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Trump Pardons Blackwater 4 for Nisour Square Massacre in Iraq, Because Whites Must Never Suffer for Killing Innocent Brown People Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51519"><span class="small">Juan Cole, Informed Comment</span></a>   
Wednesday, 23 December 2020 13:50

Cole writes: "On Tuesday, Trump the Mad pardoned 4 Blackwater mercenaries who killed 14 Iraqi civilians, including a nine-year-old boy, with indiscriminate fire at Nisour Square in downtown Baghdad on September 14, 2007. The four were convicted at then VP Joe Biden's insistence, and were serving jail terms."

A burnt-out car at the site where Blackwater guards opened fire in western Baghdad on 16 September 2007. (photo: Ali Yussef/Getty)
A burnt-out car at the site where Blackwater guards opened fire in western Baghdad on 16 September 2007. (photo: Ali Yussef/Getty)


ALSO SEE: 'Our Blood Is Cheaper Than Water':
Iraqis' Anger Over Trump Pardons

Trump Pardons Blackwater 4 for Nisour Square Massacre in Iraq, Because Whites Must Never Suffer for Killing Innocent Brown People

By Juan Cole, Informed Comment

23 December 20

 

n Tuesday, Trump the Mad pardoned 4 Blackwater mercenaries who killed 14 Iraqi civilians, including nine-year-old boy, with indiscriminate fire at Nisour Square in downtown Baghdad on September 14, 2007. The four were convicted at then VP Joe Biden’s insistence, and were serving jail terms.

WaPo says, “Investigators for the military and the FBI later described the shootings, in which the contractors unleashed a blaze of gunfire and grenade explosions in a busy Baghdad square, as unprovoked and unjustified. Federal prosecutors said that many of the victims, including women and children, some with their hands in the air, “were shot inside of civilian vehicles while attempting to flee.”

The 14 victims killed by the Blackwater guards on trial were listed as Ahmed Haithem Ahmed Al Rubia’y, Mahassin Mohssen Kadhum Al-Khazali, Osama Fadhil Abbas, Ali Mohammed Hafedh Abdul Razzaq, Mohamed Abbas Mahmoud, Qasim Mohamed Abbas Mahmoud, Sa’adi Ali Abbas Alkarkh, Mushtaq Karim Abd Al-Razzaq, Ghaniyah Hassan Ali, Ibrahim Abid Ayash, Hamoud Sa’eed Abttan, Uday Ismail Ibrahiem, Mahdi Sahib Nasir and Ali Khalil Abdul Hussein.

Trump’s four years in office have been one big effort at running interference for white supremacy, and it is the real reason for these pardons.

Blackwater was owned by Trump crony Erik Prince, the brother of plutocrat/ secretary of education Betsy DeVos.

The US still has 50,000 civilian contractors (performing various tasks, including security) in the Middle East, with 30,000 in Iraq, Syria, and Afghanistan.

I thought it might be interesting on this day, which will live in infamy in Iraq, to go back to see how Informed Comment covered this crisis as it unfolded in fall of 2007. Here was my attempt to catch history on the run:

“The Blackwater Shooting (2007) | The New York Times”

9/19/2007

McClatchy reports from Baghdad that Iraqi eyewitnesses maintain that Blackwater security guards fired at civilians without provocation on Sunday, in contrast to the company’s own story about the incident. Probably they were firing at a car that neglected to stop when told to, or neglected to stop fast enough. Since such vehicles might be driven by suicide bombers, American military and civilian security forces have often opened fire on innocent Iraqis who just did not hear or did not understand the command to halt their vehicles, or who panicked and sped up. The offending car in this instance had a family of three in it, including a toddler who ended up being melted to his mother’s body in the resulting conflagration.

Al-Hayat reports in Arabic that Condi Rice personally apologized to Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki for the killing of 10 Iraqis by Blackwater guards and promised that steps would be taken to ensure the tragedy was not repeated. The Iraqis are from all accounts absolutely furious about the Blackwater cowboys running around their country armed and dangerous and acting with impunity. The State Department, which employs Blackwater, is highly embarrassed and has ordered State Dept. personnel in Iraq not to circulate for the time being. Debate is raging over whether Iraq has the right to try the apparently trigger-happy civilian security men of Blackwater.

9/20/2007

McClatchy reports that Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki has suspended the license of Blackwater to operate in Iraq while it is under investigation for recklessly killing civilians. Al-Maliki pointed to seven discrete incidents. An aide said that the Americans seemed shocked that the Iraqis were making a stand on the issue. Apparently sympathy with Iraqis about their innocent civilians being shot up by cowboys hired by a private American firm is not widespread in the Green Zone.

One experienced reader wrote me that the Iraqi government stance is reasonable, that foreign security guards should be accountable in some legal system. If Iraq cannot try them (by virtue of a fiat issued by American Viceroy Paul Bremer), and if they are not all Americans and so can’t all be tried in US domestic courts, then they are essentially operating beyond the reach of any court of law. That situation is unacceptable to anyone who cares about the rule of law.

