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Politics
Netanyahu Speaks, Money Talks Print
Saturday, 14 March 2015 13:54

Excerpt: "Everything you need to know about Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's address to Congress Tuesday was the presence in the visitor's gallery of one man - Sheldon Adelson."

Sheldon Adelson. (photo: Vivek Prakash/Reuters)
Sheldon Adelson. (photo: Vivek Prakash/Reuters)


Netanyahu Speaks, Money Talks

By Bill Moyers and Michael Winship, Moyers & Company

14 March 15

 

verything you need to know about Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s address to Congress Tuesday was the presence in the visitor’s gallery of one man – Sheldon Adelson.

The gambling tycoon is the Godfather of the Republican Right. The party’s presidential hopefuls line up to kiss his assets, scraping and bowing for his blessing, which when granted is bestowed with his signed checks. Data from both the nonpartisan Center for Responsive Politics and the Center for Public Integrity show that in the 2012 election cycle, Adelson and his wife Miriam (whose purse achieved metaphoric glory Tuesday when it fell from the gallery and hit a Democratic congressman) contributed $150 million to the GOP and its friends, including $93 million to such plutocracy-friendly super PACs as Karl Rove’s American Crossroads, the Congressional Leadership Fund, the Republican Jewish Coalition Victory Fund, Winning Our Future (the pro-Newt Gingrich super PAC) and Restore Our Future (the pro-Mitt Romney super PAC).

Yet there’s no knowing for sure about all of the “dark money” contributed by the Adelsons – so called because it doesn’t have to be reported. Like those high-rise, multi-million dollar apartments in New York City purchased by oligarchs whose identity is hidden within perfectly legal shell organizations, dark money lets our politicians conveniently erase fingerprints left by their ink-stained (from signing all those checks) billionaire benefactors.

But Sheldon Adelson was not only sitting in the House gallery on Tuesday because of the strings he pulls here in the United States. He is also the Daddy Warbucks of Israel and Benjamin Netanyahu is yet another of his beneficiaries – not to mention an ideological soulmate. Although campaign finance reform laws are much more strict in Israel than here in the United States, Adelson’s wealth has bought him what the historian and journalist Gershom Gorenberg calls “uniquely pernicious” influence.

Adelson owns the daily Israel Hayom, a leading newspaper, as well as Makor Roshon, the daily newspaper of Israel’s Zionist religious right and NRG, a news website. He gives Israel Hayom away for free in order to promote his hardline views – the headline in the paper the day after Obama’s re-election was “The US Voted [for] Socialism.”

More important, he uses the paper to bang the drum incessantly for Netanyahu and his right-wing Likud Party, under the reign of which Israel has edged closer and closer to theocracy. As Hebrew University economist Momi Dahan put it: “De facto, the existence of a newspaper like Israel Hayom egregiously violates the law, because [Adelson] actually is providing a candidate with nearly unlimited resources.”

Sheldon, meet Rupert.

In fact, as Israel’s March 17 election approaches, Adelson has increased the press run of Israel Hayom’s weekend edition by 70 percent. The paper says it’s to increase circulation and advertising, but rival newspaper Ha’aretz reports, “Political sources are convinced the extra copies are less part of a business plan and more one to help Netanyahu’s re-election bid.” Just like the timing of Netanyahu’s “State of the Union” address to Congress this week was merely a coincidence, right? “I deeply regret that some perceive my being here as political,” Netanyahu told Congress. “That was never my intention.” Of course.

In Gershom Gorenberg’s words, the prime minister “enjoys the advantage of having a major newspaper in his camp that portrays the world as seen from his office: a world in which Israel is surrounded by enemies, including the president of the United States; in which peace negotiations are aimed at destroying Israel; in which Israel’s left is aligned with all the hostile forces, and even rightists who oppose Netanyahu want to carry out a coup through the instrument of elections.”

So Netanyahu gets the best of both of Adelson’s worlds – his powerful propaganda machine in Israel and his campaign cash here in the United States. Combined, they allow Netanyahu to usurp American foreign policy as he manipulates an obliging US Congress enamored of Adelson’s millions, pushing it further to the right on Israel and the Middle East.

There you have it: Not only is this casino mogul the unofficial head of the Republican Party in America (“he with the gold rules”), he is the uncrowned King of Israel — David with a printing press and checkbook instead of a slingshot and a stone. All of this came to the fore in Netanyahu’s speech on Tuesday: the US cannot determine its own policy in the Middle East and the majority in Congress are under the thumb of a foreign power.

Like a King Midas colossus, Sheldon Adelson bestrides the cause of war and peace in the most volatile region of the world. And this is the man who — at Yeshiva University in New York in 2013 — denounced President Obama’s diplomatic efforts with Iran and proposed instead that the United States drop an atomic bomb in the Iranian desert and then declare: “See! The next one is in the middle of Tehran. So, we mean business. You want to be wiped out? Go ahead and take a tough position and continue with your nuclear development.”

Everything you need to know about Benjamin Netanyahu’s address to Congress Tuesday was the presence in the visitor’s gallery of that man. We are hostage to his fortune.


