conservative cred by going on Sean Hannity’s television show to stigmatize same-sex marriage by likening homosexuality to bestiality and the pedophilia practiced by NAMBLA, the North American Man/Boy Love Association. This gaffe set off protests at Hopkins that prompted him to withdraw as the medical school’s commencement speaker last year—even as he secured a far bigger forum as a regular Fox News contributor. Following the 2012 examples of Rick Santorum and Newt Gingrich, he has now left the Murdoch payroll in preparation for his official declaration of candidacy, probably this spring. He is the first Republican candidate to claim campaign chairmen in all of Iowa’s 99 counties. “He probably has the edge right now,” the state’s party chairman told the Journal in late January.
What makes Carson most intriguing, if not most viable, in the political arena, of course, is his anomalous status as a black man who both embraces and is embraced by a nearly all-white party that was able to attract only 6 percent of the African-American vote in the last presidential election. (That’s the same percentage it drew in 1964, when the candidacy of the Civil Rights Act opponent Barry Goldwater inspired white Dixie segregationists en masse to flee the Democrats for the GOP.) Thanks to his status as the political equivalent of a unicorn, Carson qualifies for the most elite affirmative-action program in America, albeit one paradoxically administered by a party opposed to affirmative-action programs. Simply put: If an African-American raises his hand to run for president as a Republican, he (they’ve all been men) will instantly be cheered on as a serious contender by conservative grandees, few or no questions asked. He is guaranteed editorials like the one in the Journal, accolades from powerful talk-show hosts (Carson would make “a superb president,” says Mark Levin), and credulous profiles like the one Fred Barnes contributed to The Weekly Standard last month. Barnes’s piece regurgitated spin from Carson’s political circle, typified by his neophyte campaign chief Terry Giles, a criminal litigator whose clients have included Richard Pryor, Enron’s Kenneth Lay, and an estate-seeking son of Anna Nicole Smith’s elderly final husband. “If nominated, can Carson beat Hillary Clinton or another Democrat?” Barnes asked—and then answered the question himself: “Yes, he can.” How? By winning 17 percent of the black vote in swing states—a theoretical percentage offered by a co-founder of the Draft Carson movement.
There’s no reason that a small-government black conservative Republican couldn’t be elected president—a proposition that might have been tested by Colin Powell and no doubt will be by other black Republicans one day. But not today. There have been three Great Black Presidential Hopes in the GOP’s entire history, Carson included—all of them in the past two decades. None has had a chance of victory in a national election, not least because none of the three ever won any elective office. None can be classified as presidential timber without a herculean suspension of disbelief. Indeed, the two Great Hopes before Carson were a buffoon with congenital financial woes and a two-time settler of sexual-harassment suits. But they, too, were praised to the skies by their Republican cheering section up until—and sometimes past—their inevitable implosions. And not without reason. There is a political method to this madness that reaches its culmination with Carson.
In an era when the GOP is trying to counter its pending demographic crisis by limiting ballot-box access to blacks and Hispanics, his ascent could not be more opportunely timed. Carson not only gives cover to the GOP’s campaign for restrictive new voting laws but actively supports it. The results of the 2014 midterms left the Republicans with a total of 31 governorships, a near record for the modern era, and in control of a record 68 of the states’ 98 partisan legislative chambers. The epidemic of new state voting laws in recent years is already being compounded. The longer the GOP can keep Carson in the game, the more he can do for the cause. What he gets out of this transaction is a riddle, though his susceptibility to flattery and celebrity surely cannot be underestimated.
To appreciate the cynical nature of the relationship between the Republican Party and the black presidential candidates it fast-tracks to center stage, it’s worth revisiting the template established by Carson’s two predecessors, Alan Keyes and Herman Cain. Neither of them had a résumé that remotely matches Carson’s, yet both got the same royal welcome from the GOP and both contributed to the political Ur-text that is being rebooted for 2016.
Keyes, who in 1995 became the first known African-American Republican to declare for the presidency, was a bombastic radio-talk-show host and anti-abortion absolutist who, unlike Carson, had at least tried to win an election for a less lofty office before seeking the grand prize: He had twice lost Senate bids in Maryland by huge margins, his share of the vote falling from 38 percent in 1988 to 29 percent in 1992 as familiarity apparently bred contempt with that state’s voters. In his second race, he was caught paying himself an inappropriate if not illegal monthly stipend (a senatorial salary, by his reckoning) of $8,500 out of campaign funds. But his boosters were happy to look past that and other financial red flags once he set his sights on the presidency. William Kristol, who had roomed with Keyes when he was a Harvard doctoral student and managed his maiden Senate campaign, declared in 1995 that Keyes had “a grand vision of America and his role in it.” A year later, Rush Limbaugh marveled that he was “a tsunami waiting to happen.” Keyes was a tsunami all right. His savagely moralistic diatribes at the primary-season debates made his white opponents visibly uncomfortable; when he was excluded from an Atlanta debate that was limited to the top four presidential contenders, he stormed the gates and was taken away in handcuffs (briefly) by the police. That incident, emanating from the South no less, was not ideal optics for a GOP aspiring to shake its white country-club image. No Republican leader dared risk sending him to the back of the campaign scrum again.
Keyes ended up with a single delegate at the ’96 convention. But this didn’t deter him from another presidential run in 2000. This time, he came in second in eight primaries and third in Iowa, where he famously jumped into the caucus’s mosh pit during a Rage Against the Machine song, a stunt broadcast by Michael Moore on a television magazine show. Keyes was suited up yet again four years later by Illinois Republican leaders, who reached all the way to Maryland to draft him to run for Senate against Barack Obama after the party’s original candidate was felled by a marital scandal. Again, it was an affirmative-action move: The only other finalist the Illinois GOP considered for this human sacrifice was another African-American, a Bush-administration bureaucrat, who also hadn’t been living in the state. “It’s an attempt by the Republican Party to appeal to African-American voters,” Glenn Hodas, a Republican strategist, explained at the time to the Chicago Tribune. “How successful it will be is another matter.” In his landslide victory, Obama took 91 percent of the black vote.
Despite his historical standing as the first black Republican presidential candidate, Keyes has not proved loyal to the political party that continued to promote him no matter how poor his electoral performance, how slippery his finances, or how rebellious some of his rhetoric. (He not only attacked a fellow Republican, Pat Buchanan, but called him a racist.) He left the party in 2008 and now uses a subscription website and Twitter to rant against the GOP’s “quisling leaders” and call for the ouster of John Boehner.