By the way, complaints about the immunity of foreigners to prosecution in local courts (called ‘extra-territoriality’ by historians) were among the grievances that fueled the Khomeini movement in Iran from the 1960s (servicemen on bases in Iran had such immunity, and Khomeini used the unpopularity of this injury to national sovereignty to whip up anti-American sentiment). Paul Bremer and Donald Rumsfeld appear not to have learned any lessons from all that.

The US Congress may attempt to intervene by passing legislation on accountability for private US firms operating in Iraq. There are some 180,000 private individual contractors in Iraq, mostly working for US firms or subcontracting from the US government.

9/23/2007

Iraqi authorities said Saturday that they have a videotape of the shootings in Nisur Square last Sunday by Blackwater security guards, which shows that they fired without provocation. The company has maintained that its personnel were responding to incoming fire. There is now talk in Baghdad of trying the guards, though a decree by US viceroy Paul Bremer may hold the US nationals harmless.

Meanwhile, charges surfaced that Blackwater employees had shipped weapons to Iraq without proper paperwork, which could be interpreted as a form of arms smuggling. The company denies the charges.

9/24/2007:

The Iraqi government is backing off its demand that the Blackwater security firm be expelled from Iraq in the wake of apparently unprovoked shootings that left 11 Iraqis dead, according to the LAT. Apparently the argument has been made to Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki that the 1,000 Blackwater guards who escort US embassy personnel would have to be replaced by troops, who would have to be pulled out of their current attempt to drive Sunni Arab militants out of Baghdad neighborhoods . . .

A big feature of the literature on decolonization is the delight leaders such as Gamal Abdul Nasser and Ruhollah Khomeini took in abrogating laws bestowing ‘extra-territoriality’ on colonial personnel and even just civilians from the metropole, while in the subject country. Now extra-territoriality is back with a vengeance; and, of course, no colonial enterprise can be run without it. One can’t have persons of the superior race hauled before a native judge; bad show, old boy, to let the wily oriental gentlemen get the upper hand that way.

10/2/2007

Iraqi authorities are not only accusing Blackwater guards of an unprovoked shooting of 11 persons at Nisur Square on Sept. 16, but also of engaging in an hour-long firefight with Iraqi police later that day. The firm appears to have deployed attack helicopters in the firefights.

The NYT reports that a new congressional report on the Blackwater security firm in Iraq reveals many instances of guards killing Iraqis, and sometimes trying to cover it up. They are said to have been involved in nearly 200 shootings since 2005. Congress slammed the State Department in Iraq for exercising virtually no oversight over the private firm, which has a contract from State. In fact, State appears to have been part of the cover-ups.

The LA Times reports that Blackwater has fired 121 of its guards in Iraq, mostly for weapons-related issues, during the past 3 years. It has a little over 800 employees in Iraq.

P. W. Singer at Salon.com suggests that the use of private armies has harmed the US ability to win wars, including Iraq.

Although many commentators seem to find the use of private armies strange, they have been a feature of colonial wars all along. It is now often forgotten that the paramilitary of the British East India Company conquered North India in 1757-1764, not the regular armies of the British government. It has been argued that the Mughal Empire appointed the East India Company as its revenue minister (Divan), and that in essence this part of the government swallowed the rest. Once the company had much of India, the British government gave it a seat on the cabinet (so it went from being Divan of the Mughal Empire to cabinet minister in the British Empire). Don’t tell Bush and Cheney, or they’ll create a Secretary of Blackwater for the US government.

Postscript:

Juan Cole in The Nation, “The Age of American Shadow Power”, 4/20/2012:

Although the Iraqis managed to compel the withdrawal of US troops by the end of last year, Washington is nevertheless seeking to remain influential through shadow power. The US embassy in Baghdad has 16,000 employees, most of them civilian contractors. They include 2,000 diplomats and several hundred intelligence operatives. By contrast, the entire US Foreign Service corps comprises fewer than 14,000. The Obama administration has decided to slash the number of contractors, planning for an embassy force of “only” 8,000. This monument to shadow power clearly is not intended merely to represent US interests in Iraq but rather to shape that country and to serve as a command center for the eastern reaches of the greater Middle East. The US shadow warriors will, for instance, attempt to block “the influence of Iran,” according to the Washington Post. Since Iraq’s Shiite political parties, which dominate Parliament and the cabinet, are often close to Iran, that charge would inescapably involve meddling in internal Iraqi politics . . .

“The increasingly frequent use of civilian “security contractors”—essentially mercenaries—should be a sore point for Americans. The tens of thousands of mercenaries deployed in Iraq were crucial to the US occupation of that country, but they also demonstrate the severe drawbacks of using shadow warriors. Ignorance about local attitudes, arrogance and lack of coordination with the US military and with local police and military led to fiascoes such as the 2007 shootings at Baghdad’s Nisour Square, where Blackwater employees killed seventeen Iraqis. The Iraqi government ultimately expelled Blackwater, even before it did the same with the US military, which had brought the contractors into their country.”

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RSN: A Postmortem, Looking Upward Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=27921"><span class="small">Mort Rosenblum, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Wednesday, 23 December 2020 13:16

Rosenblum writes: "Think of the possibilities. The near collapse of American democracy, increasingly dysfunctional for decades, offers a perfect chance to do what a new president proposes: build back better. But to heal, we need to focus on why we are so badly in need of healing."