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Americans Are Still Being Spied On in Ways That Haven't Been Made Public Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29990"><span class="small">Trevor Timm, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Saturday, 14 March 2015 13:51

Timm writes: "There are still programs aimed at Americans that the Obama administration is keeping secret from the public. They should be a scandal, not line items in bills."

Senator Ron Wyden. (photo: Reuters)
Senator Ron Wyden. (photo: Reuters)


Americans Are Still Being Spied On in Ways That Haven't Been Made Public

By Trevor Timm, Guardian UK

14 March 15

 

he same Senator who warned the public about the NSA’s mass surveillance pre-Snowden said this week that the Obama administration is still keeping more spying programs aimed at Americans secret, and it seems Congress only wants to make it worse.

In a revealing interview, Ron Wyden – often the lone voice in favor of privacy rights on the Senate’s powerful Intelligence Committee – told Buzzfeed’s John Stanton that American citizens are being monitored by intelligence agencies in ways that still have not been made public more than a year and a half after the Snowden revelations and countless promises by the intelligence community to be more transparent. Stanton wrote:

Wyden’s warning is not the first clue about the government’s still-hidden surveillance; it’s just the latest reminder that they refuse to come clean about it. For instance, when the New York Times’ Charlie Savage and Mark Manzetti exposed a secret CIA program “collecting bulk records of international money transfers handled by companies like Western Union” into and out of the United States in 2013, they also reported that “several government officials said more than one other bulk collection program has yet to come to light.”

Since then – beyond the myriad Snowden revelations that continue to pour out – the public has learned about the Postal Service’s massive database containing photographs of the front and back of every single piece of mail that is sent in the United States. There was also the Drug Enforcement Administration’s mass phone surveillance program – wholly separate than the NSA’s – in which “phone records were retained even if there was no evidence the callers were involved in criminal activity,” according to the New York Times. And recently, the Justice Department’s “national database to track in real time the movement of vehicles around the US”, reported by the Wall Street Journal.

That there are still programs aimed at Americans that the Obama administration is keeping secret from the public should be a front page scandal.

Instead of exposing and informing these programs, however, Congress seems much more intent on giving the intelligence agencies even more power. On the same day that Wyden issued his warning, the Senate Intelligence Committee passed its latest version of CISA, a supposed “cybersecurity” bill that allows companies to hand over large swaths of personal information to the government without any court order at all – and gives the companies immunity from any privacy lawsuits that may result.

Wyden called it “a surveillance bill by another name” – and was the only Senator on the Intelligence Committee member to vote against it.

The committee claims they passed some privacy amendments, but we have no idea what since they did so in complete secrecy, and the announcement came after it had already passed. The public has yet to see the bill.

While members of Congress attempt to pass a new way for the government – and the NSA – to get their hands on more data of Americans, they’ve barely made a peep about reforming Section 215 of the Patriot Act, the controversial law that was twisted and warped to allow the NSA to collect every phone record in the United States.

Soon they’ll have no choice but to address it: Section 215 has to be renewed by Congress in June, or the law expires. With no progress on reforming, there will be a huge push in the coming weeks for Congress to reject Section 215 entirely – and many people believe the surveillance state might not have the votes to keep it.

Congress can keep trying to avoid change, but reform is coming one way or another.

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The Hidden Battle to Collect Your Data and Control Your World Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=34801"><span class="small">Amy Goodman and Bruce Schneier, Democracy Now!</span></a>   
Saturday, 14 March 2015 13:49

Excerpt: "While the leaks of Edward Snowden have shed light on the National Security Agency's surveillance practices, less attention has been paid to other forms of everyday surveillance - license plate readers, facial recognition software, GPS tracking, cellphone metadata and data mining."

Bruce Schneier. (photo: unknown)
Bruce Schneier. (photo: unknown)


The Hidden Battle to Collect Your Data and Control Your World

By Amy Goodman and Bruce Schneier, Democracy Now!

14 March 15

 

Data and Goliath: Bruce Schneier on the Hidden Battles to Collect Your Data and Control Your World

eading security and privacy researcher Bruce Schneier talks about about the golden age of surveillance and his new book, "Data and Goliath: The Hidden Battles to Collect Your Data and Control Your World." The book chronicles how governments and corporation have built an unprecedented surveillance state. While the leaks of Edward Snowden have shed light on the National Security Agency’s surveillance practices, less attention has been paid to other forms of everyday surveillance — license plate readers, facial recognition software, GPS tracking, cellphone metadata and data mining. Image Credit: United States Department of Defense

Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: We turn now to look at what our next guest calls the "golden age of surveillance." The leading security and privacy researcher Bruce Schneier is out with a new book, Data and Goliath: The Hidden Battles to Collect Your Data and Control Your World. The book chronicles how governments and corporations have build an unprecedented surveillance state. While the leaks of Edward Snowden have shed light on the National Security Agency’s surveillance practices, less attention has been paid to other forms of everyday surveillance—license plate readers, facial recognition software, GPS tracking, cellphone metadata and data mining.