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The Keystone Veto: The President Does What He Said He'd Do |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>
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Wednesday, 25 February 2015 09:18 |
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Pierce writes: "Obama vetoes the futile bill on the Keystone XL Pipeline sent to him by Congress, much to the dismay of Mitch McConnell and John Boehner."
Mitch McConnell and John Boehner. (photo: Bill Clark/CQ Roll Call/Getty Images)

ALSO SEE: Obama Vetoes Keystone XL Bill, But Pipeline Saga is Far From Over
The Keystone Veto: The President Does What He Said He'd Do
By Charles Pierce, Esquire
25 February 15
o late Tuesday, without having asked permission from either Mitch McConnell or John Boehner, the president decided he'd be president again, vetoing the futile bill sent to him by Congress -- on a "bipartisan" basis! -- that would mandate the construction of our old friend, the Keystone XL pipeline, the continent-spanning death funnel and current conservative fetish object. Cue the howls over this imperial president's third whole veto.
Although the veto is Obama's first since Republicans took control on Capitol Hill, it was not likely to be the last. GOP lawmakers are lining up legislation rolling back Obama's actions on health care, immigration and financial regulation that Obama has promised to similarly reject. "He's looking at this as showing he still can be king of the hill, because we don't have the votes to override," Republican Sen. Jim Inhofe of Oklahoma, a vocal opponent of Obama's climate change agenda, said in an interview. "If he vetoed this, he's going to veto many others that are out there."
This is what happens when you have a Congress in which a rodeo clown like Jim Inhofe has power. This is said to have opened a new "era" in the current presidency. One hopes so. But, seriously, this doesn't come anywhere close to killing the death-funnel. It just makes clear that the ongoing approval process will keep on keepin' on, both at the State Department and in the state courts of Nebraska. It also reminds the Republicans in Congress that neither the world nor our form of government changed in November of 2014. Now we will also get to see how many, if any, Democratic congresscritters go over the side. Gut check time, boys and girls.
Boehner and McConnell checked in earlier on Tuesday, getting some of their staffers to concoct an op-ed in USA Today in which every bogus argument in favor of the death-funnel was sent limping around the track again. Their primary complaint was that the president was acting in a "political" fashion. This is probably the funniest thing either man ever has said.
This shouldn't be a difficult decision. It shouldn't be about politics, that's for sure. The day after the election, we pledged to return Washington's focus to the people's concerns. We made Keystone a top priority precisely because it is a good starting point for both parties to come work together and make progress on the economy. And we can hope reason will prevail and the president will do the right thing.
Political?
Fifty-odd DOA votes to repeal the Affordable Care Act?
And like you didn't know this veto was coming?
Honkies, please.

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