People are shown on Newton Green, in Sussex County, to celebrate the victory of the Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. (photo: Kevin R. Wexler/USA Today)
People are shown on Newton Green, in Sussex County, to celebrate the victory of the Joe Biden and Kamala Harris. (photo: Kevin R. Wexler/USA Today)


A Postmortem, Looking Upward

By Mort Rosenblum, Reader Supported News

23 December 20

 

UCSON – Think of the possibilities. The near collapse of American democracy, increasingly dysfunctional for decades, offers a perfect chance to do what a new president proposes: build back better. But to heal, we need to focus on why we are so badly in need of healing.

What makes America great is the spirit of its people, not some obese nutcase who humps their flag at rallies, guts their Constitution, squanders their global goodwill, and incites armed howling hyenas in stupid red caps to bully those who oppose their destructive ignorance.

A fresh cast of characters offers something better than the Shakespearean tragedy we booed off the stage. But a deposed mad king is heaving brickbats from the wings. They will need enthusiastic audience participation to pull off All’s Well That Ends Well.

We have lost our way since those founders who studied Latin saw the difference between republic and empire. Those lessons still apply. We suffered an annus horribilus in 2020 because of what my thin grasp of linguistics would mistranslate as “horrible asshole.”

No democracy can survive without a common grasp of observable facts. And more, enabled by self-focused legislators and greed-obsessed oligarchs, Donald Trump has sold his cultists an alternate reality by undermining scientists, economists, and reporters committed to truth.

Had Trump not allowed a pandemic to wreak such havoc, odds are that he would have four more years to remake America in his own image, a plutocracy of hypocrites with partisan zealots in the courts and Robocop police who murder with impunity.

Abroad, he jabbed sticks into hornets’ nests on five continents. And now in an orgy of vindictive folly, he devotes his waning days to worsen conflicts, embolden enemies, and poison alliances so that even Joe Biden’s seasoned statecraft risks failures that Republicans will exploit.

He dismissed as “fake news” a devastating Russian cyber invasion, undetected since March because he crippled the office charged with countering such attacks. Not that he cares; aides speaking anonymously say he has not read his daily security brief since early October.

Osama bin Laden killed 3,000 Americans on 9/11, and a distraught nation set ablaze much of South Asia and the Middle East in response. Trump’s reckless disregard to the pandemic is now taking that many lives every day, yet 73 million people voted to reelect him.

And now the retired general who was National Security Adviser for only three weeks – faced with criminal charges for lying about Russian contacts until Trump pardoned him — urges an election do-over under martial law.

Four urgent priorities are clear:

Principle, not politics. America is based on the rule of law, not political expediency. Felons must be held to account, from Trump on down. For example, each count of mail tampering carries jail time. Louis DeJoy, who sabotaged the Post Office during elections, could be locked up for life.

Defang the police. “Defund the Police” is a dumb slogan, and it backfired. Law enforcement is vital to society. But it requires psychological screening, training, citizen oversight, and swift prosecution of abuse. Social workers should deal with cases police are not equipped to handle.

Restore accountability. All governments lie, or at least obfuscate; journalists need to catch them at it with access to elected leaders. We pay Kayleigh McEnany, Goldilocks Goebbels, $183,000 a year to crap on reporters, who resort to unsourced drips in a leaky stonewall.

Teach our children. We have to restore public schools so that all kids understand how democracies function and how the world’s other 95 percent live. John Donne still echoes from 1624: No man is an island. And the modern corollary is obvious: No nation is “first.”

Our primordial long-term challenge is laid out in a masterful little book, Our Malady, by Timothy Snyder, whose slim tome in 2016, On Tyranny, warned about Trump while there was still time. He captures the essence in a paragraph:

“The word freedom is hypocritical when spoken by the people who create the conditions that leave us sick and powerless. If our federal government and our commercial medicine makes us unhealthy, they are making us unfree.”

This year, they are killing us in droves, while leaving countless survivors with medical bills they cannot begin to pay. Yet Republicans continue an all-out jihad to scrap the Affordable Care Act and let insurers reject such pre-existing conditions as Covid-19.

I once did a panel with Snyder at Yale, where he teaches European history and the Holocaust. He adds nuanced brush strokes to big pictures with stunning skill. His book recounts how American hospitals focused on profit nearly killed him after a burst appendix poisoned his liver.

Private medicine has its place, he argues, but essential health care for all is a basic tenet of civilized societies. Post-war America championed that position when it helped create the World Health Organization and then draft the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Today Americans spend roughly twice as much on health care as Europeans, who live longer. Our birth mortality rates drop toward Third-World levels. By late April, the seven counties with the most Covid-19 deaths ranked with the worst-hit 20 countries. Three times more people had died in New Haven than in South Korea.

“The purpose of medicine is not to squeeze maximum profits from sick bodies during short lives,” Snyder wrote, “but to enable health and freedom during long ones.” As a result, he added, commercial medicine in America looks more and more like a numbers racket.

One reason is summed up in two words: Mitch McConnell. He is hardly alone, but his trajectory from a kid whose polio was cured by public charity reveals a heartless monster who Kentucky voters have inflicted on America since 1984.