AMY GOODMAN: Just this week, The Intercept revealed CIA researchers have been working for nearly a decade to crack the security of Apple’s iPhones and iPads. Documents from Edward Snowden show the researchers claim to have created a modified version of Apple software development tool Xcode, allowing them to sneak surveillance backdoors into apps and programs.

Well, Bruce Schneier, author of Data and Goliath, joins us now from Minneapolis.

Bruce, it’s great to have you back with Democracy Now! Can you start off by talking about this latest revelation having to do with Apple iPhones and iPads?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: It’s not really new. We know that the NSA, now the CIA, have been working to find backdoors in the computers we use every day, in Windows, in Macintosh. This isn’t the first backdoor we’ve seen in iOS and iPhones. This looks pretty sophisticated, but this is pretty much what we should expect from the United States and other countries and criminal organizations, as well. There’s a lot of people trying to get backdoors into the devices we use.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: What about this problem, in terms especially of commercial or corporate surveillance, that the public are willingly giving up their data in exchange for some kind of reduced price or more efficiency in their ability to communicate, this apparent willingness on our part to give away this trove of information about ourselves?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: I mean, we give it away all the time, right? Our cellphones know exactly where we are at all times; otherwise, they can’t work. And think of Facebook or email or paying with credit cards, or anything we do that generates data, we give to third parties. I mean, we do it willingly. I’m not sure we do it with full knowledge. You know, we don’t pick up our phones and say, "This is my tracking device. I’m going to carry it in my pocket." We just do that because that’s how the systems work. So when people are asked, do they value privacy, they say, yes, uniformly. And I think people really don’t think fully about what they’re giving up when they go onto Facebook or use Gmail or do any of these services where data is collected.

AMY GOODMAN: You write that "The powers that surveil us do more than simply store this information. Corporations use surveillance to manipulate not only the news articles and advertisements we each see, but also the prices we’re offered." Explain.

BRUCE SCHNEIER: Well, this is what we see. Companies are using surveillance for persuasion, for advertising. And it’s sliced very finely personally. The ads you see aren’t going to be the ads someone else sees, based on your interests, but also based on what the companies believe is your income level, how good a customer you are. You’re going to see different search results than somebody else. So, depending on your political persuasion, you’ll see different advertisements. You’ll see different offers. So you might get a different credit card offer than someone else. And that might be based on your income, on proxies for your minority status. We see a lot of this very personalized advertising designed to influence you and you alone.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And how do you respond to those, especially in government, who say that this surveillance is needed to be able to combat modern crimes, terrorism? For instance, all of Lower Manhattan right now is—basically, there are surveillance cameras that capture every single license plate coming into Lower Manhattan for the New York Police Department.

BRUCE SCHNEIER: There are license plate scanners all over the country. It’s surprising how much of that is captured, not just in New York. But there are companies collecting license plates, looking for cars for repossession, sharing it with the government, with Homeland Security. You know, we hear a lot about this is necessary for security. All the evidence shows it’s not. I mean, there isn’t a huge crime wave of unsolved crimes because of no surveillance. And there aren’t a lot of crimes being solved by this surveillance. Crimes are solved by following the leads. That’s how terrorism plots are foiled. Whenever we ask the government, ask the police or the NSA to show how this surveillance is necessary, they can never come up with good examples. Occasionally they come up with examples that don’t pass scrutiny. But this really does seem to be we’re collecting it because we can, not because we need to.

AMY GOODMAN: Can you compare government surveillance with corporate surveillance?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: You know, they’re very similar. And I look at it as a partnership, the public-private surveillance partnership. One is caused by fear, right? We fear criminals, we fear terrorists. That’s government surveillance. The other, as you said, it’s convenience. We like the iPhone. We like this free services we get. They both collect data, very intimate data—where we live, where we work, what we’re interested in, what we’re saying, who we’re speaking to, who we’re intimate with. And they share it back and forth. Data that’s illegal for the government to collect, they purchase from corporations. Corporations purchase data from the government. It goes into databases in the United States. It’s bought and sold. And profiles are generated. And those profiles are used, in both cases, to pigeonhole us, to make decisions about us, maybe whether we can get a mortgage, maybe whether we can board an airplane, maybe what sort of credit card offer we see. They’re all used to judge us. And in all cases, we don’t have the ability to look at the data, to correct the data, to see why we’re being judged and how we’re being judged. We’re being judged in secret.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, last month at a New America Foundation event on cybersecurity, you questioned NSA Director Mike Rogers on the security of U.S. encryption programs. Let’s go to that clip.

BRUCE SCHNEIER: My question is also about encryption. It’s a perception and a reality question. We’re now living in a world where everybody attacks everybody else’s systems. We attack—we attack systems. China attacks systems. And I’m having trouble with companies not wanting to use U.S. encryption because of the fear that NSA, FBI, different types of legal—legal and surreptitious access is making us less likely to use those products. What can we do, what can the intelligence community do, to convince people that U.S. products are secure, that you’re not stealing every single key that you can?