A man worth $22 million, with a wealthy wife who Trump put in his cabinet, rammed through a $1.8 billion tax cut for the rich but has blocked even meager aid to plague-stricken people he is sworn to serve. He has worked tirelessly to torpedo not only Obamacare but also Obama.

In functioning democracies, a defeated “loyal opposition” respects the state, compromising when necessary in the people’s interest. McConnell’s approach is scorched earth, thwarting Democrats at every turn, even refusing to hear damning evidence in a presidential impeachment trial.

America works best when neither party is a monolith. Young firebrands shake up wily old veterans who adhere to lessons learned by experience; they debate to find common ground. But Republicans now march in lockstep, cowed by Trump’s grip on their base.

Biden won by seven million popular votes but only by 44,000 ballots from three swing states in the Electoral College. Voters spooked by simplistic buzz words – “socialism” and such – reduced the House majority. The new Senate, at best, will end up in a tie. Democrats have to unite, convincing Republicans with a trace of integrity to adhere to their oaths of office.

This is no time for brilliant future hopefuls like Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez to insist on radical change likely to bring back the nightmare we escaped. Nor is it time to insist on diversity for diversity’s sake for top administration posts.

Happily, Biden proposes an excellent multi-hued team of men and women with proven expertise in their fields. Just consider Deb Haaland, his choice to replace David Bernhardt, an ex-lobbyist who as Interior Secretary allows wholesale plunder of national resources and national splendor.

Interior and the EPA are my obsession. For years, I’ve reported on mining companies poised to dig vast open gashes in western land held sacred by Indian tribes, paying next to nothing in taxes while destroying beauty that yields significant recurring income from recreational use.

Resolution Copper plans a $1.9 billion mine northeast of Tucson, boring down from atop the dramatic Apache Leap cliff face, possibly collapsing it. It would flood Oak Flat below, a holy site to San Carlos Apaches and other tribes among ruins and artifacts dating back millennia.

Republican senators secured the site for its Australian and English owners, slipping a last-minute rider into an omnibus bill Barack Obama was obliged to sign, despite his efforts to extend federal protection that began after Mamie Eisenhower picnicked there in the 1950s.

Tribal leaders and conservationists planned a fierce campaign before a final U.S. Forest Service review in mid-2021. But Trump advanced the date, eager to give the Anglo-Australian company private title to the land during his last days in office.

In 2017, I interviewed Rep. Raul Grijalva, an Arizona Democrat on the Natural Resources Committee, for a piece in Harper’s. He was furious. Native Americans had no constituency in Washington, he said, and Republican state officials gave carte blanche to mining.

Haaland would change all that, along with much else under her purview, including the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Accepting the nomination, she recalled the policy of the Interior Secretary toward Native Americans in 1851: civilize or exterminate.

Her roots in Laguna Pueblo, New Mexico, run 35 generations deep. She put herself through law school as a paycheck-to-paycheck single mother. She was among new Democrats elected to Congress in 2018 who Trump targets to inflame his racist white base.

Here is the bitter irony. For all of Trump’s depredations, his message resonates. Irrational fear and loathing have deepened over four years, surfacing in unexpected places. Immigrants who built America slam the door on a rich mix of people who should be seasoning our melting pot.

Trump singles out Ilhan Omar, telling her to go back where she came from. His grandfather tried to go back where he came from, Germany, but was refused entry because he had dodged the draft. His father built the fortune he inherited by screwing people in real estate.

Omar just appeared on MSNBC, in tears. She recalled how her father, a well-educated army colonel, got the family out of Somalia to escape famine that a wealthy world could have averted and drove a cab to put his kids through school. He just died of the virus Trump let run wild.

Most Americans by now mourn family members or treasured friends. I lost a lifelong pal not from the virus but because of it. He is a worldly specialist in human behavior, which makes that a mystery as well as a tragedy.

After a comment defending Trump, I asked point-blank how he had voted. That was by email; I was wary of the conversation that might ensue. He replied, “It is between me and my conservative conscience.”

When I asked what he saw in Trump, he responded, “Our personal perception and bias impact here,” followed by a defense of the “true believer” who “skillfully uses the tools in his toolbox to do what he thinks is correct for first himself and then others he does or would like to represent.”

I wrote back, “The thing about true believers … is that they can do a hell of a lot of damage to others … This is no longer about politics but rather the fundamental undoing of a relatively decent country. A hastened end to habitable conditions for human life on Earth. And, in America, the depraved heart murder of hundreds of thousands for his own purposes …”

This was no random Trump loony but rather an intelligent friend with admirable qualities. How could people like this, whose children will have to survive a world faced with endgame, follow a deranged “off-with-their-heads” narcissist down a rabbit hole?

He replied, “I’m sure you agree that in the long run nobody is perfect …” and ended with holiday greetings as if this was our usual no-consequence ping pong banter. True enough, nobody’s perfect. But this is about basic humanity and values on which friendship is based.

America now has the chance to take a sharp turn back toward what it is supposed to be, saner, safer and sounder. But Trump is still out there. Whether it succeeds depends on those three overused but apt words: we the people.