MICHAEL ROGERS: Right, right. So, first of all, we don’t. Number two, my point would be, that’s the benefit, to me, of that legal framework approach, that, hey, look, we have specific measures of control that are put in place to forestall that ability. Because I think it’s a very valid concern to say, "Hey, look, are we losing U.S. market segment here?" You know, what’s the economic impact of this? I certainly acknowledge that it’s a valid concern. I just think, between the combination of technology, legality and policy, we can get to a better place than we are now, realizing that we are not in a great place right now.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: What about that response of the NSA director, Mike Rogers?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: Yeah, I think he’s being disingenuous, that he’s saying that some rule of law will convince people the NSA isn’t collecting data. But the rule of law says, outside U.S. borders, it’s a free-for-all. He can collect anything he wants. He’s gone into the links between Google data centers and scarfed up everything. And the problem we have is that foreign companies, foreign buyers, aren’t trusting U.S. products because of the backdoors he is putting in them. And my question was: How can we fix that? And his answer didn’t answer that. Rule of law, you know, doesn’t give people from other countries assurance that we’re not spying on their stuff.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: I wanted to ask you about one of the startling analogies you make near the end of your book between what’s happening in this information age and the early Industrial Revolution. You made an analogy with climate change. You wrote, "Data is the pollution problem of the information age, and protecting privacy is the environmental challenge. Almost all computers produce personal information. It stays around, festering. How we deal with it—how we contain it and how we dispose of it—is central to the health of our information economy." You go on to say, "Just as we look back today at the early decades of the industrial age and wonder how our ancestors could have ignored pollution in their rush to build an industrial world, our grandchildren will look back at us during these early decades of the information age and judge us on how we addressed the challenge of data collection and misuse." Could you expand on that?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: Yeah, I think it’s an important analogy. We’re sitting here discussing the data we produce, the data our computers produce, what happens to it, who has access to it, how we recycle it, how we dispose of it. These are really important problems, and they’re not things we’re going to solve overnight. And my fear, in that paragraph you read, is that it’s going to take a couple of generations to figure it out, that here we are, producing this data—this big data land grab, to access it all, to analyze it all, to use it all, is not being buffered by a sense of privacy, of the personal nature of it. And I was, I guess, issuing a warning, that maybe we could do better, that maybe we could think ahead as to the problems and really consider where data should be used, where it should be disposed, how personal it is, and how you can’t just give it to third parties for free, that there is a fundamental rights issue here.

AMY GOODMAN: So, governments tell us, "If you have nothing to hide, you have nothing to fear." Why should you be concerned about government surveillance, Bruce?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: Well, I mean, that’s ridiculous on the face of it. Those same government officials who say that don’t tell you all of their secrets, give you copies of all of their emails and correspondence. Privacy is not about something to hide. Privacy isn’t something that you only have if you’re a criminal. Privacy is about individual autonomy. It’s about presenting yourself to the world. It’s about being in charge of what you say about yourself and what you reveal about yourself. When we’re private, we have control of our person. When we’re exposed, when we’re surveilled, we’re stripped of that control, we’re stripped of that freedom. We don’t feel secure. We don’t feel like we have something to hide. We feel like we’re under the microscope. We feel like prey. Privacy is a fundamental human need, and it’s not about something to hide. I think that’s a very wrong characterization, and we should fight it at every opportunity.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: But what can people do? What are the options for those who don’t want to go with the tide?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: Yeah, this is very difficult. I mean, I can tell you things like don’t carry a cellphone and don’t use email, don’t be on Facebook. In a lot of ways, that’s ridiculous advice. Those are the tools of society, and we need them to be fully functioning members of society. At this point, the problems are political and social, and we need political change. What people should do now is observe surveillance and talk about surveillance. This needs to be an issue in the next election. This needs to be an issue people care about it. And the more we talk about it and make it an issue, the more we’ll get change. Right? Admiral Rogers is not going to do anything unless he’s required by law. And we need laws to protect us against government surveillance and against corporate surveillance.

AMY GOODMAN: The L.A. review of—the L.A. Times review of your book says that you were given access to the Edward Snowden documents. You have a special position to explain complicated, highly secret surveillance programs to the American public. What should we know? What should we be aware of?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: The documents in the stories are really explaining themselves, that the NSA is collecting everything, everything they can, under a variety of laws that have been bent beyond their intention. Data is being collected on non-Americans and Americans. It’s being saved and stored and used. And we don’t know a lot of the details. This is being done in highly secretive situations. There are secret courts passing secret rules that affect companies and us, and we don’t get to know about them. I mean, what Snowden showed us is that this is all happening by the U.S. What we need to understand is that this is not just the U.S. China, Russia, other countries are doing the same things. And we need to look at this and decide what we want. The NSA is filling a vacuum by collecting everything. We need to step in and put rules in place.