Mort Rosenblum has reported from seven continents as Associated Press special correspondent, edited the International Herald Tribune in Paris, and written 14 books on subjects ranging from global geopolitics to chocolate. His latest book, Saving Our World From Trump, is available on Amazon.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: What Election Day Revealed About Progressive Policies Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=39255"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Website</span></a>   
Wednesday, 23 December 2020 12:00

Reich write: "The people have given Biden and Congress a mandate for bold, progressive change. Now they must deliver."

Robert Reich. (photo: Getty Images)
Robert Reich. (photo: Getty Images)


What Election Day Revealed About Progressive Policies

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Website

23 December 20

 

oters have given Joe Biden and Congress a progressive mandate to enact real change.

Americans are hungry for change, as evidenced by what happened on Election Day.

Voters handily supported progressive ballot initiatives across the country.

In Florida, an amendment to raise the minimum wage to $15 an hour passed with 61 percent support, even though the state went for Trump.

And that wasn’t the only successful progressive ballot initiative to succeed in a redder state: Both Montana and South Dakota voted to legalize recreational marijuana, along with the bluer states of New Jersey and Arizona. Arizona continued its progressive streak by approving a tax increase on the wealthy to fund its education system, as did Colorado. Colorado also voted to fund a public paid family leave program.

And measures tackling our brutal systems of mass incarceration and policing prevailed in multiple states: California restored the voting rights of 50,000 people with felony convictions on parole, while Michigan overwhelmingly approved a constitutional amendment limiting police powers.

On the local level, 18 ballot initiatives addressing police violence and accountability passed in major cities across the country. And in Los Angeles, voters passed a measure to invest in communities that have been impacted by our racist police and prison systems – prioritizing jobs, housing, and alternatives to incarceration.

All these ballot victories show that bold, progressive policies are enormously popular regardless of ideology. They’re proof that embracing humanity and dignity is both a sound moral choice and a winning electoral strategy.

Every incumbent House Democrat who co-sponsored Medicare for All kept their seat in the general election – including several of them in Republican-leaning districts, like Pennsylvania Representative Matt Cartwright, whose district went for Trump. And 92 out of the 93 co-sponsors of the Green New Deal legislation in the House won reelection, including four representatives in battleground districts.

The success of these candidates shouldn’t be surprising, given the broad support for both of these policies. A pre-election report from the nonpartisan Kaiser Family Foundation found that 53 percent of Americans favor a national health-care option, including 58 percent of independents.

Exit polling this year found that 66 percent of voters believe climate change is a serious problem.

Support for systemic action doesn’t end there: early exit polls indicated that 57 percent of all voters across the country support the Black Lives Matter movement. The movement’s historic summer protests appear to have secured Democratic victories. A recent study found that registration of Democratic and unaffiliated voters surged in June, at the peak of the protests. That voter registration effort, combined with tireless grassroots organizing by communities of color, helped carry Biden to victory.

The writing is on the wall. Voters passed progressive ballot initiatives, even in red states; they reelected progressive candidates who embraced bold policies; and they expressed support for Medicare for All, a Green New Deal, and an end to systemic racism.

The people have given Biden and Congress a mandate for bold, progressive change. Now they must deliver.

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Trump Aping Mideast Tinpot Dictators and Raving About Declaring Martial Law Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51519"><span class="small">Juan Cole, Informed Comment</span></a>   
Wednesday, 23 December 2020 09:19

Cole writes: "With Trump raving in White House meetings, prompted by the equally certifiable Michael Flynn, about declaring martial law, it sets an old Middle East hand like me thinking."

Michael Flynn, President Donald Trump's former national security adviser, leaves the federal court in Washington, D.C., on Sept. 10, 2019. (photo: Manuel Balce Ceneta/AP)
Michael Flynn, President Donald Trump's former national security adviser, leaves the federal court in Washington, D.C., on Sept. 10, 2019. (photo: Manuel Balce Ceneta/AP)


Trump Aping Mideast Tinpot Dictators and Raving About Declaring Martial Law

By Juan Cole, Informed Comment

23 December 20

 

ith Trump raving in White House meetings, prompted by the equally certifiable Michael Flynn, about declaring martial law, it sets an old Middle East hand like me thinking.

In my part of the world, leaders declare martial law or a “state of emergency” at the drop of a helmet. And once they declare it, it often sticks around forever.

Syria has been under a “state of emergency” or martial law off and on since its first modern military coup d’etat in 1949. The country became independent of France in 1946 and had an elected government with president and parliament by 1948. But in March of 1949 the CIA backed a coup by Gen. Husni Zaim. Then from late 1948 until late 1951, civilian government returned, with a new constitution and parliament. Col. Adib Shishakli made another coup. He was overthrown by another general in February 1954. But then that general went back to the constitution and allowed a parliament to be elected. By 1957 martial law was lifted briefly.

I can’t go through all the coups and declarations of martial law in modern Syria. Suffice it to say that there were more, including in 1963. But that one stuck. The 1963 declaration of martial law just stayed in force, even after the 1970 coup that brought Hafez al-Assad to power in 1971. His son Bashar al-Assad succeeded him, and lifted martial law in 2011 in hopes of tamping down the Arab Spring. But then the civil war broke out that summer. I don’t know if al-Assad bothered to re-invoke martial law or a state of emergency, but it is the de facto state of affairs, after coming up on 10 years of civil war that killed hundreds of thousands and displaced half the country.