AMY GOODMAN: And what most surprised you? You’ve been looking at this for decades, Bruce Schneier. What most surprised you in your research for Data and Goliath?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: You know, the most surprising thing about the NSA surveillance is how little is surprising about NSA surveillance. There was nothing in there that said the NSA is made of magic. There’s nothing in there that, if you watched a movie where the villain was the NSA, they didn’t do. It’s pretty much what you expected. But seeing it in stark reality is surprising, seeing the details of NSA programs, of FBI collection programs, of these license plate capture programs, or what the data brokers know. The sheer detail, I think, is surprising, because while we recognize this data is being collected, we often don’t understand the analysis. And that, I think, surprises most people. That surprised me.

AMY GOODMAN: Do you think political liberty and justice are threatened?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: I think they are. I think we’re living in a world where we are being judged by our data, we’re being judged in secret, where there are effectively secret courts. I mean, if you can’t fly an airplane, you can’t figure out why you can’t or how to redress that. If you’re denied for a mortgage, or possibly a job, it could be because of this data. And you can’t face your accuser and try to protect yourself. These are extraordinary times, and I think the threats are great, because algorithms are making decisions, not people, and that’s very dangerous.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, Bruce Schneier, we’re going to continue our conversation outside of this broadcast and post it online at democracynow.org, particularly how people can protect themselves. Bruce Schneier is a security technologist. His latest book, Data and Goliath: The Hidden Battles to Collect Your Data and Control Your World. He’s a fellow at Harvard’s Berkman Center for Internet and Society.

Part 2 of our discussion with Bruce Schneier about about the golden age of surveillance and his new book, "Data and Goliath: The Hidden Battles to Collect Your Data and Control Your World."

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman, with Juan González. Our guest is Bruce Schneier. He is a leading security technologist. He has a new book out, has just hit number six on the New York Times best-seller list; it’s called Data and Goliath: The Hidden Battles to Collect Your Data and Control Your World. He’s a fellow at Harvard’s Berkman Center for Internet and Society.

You’re sitting in Minneapolis, Bruce. We’re in New York. So, the way it works in an insert studio is you’re sitting in front of a very large camera, and you’re staring into the lens. That’s really interesting, because at least you know you’re being recorded right now. Can you take us through a day of an everyday person and talk about how, from the minute we wake up and before to the end, our lives are being documented?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: You know, I’ll probably miss some things. There are so many. When we wake up, we probably pick up our smartphone. But that smartphone knows where we are; otherwise, it couldn’t ring. Actually, that smartphone is a tracking device. It will track us throughout our day. It will know where we live, where we work, where we go. That phone will know who we talk to, either whether it’s calls or text messages. It’s also a computer. That computer is going track us, if we use the Internet.

There are lots and lots of web devices that are tracking us as we go about our day, what we read, what sites we visit, what we’re interested in. Google tracks us. Facebook tracks us. All those things track us. If we go out into our car, there are computers there that are tracking what we’re doing. Sometimes they’re connected to the manufacturer; sometimes they’re not. If we make payments, we use a credit card that records what we’re purchasing, who we are. All of the things we do involve computers. Think of the cameras. There might be thousands of security cameras we walk by. There are cameras collecting our license plate and putting that into a database. There are cameras collecting our face.

The way to think of it is, computers produce data, and every time we interact with a computer, data about that transaction is produced. That’s surveillance data about us. That data is increasingly saved, increasingly stored. And as we go about our day, we interact with thousands of computers. And that’s all surveillance data.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, in our earlier segment, you were talking about that it’s now more of a political and social problem in terms of being able to protect privacy. What are the kinds of—if you were to say the most important kind of law that would need to be passed to be able to get back some of our individual autonomy, what would that be?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: Yeah, it’s never one thing. The problem with privacy in data is there’s so many interconnected things. So we need protection for data collection, data use, data storage, data transfer—you know, buying and selling—and then data deletion. That’s the chain of our data, and we need protections in every place. So it’s not a matter of saying, "We’ll let them collect it, and we’ll regulate use," because now what happens, you know, we saw, past year or so, all these great data breaches—Target Corporation, Home Depot, Anthem Health. All right, this is our data being stored by somebody else that’s stolen by criminals. So we need protections against collection. We need protections against use. And we need proof that we can look at our data, correct it if it’s wrong. It’s a whole slew of things that have to work together—you know, and technologies and laws. This is not a simple problem with a simple solution. Unfortunately, it makes it harder.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: Well, there was a recent article, I think in The New York Times, about school systems now confronting the fact that as they are bringing in more private companies to provide online education and sources into their school systems, sometimes individual teachers are given the opportunity to bring in a particular software company and use it in their class, that these companies now are basically shredding the privacy rights of students, because they’re collecting data on how students are progressing, individual students on particular subject matter, and they now have a trove of data that they in turn can sell, but there’s basically very little protection of student rights now in this new information age.

BRUCE SCHNEIER: Yeah, there is some. There’s protections of students for their schools collecting data. It doesn’t really transfer well to third parties. That’s an enormous difference. And the student data collection isn’t different than the collection of you or I. If we go to a medical site, there are going to be advertisers watching what we look at. We’re going to have ads following us. And yes, that happens in the classroom, too. If you think about it, when we were students, we read our textbooks in book form. Now students are reading textbooks online. They’re reading them on their iPads. And the owner of those textbooks, the websites, know exactly what students are reading, how fast they’re reading, what they’re going back and re-reading, how they’re studying. This is powerful information, but it’s incredibly intimate. Right? Amazon knows that about the books you read. You know, if you download Fifty Shades of Grey, Amazon’s going to know which parts you read and re-read.