Trump wants desperately to be like a Syrian dictator.

I guess it is a good thing for us that the CIA apparently doesn’t much like Trump.

The Turkish military used to make a coup roughly every ten years. They would declare martial law until their membership in NATO made them go back to the barracks and bring back the civilian politicians. But after martial law in 1978-1983, the military government announced a state of emergency that lasted until 2002. In the late 1990s, the military made a “soft coup.” After the 2016 failed coup, President Tayyip Erdogan has been acting as though there were martial law in the country, essentially discounting constitutional rights.

In September, 1978, Mohammad Reza Pahlevi, the shah or king of Iran, had troops massacre protesting crowds on “Black Friday.” Effectively, martial law was declared, and by November, the shah brought in a military government. He was nevertheless overthrown.

The constitution of the subsequent Islamic Republic of Iran does not permit the executive to declare martial law– any such move needs parliamentary approval.

Iran’s is a deeply authoritarian government, but even it has the old revolutionary’s distrust of martial law as an instrument.

You have to wonder if the US needs a provision like that.

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2020 Exposed the Myth of American "Security" Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=45458"><span class="small">Sarah Lazare, In These Times</span></a>   
Tuesday, 22 December 2020 13:31

Lazare writes: "If there's one cen­tral les­son to take from 2020, it's that the coun­try with the most well-fund­ed 'secu­ri­ty state' in the world is also one of the least secure places on Earth."

The U.S. Navy's Blue Angels and U.S. Air Force's Thunderbirds perform a flyover tribute to 'honor' Covid-19 frontline workers on April 28, 2020, as seen from Weehawken, New Jersey. (photo: Michael Loccisano/Getty Images)
The U.S. Navy's Blue Angels and U.S. Air Force's Thunderbirds perform a flyover tribute to 'honor' Covid-19 frontline workers on April 28, 2020, as seen from Weehawken, New Jersey. (photo: Michael Loccisano/Getty Images)


2020 Exposed the Myth of American "Security"

By Sarah Lazare, In These Times

22 December 20


The “security state” not only failed to keep us safe, but worsened the coronavirus pandemic and unleashed violence on the people hardest hit.

f there’s one cen­tral les­son to take from 2020, it’s that the coun­try with the most well-fund­ed “secu­ri­ty state” in the world is also one of the least secure places on Earth. Fac­ing a dead­ly pan­dem­ic that rav­aged the globe, the Unit­ed States leads the world in over­all deaths, and is fourth in deaths per 100,000 peo­ple. Our cut­ting-edge, top-of-the-line, tril­lion-dol­lar “nation­al secu­ri­ty” appa­ra­tus was not only help­less in the face of an actu­al dan­ger, but repeat­ed­ly made that dan­ger far worse by fore­clos­ing on a more humane social response?—?and unleash­ing vio­lence on the very peo­ple hard­est hit.

This hor­rif­ic fact should be a wake up call that chal­lenges the very premis­es of how we per­ceive “threats” and dan­ger as we enter the 2020s.

The con­cept of “secu­ri­ty” is an orga­niz­ing prin­ci­ple behind how the U.S. gov­ern­ment allo­cates pub­lic resources. The U.S. mil­i­tary bud­get is, by far, the most heav­i­ly fund­ed in the world?—?larg­er than the mil­i­tary bud­gets of the next 10 coun­tries com­bined. Accord­ing to the Nation­al Pri­or­i­ties Project, in 2019, the mil­i­tary bud­get account­ed for 53% of the entire fed­er­al dis­cre­tionary bud­get, which Con­gress deter­mines through the appro­pri­a­tions process every year. This per­cent­age jumps con­sid­er­ably when you con­sid­er the “mil­i­ta­rized” bud­get that encom­pass­es spend­ing on U.S. wars, impris­on­ment, the war on drugs and immi­gra­tion crack­down (the Nation­al Pri­or­i­ties Project put the “mil­i­ta­rized bud­get” at 64.5% of dis­cre­tionary fed­er­al spend­ing in 2019). Ear­li­er this month, as unem­ploy­ment soared and Amer­i­cans wait­ed in miles-long bread­lines for food, Con­gress over­whelm­ing­ly passed a $740 bil­lion Nation­al Defense Autho­riza­tion Act for 2021. House Speak­er Nan­cy Pelosi (D?Calif.) praised the mil­i­tary bud­get from the House floor, say­ing it “strength­ens our secu­ri­ty.” (Pres­i­dent Trump has threat­ened to veto the NDAA over key griev­ances, includ­ing his insis­tence on the inclu­sion of a pro­vi­sion pro­hibit­ing the renam­ing of mil­i­tary bases that give trib­ute to Con­fed­er­ate figures.)