AMY GOODMAN: Bruce, can you talk about the whole controversy around Hillary Clinton’s email and put it into the context, the lens through which you see it, right? Her email, she did not use the State Department email system, that had actually a law just been passed. She would be the first secretary of state to have used it, but she didn’t. Now John Kerry is the first. The front page of The New York Times today is about New York state, and it says that Governor Cuomo had—has put into place a policy of automatically deleting state workers’ emails after 90 days, and now this is being stopped, because there’s been an uprising around this. But talk about what you found interesting about the controversy around her keeping it on her own email address with a server based at her home in Chappaqua, New York.

BRUCE SCHNEIER: So, I have two main things that interest me. The first one is I have a lot of sympathy for her, that government email systems tend to be antiquated, hard to use, and I know when I go into companies, I want to use my own email system. I have my system. I know it works. I don’t want to use the corporate email system because it’s annoying. And it’s just like anybody within a company: They want to get something done, they jump on Gmail, because it’s easy, because it works, because it bypasses sort of all of the problems in the institutions. And I don’t know if that’s what she’s thinking, but that’s what I would be thinking when I came in.

Second thing I’m interested in is: Who’s controlling the email? In the beginning, there was a little tension between Clinton and Obama. And possibly, Hillary Clinton recognized that she might not have friends in IT, and she wanted more control of her email. And again I have sympathy with that. On the other hand, government email is government records, and that needs to be preserved, and that needs to be collected by government, by the National Archives, for the people. And I want to make sure that happens, and I want to make sure her email is not deleted. So those are my two thoughts. I have sympathy for her position, because I also want control over my system, and I have a lot of sympathy for the position of, you know, "That’s government property. You shouldn’t be taking it home."

AMY GOODMAN: I mean, that’s the—I mean, the fact of the matter is she is not Hillary Clinton, she’s the secretary of state. So, for all time, she will decide what record of history we have.

BRUCE SCHNEIER: Right, and that shouldn’t be. Right? It should be that history should be the raw data. We save it in—you know, maybe in—we protect it for 50, 100 years, and then it becomes history and all exposed. And I think we’re seeing that problem everywhere. It’s not just Hillary Clinton. It’s history in general. Right? Is everything going to be saved? What’s going to be deleted? What data will be preserved in old formats? And I do worry about history and data and whether history can read our stuff, whether we’re going to delete stuff, whether we’re going to save stuff, whether we’re going to save too much. I mean, there’s emails of mine I don’t think history needs, and I’m happy to delete. All that surveillance data I’m not sure is valuable. But, yes, when you are secretary of state, when you are the president, when you are a government official, the data you produce has value to the country and needs to be preserved. We need to make sure that happens, that government officials can’t scrub their record in an effort to decide how they are viewed by history.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And what—and this decision of Governor Cuomo to institute a 90-day deletion process whereby every employee would decide affirmatively which emails to preserve beyond a 90-day period?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: I mean, I don’t like that. But think of what’s going on here. Email is weird. It’s not correspondence, which we would obviously save. And it’s not conversation, which we would obviously delete. It’s somewhere in the middle. And I have had conversations on email that don’t deserve saving. And I’ve had official correspondence on email that I do need to save. And if you think about some of the big court cases that have involved emails, it’s very easy to pull a sentence here, a sentence there, out of context and make the emails say whatever you want. That’s because we can be very, very informal on email. We can just chat on email in a way that we don’t believe is preserved, is archival. So email occupies that middle ground. And you could easily see deciding either way, that it counts as correspondence or doesn’t count, it’s just conversation.

AMY GOODMAN: Bruce, can you talk about data being bought and sold?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: Well, in the United States, there’s not a lot of protection for our data, that data generated by us, collected by third parties. So, your cellphone company collects data of everybody you call, when you call. Your credit card company knows when you make purchases, where and how much. Google knows what you search on. All that data is collected by third parties, and those parties basically own that data. They have the right to buy it, to sell it, to use it however they like.

I don’t know if you remember, last year, Uber, the taxi company, used the data they had of people’s rides to figure out who’s going—who’s using Uber to go and have sex. They looked for rides happening in the evening to a place and rides happening the next morning away from that place. Right? They had searched their database for that. And they produced aggregate statistics of that—what cities were good for it, what neighborhoods, what days of the week. They thought it was all in good fun. They didn’t expose personal information. But they had that. They had the list of people who were using Uber in that way. They, if they wanted to—

AMY GOODMAN: Wait, how did know what places where they were going?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: —could sell it.

AMY GOODMAN: What places were they going?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: Uber collects the route. When you get a receipt from Uber, it includes a map of the route you took. So it knows exactly where you started and where you ended. It’s not like a taxi ride that happens when you pay cash. The data is there. The surveillance data is there.