Mil­i­ta­riza­tion trick­les to the state and local lev­els, and is used to fund mas­sive prison and law enforce­ment infra­struc­ture. Rough­ly 0.7% of peo­ple in the Unit­ed States are in local jail, or fed­er­al or state prison. As the Prison Pol­i­cy Ini­tia­tive notes, “If this num­ber seems unwor­thy of the term ‘mass incar­cer­a­tion,’ con­sid­er that 0.7% is just shy of 1%, or one out of a hun­dred.” Like the U.S. mil­i­tary bud­get, this impris­on­ment appa­ra­tus is unri­valed glob­al­ly: The Unit­ed States accounts for less than 5% of the world’s pop­u­la­tion, but 20% of the world’s incar­cer­at­ed pop­u­la­tion. Mean­while, polic­ing con­tin­ues to account for a mas­sive chunk of munic­i­pal bud­gets. Accord­ing to Sludge’s June 2020 analy­sis of 473 U.S. cities, “spend­ing on police takes up almost one-third of munic­i­pal bud­gets,” a num­ber that climbs even high­er in poor cities.

This spend­ing, we are told over and over again, is nec­es­sary to pro­tect Amer­i­cans from dan­ger. The pri­ma­ry role of the state, accord­ing to this frame­work, is to pro­vide “secu­ri­ty”?—?from a “for­eign ene­my,” “crim­i­nals,” or some “oth­er” who alleged­ly pos­es an exis­ten­tial threat to the safe­ty and well­be­ing of Amer­i­cans. Each of these insti­tu­tions?—?prison sys­tems, police depart­ments, the U.S. mil­i­tary, the Depart­ment of Home­land Secu­ri­ty?—?comes with its own well-fund­ed press depart­ment that tells the pub­lic the dan­ger is great, and their ser­vices are need­ed now more than ever. This mes­sage echoes from the high­est ech­e­lons of U.S. polit­i­cal pow­er, as demon­strat­ed when Trump declared in March that Covid-19 is “our big war. It’s a med­ical war. We have to win this war. It’s very important.”

It’s impor­tant to make clear that the coro­n­avirus pan­dem­ic wasn’t a “black swan” event?—?some act of god out of the blue that we couldn’t have pos­si­bly pre­pared for. Rather, it was pre­dict­ed by health offi­cials and sci­en­tists for years. Bill Gates even made a video about U.S. vul­ner­a­bil­i­ty to the pan­dem­ic for Vox in 2015. This wasn’t a ran­dom event, it was both pre­dictable and banal in its inevitably. But there’s not a lot of mon­ey to be made by weapons con­trac­tors in bor­ing pan­dem­ic prepa­ra­tions, nor is there a lot of new sur­veil­lance pow­ers to be seized, so lit­tle fund­ing went into pan­dem­ic pre­ven­tion. Instead, emo­tion­al­ly charged fear mon­ger­ing that fuels U.S. expan­sion and pow­er?—?over the threat of “ter­ror­ism,” or the specter of Russ­ian or Chi­nese glob­al dom­i­nance?—?won the day and monop­o­lized our “secu­ri­ty” pri­or­i­ties. This is despite the fact that “ter­ror­ists” kill few­er peo­ple in the U.S. per year than fur­ni­ture, and the mil­i­tary bud­gets of Rus­sia and Chi­na are sig­nif­i­cant­ly small­er than that of the Unit­ed States.

When it became clear the Covid-19 pan­dem­ic posed an exis­ten­tial threat to actu­al human beings, not only was this bloat­ed secu­ri­ty appa­ra­tus use­less in pro­tect­ing peo­ple, it became a vec­tor of harm, mea­sur­ably wors­en­ing the pan­dem­ic. The U.S.-Saudi mil­i­tary coali­tion con­tin­ued bomb­ing Yemen even as the out­break raged, with Yemen’s med­ical sys­tem already dev­as­tat­ed by more than five years of relent­less war. Accord­ing to the groups Physi­cians for Human Rights and Mwatana for Human Rights, there have been at least 120 attacks on med­ical facil­i­ties between March 2015 and the end of 2018, leav­ing the coun­try espe­cial­ly ill-pre­pared to deal with the pan­dem­ic. The impe­r­i­al U.S. appa­ra­tus, strength­ened by its bloat­ed mil­i­tary, imposed dev­as­tat­ing sanc­tions in the midst of a pan­dem­ic, ratch­et­ing them up in Iran as doc­tors begged for relief, because they were unable to get basic med­ical sup­plies to treat an explod­ing out­break in the coun­try. Now that there’s a Covid-19 vac­cine, Iran­ian offi­cials say max­i­mum pres­sure sanc­tions are pre­vent­ing them from pur­chas­ing the Covid-19 vac­cine. The usu­al vio­lence of U.S. mil­i­tarism is now being unleashed on a world that is going through a dev­as­tat­ing and glob­al­ly inter­con­nect­ed cri­sis, where an out­break any­where affects peo­ple every­where. The con­cept of “nation­al secu­ri­ty” begins to break down in the face of a cri­sis that’s fun­da­men­tal­ly international.