AMY GOODMAN: So could that, for example—could that data be subpoenaed in a case, in a court case?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: The data could be subpoenaed. Uber could publish it because it was fun. Uber could decide, "We’re going to release the names of these people." There’s nothing stopping them except that it would be really creepy, and they would probably get a lot of bad press for it. But legally, they have no obligations to keep that secret. And that’s the point. This data is owned by those third parties, who can sell it at will. And if they want to sell a database of people who use Uber to have sex to some company that wants to market some sort of product, it is within their rights to do that.

AMY GOODMAN: So, if you could, once again, tell us the simple ways—you may consider them so simple, as a security technologist, you wouldn’t even raise them, but for everyday people, people have no way to know how to protect themselves—the simple, maybe, steps you take in a day to protect your privacy?

BRUCE SCHNEIER: I mean, the simple things tend to be around the edges. So there are programs to secure email, to secure chats. There are encryption programs for voice. There are ways to protect the things we say to each other. Using cash is a way to protect ourselves. The problem is that a lot of the data is collected—it’s metadata. It’s collected by the systems we use. So being careful what you say on Facebook, not using Google search, if you’re worried. There’s a search engine called DuckDuckGo that doesn’t track you.

But, by and large, we are tracked because of what we do in our day, and it’s very hard to opt out. Not having a credit card, not having an email address, not being on Facebook is really dumb advice to give people. So what I want people to do is to observe surveillance and talk about surveillance, to make this a political issue. This really isn’t something we can install some tech and opt out of. It’s not that easy. We really have to make it that lawmakers care that we care. And that’s difficult. I mean, that is the hard solution that’s going to be the good solution.

AMY GOODMAN: Bruce Schneier, thanks so much for being with us, security technologist, author of the new New York Times best-seller, Data and Goliath: The Hidden Battles to Collect Your Data and Control Your World.

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The Untold Story Behind the Republicans' Iran Letter Print
Saturday, 14 March 2015 13:47

Porter writes: "The real story is how enforcers of Likudist policy on Iran used a young Republican politician to try to provoke a breakdown in nuclear talks."

Benjamin Netanyahu. (photo: AFP)
Benjamin Netanyahu. (photo: AFP)


The Untold Story Behind the Republicans' Iran Letter

By Gareth Porter, Middle East Eye

14 March 15

 

he “open letter” from Senator Tom Cotton and 46 other Republican Senators to the leadership of Iran, which even Republicans themselves admit was aimed at encouraging Iranian opponents of the nuclear negotiations to argue that the United States cannot be counted on to keep the bargain, has created a new political firestorm. It has been harshly denounced by Democratic loyalists as “stunning” and "appalling”, and critics have accused the signers of the letter of being “treasonous” for allegedly violating a law forbidding citizens from negotiating with a foreign power.

But the response to the letter has primarily distracted public attention from the real issue it raises: how the big funders of the Likud Party in Israel control Congressional actions on Iran.

The infamous letter is a ham-handed effort by Republican supporters of the Netanyahu government to blow up the nuclear negotiations between the United States and Iran. The idea was to encourage Iranians to conclude that the United States would not actually carry out its obligations under the agreement – i.e. the lifting of sanctions against Iran. Cotton and his colleagues were inviting inevitable comparison with the 1968 conspiracy by Richard Nixon, through rightwing campaign official Anna Chenault, to encourage the Vietnamese government of President Nguyen Van Thieu to boycott peace talks in Paris.

But while Nixon was plotting secretly to get Thieu to hold out for better terms under a Nixon administration, the 47 Republican Senators were making their effort to sabotage the Iran nuclear talks in full public scrutiny. And the interest served by the letter was not that of a possible future president but of the Israeli government.

The Cotton letter makes arguments that are patently false. The letter suggested that any agreement that lacked approval of Congress “is a mere executive agreement”, as though such agreements are somehow of only marginal importance in US diplomatic history. In fact, the agreements on withdrawal of US forces from both the wars in Vietnam and in Iraq were not treaties but executive agreements.

Equally fatuous is the letter’s assertion that “future Congresses could modify the terms of the agreement at any time”. Congress can nullify the agreement by passing legislation that contradicts it but can’t renegotiate it. And the claim that the next president could “revoke the agreement with the stroke of a pen”, ignores the fact that the Iran nuclear agreement, if signed, will become binding international law through a United Nations Security Council resolution, as Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif has pointed out.

The letter has provoked the charge of “treason” against the signers and a demand for charges against them for negotiating with a foreign government in violation of the Logan Act. In a little over 24 hours, more than 200,000 people had signed a petition on the White House website calling such charges to be filed.

But although that route may seem satisfying at first thought, it is problematic for both legal and political reasons. The Logan Act was passed in 1799, and has never been used successfully to convict anyone, mainly because it was written more than a century before US courts created legal standards for the protection of first amendment speech rights. And it is unclear whether the Logan Act was even meant to apply to members of Congress anyway.