With­in the Unit­ed States, the carcer­al sys­tem has proven to be one of the most harm­ful vec­tors of Covid-19 trans­mis­sion. The Mar­shall Project and Asso­ci­at­ed Press joint­ly report­ed on Decem­ber 18 that one in five peo­ple incar­cer­at­ed in fed­er­al pris­ons has test­ed pos­i­tive for Covid-19?—?a rate four times greater than the gen­er­al pop­u­la­tion. “In some states, more than half of pris­on­ers have been infect­ed,” the report notes, adding, “Near­ly every prison sys­tem in the coun­try has seen infec­tion rates sig­nif­i­cant­ly high­er than the com­mu­ni­ties around them.” Peo­ple impris­oned in Kansas and Arkansas, for exam­ple, are eight times as like­ly to con­tract Covid-19 than their sur­round­ing com­mu­ni­ties. The same holds true for peo­ple detained by Immi­gra­tion and Cus­toms Enforce­ment (ICE): A study pub­lished in JAMA found that, from April to August 2020, the Covid-19 rate among peo­ple detained by ICE was 13 times greater than the gen­er­al pop­u­la­tion. These out­breaks are not only dan­ger­ous and dead­ly for peo­ple who are locked up, but they spread the virus through broad­er soci­ety. In just one exam­ple, Uni­ver­si­ty of Chica­go researchers found in June that Cook Coun­ty Jail in Chica­go is respon­si­ble for 15.7% of all doc­u­ment­ed Covid-19 cas­es in Illi­nois. Despite the mea­sur­able infec­tions and deaths that spread through the U.S. incar­cer­a­tion sys­tem, local, state and fed­er­al offi­cials have over­whelm­ing­ly resist­ed calls to free peo­ple from prison.

And then, of course, there are the police beat­ings and killings that have con­tin­ued through­out the pan­dem­ic, dis­pro­por­tion­ate­ly tar­get­ing Black peo­ple?—?the very pop­u­la­tion hit dis­pro­por­tion­ate­ly hard­est by Covid-19 deaths and eco­nom­ic dev­as­ta­tion. Peo­ple who took to the streets over the sum­mer cry­ing out for dig­ni­ty, racial jus­tice and the right to live were ruth­less­ly beat­en by the same police depart­ments equipped with our military’s “sur­plus” sup­plies, then thrown in Covid-19 infest­ed jails. Yet Black Lives Mat­ter pro­test­ers turned out again and again, forced to endan­ger their own safe­ty in the mid­dle of a pan­dem­ic to address the scourge of police violence.

The very insti­tu­tions that we are told exist to keep Amer­i­cans “safe” have, in fact, wors­ened the most dan­ger­ous and fright­en­ing pan­dem­ic of our life­times. And a gov­ern­ment that pri­or­i­tizes allo­cat­ing funds to this “secu­ri­ty” state has stran­gled the actu­al social pro­grams that would have allowed us to mit­i­gate and con­tain the harms of this cri­sis much more effec­tive­ly. The best way to get the cri­sis under con­trol would be to sim­ply pay peo­ple to stay home?—?i.e. give them a way to pay rent, eat and avoid eco­nom­ic des­ti­tu­tion while sur­viv­ing the pan­dem­ic. But, from the begin­ning, the idea of robust month­ly pay­ments was ruled out by both Demo­c­ra­t­ic and Repub­li­can lead­ers alike. Mean­while, Medicare for All?—?a uni­ver­sal, sin­gle-pay­er health­care sys­tem?—?has been declared out of bounds by an incom­ing Biden admin­is­tra­tion over “deficit” con­cerns, even as tens of mil­lions of Amer­i­cans are forced to go through the pan­dem­ic with no health insur­ance. Stim­u­lus spend­ing has brought some relief, includ­ing expand­ed unem­ploy­ment insur­ance and one-off checks. But this relief spend­ing has been a small pit­tance com­pared to what’s need­ed. A fed­er­al gov­ern­ment that has no prob­lem churn­ing out mas­sive mil­i­tary bud­gets year after year has not been able to come togeth­er to fund a gen­uine human­i­tar­i­an response to the Covid-19 cri­sis that has left more than 300,000 peo­ple in the Unit­ed States dead.

The same holds true for local gov­ern­ments that are hell-bent on keep­ing police bud­gets high, even dur­ing the pan­dem­ic. As Indi­go Olivi­er report­ed for In These Times in July, “Faced with mass teacher lay­offs, deep cuts to edu­ca­tion and social ser­vices, and a loom­ing evic­tion cri­sis, police bud­gets across the nation remain absurd­ly high and have been large­ly insu­lat­ed from Covid-induced belt-tight­en­ing.” From Phoenix to San Diego to Louisville, Ky., numer­ous munic­i­pal­i­ties have even increased their annu­al police bud­gets in the mid­dle of the pan­dem­ic, defy­ing pro­test­ers’ demands to defund the police.

We are told repeat­ed­ly that the U.S. secu­ri­ty state is the best insti­tu­tion for respond­ing to social crises, whether it’s the pan­dem­ic, nat­ur­al dis­as­ters, the social tur­moil of pover­ty or the com­ing cli­mate cat­a­stro­phe. And with each new cri­sis, the secu­ri­ty state is fur­ther for­ti­fied and bol­stered, no mat­ter how great its fail­ures. This dev­as­tat­ing year demands that we stop for a moment and ask why the pre­em­i­nent secu­ri­ty state in the world failed to pro­tect its peo­ple from a great and press­ing dan­ger. And the only answer is that true “secu­ri­ty” can­not be found in aer­i­al bom­bard­ments or prison cells or police deploy­ments: It must emanate from the exact oppo­site?—?a civil­ian, sol­i­daris­tic response to social crises, premised on the prin­ci­ple that all our fates are bound togeth­er, and no one is dispensable.

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