AIPAC marching orders

The more serious problem with focusing on the Logan Act, however, is that what Cotton and his Republican colleagues were doing was not negotiating with a foreign government but trying to influence the outcome of negotiations in the interest of a foreign government. The premise of the Senate Republican reflected in the letter – that Iran must not be allowed to have any enrichment capacity whatever – did not appear spontaneously. The views that Cotton and the other Republicans have espoused on Iran were the product of assiduous lobbying by Israeli agents of influence using the inducement of promises of election funding and the threat of support for the members’ opponents in future elections.

Those members of Congress don’t arrive at their positions on issues related to Iran through discussion and debate among themselves. They are given their marching orders by AIPAC lobbyists, and time after time, they sign the letters and vote for legislation or resolution that they are given, as former AIPAC lobbyist MJ Rosenberg has recalled. This Israeli exercise of control over Congress on Iran and issues of concern to Israel resembles the Soviet direction of its satellite regimes and loyal Communist parties more than any democratic process, but with campaign contributions replacing the inducements that kept its bloc allies in line.

Cotton's loyalty to Israel

Rosenberg has reasoned that AIPAC must have drafted the letter and handed it to Senator Cotton. “Nothing happens on Capitol Hill related to Israel,” he tweets, “unless and until Howard Kohr (AIPAC chief) wants it to happen. Nothing.” AIPAC apparently supported the letter, but there may be more to the story. Senator Cotton just happens to be a protégé of neoconservative political kingpin Bill Kristol, whose Emergency Committee on Israel gave him nearly a million dollars late in his 2014 Senate campaign and guaranteed that Cotton would have the support of the four biggest funders of major anti-Iran organisations.

Cotton proved his absolute fealty to Likudist policy on Iran by sponsoring an amendment to the Nuclear Iran Prevention Act of 2013 that would have punished violators of the sanctions against Iran with prison sentences of up to 20 years and extended the punishment to “a spouse and any relative, to the third degree” of the sanctions violator. In presenting the amendment in the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Cotton provided the useful clarification that it would have included “parents, children, aunts, uncles, nephews, nieces, grandparents, great grandparents, grandkids, great grandkids”.

That amendment, which he apparently believed would best reflect his adoption of the Israeli view of how to cut Iran down to size, was unsuccessful, but it established his reliability in the eyes of the Republican Likudist kingmakers. Now Kristol is grooming him to be the vice-presidential nominee in 2016.

So the real story behind the letter from Cotton and his Republican colleagues is how the enforcers of Likudist policy on Iran used an ambitious young Republican politician to try to provoke a breakdown in the Iran nuclear negotiations. The issue it raises is a far more serious issue than the Logan Act, but thus far major news organisations have steered clear of that story.

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FOCUS | How Some Actual Progressives Blew the Whistle on Some Fake Ones Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Saturday, 14 March 2015 11:23

Pierce writes: "It seems possible now that, at the moment, the administration doesn't have the votes in the Senate to give the president fast-track authority to approve the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the noxious turkey of a trade deal the supporters of which assure us will lead us to pie in the sky by and by when we die."

Senator Sherrod Brown. (photo: Tony Dejak/AP)
Senator Sherrod Brown. (photo: Tony Dejak/AP)


How Some Actual Progressives Blew the Whistle on Some Fake Ones

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

14 March 15

 

t seems possible now that, at the moment, the administration doesn't have the votes in the Senate to give the president fast-track authority to approve the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the noxious turkey of a trade deal the supporters of which assure us will lead us to pie in the sky by and by when we die. (I'm sure the benefits of the TPP to average Americans will come rolling in just as soon as the benefits from NAFTA do.) The way you know that it's in trouble is that some former members of the president's political team now are trying to lobby the turkey across the finish line.

Tran didn't answer questions about who funds the group or who the coalition's members are. But she pushed back on the notion that the group lacks progressive bona fides.

"As you know, Mitch and I are serving as advisors to PCAJ —and we have spent our lives fighting to advance progressive ideals," she wrote. "We believe this effort is not only in line with our values — the same values that led us to fight to help pass the Affordable Care Act, overturn 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell,' and support President Obama's many other progressive policies — it's an incredible opportunity to make our world more just and more connected. Giving trade promotion authority to the president and enacting the TPP have the potential to do more to advance progressive ideals and values around the world than any other trade agenda in history."

We have a lot of fun here in the shebeen mocking Republicans for their fluency in weaselspeak and for their many conjuring words and spells, but it is on matters like trade that we see how seriously Democrats can hold their own with anyone. Read that astonishing bafflegab again. "An incredible opportunity to make our world more just and more connected." Has NAFTA made the world more just? And how has bleeding American manufacturing jobs "advanced progressive ideals and values" in Vietnam? In China? In Mexico, which is at the moment falling completely apart? For that matter, how has it "advanced progressive ideals" in the United States of America? Freedom's just another word for cheap plastic toys, I guess.

Senator Sherrod Brown and the other people deserve some serious props for blowing the whistle on this scam even though I'm sure they knew that the primary narrative in the elite political press was going to be "Dems In Disarray." Some things remain worth raising hell over, centrism be damned.

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