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Another Corpse, Another Excuse: Who Has a Right to Be Tired After Walter Scott's Death? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=32445"><span class="small">Jeb Lund, Rolling Stone</span></a>   
Friday, 24 April 2015 13:27

Lund writes: "There was video of one of the police responding to the man's pleas of 'I'm losing my breath' with, 'Fuck your breath.'"

Protest shirts on a fence near where Walter Scott was killed by officer Michael Slager. (photo: Joe Raedle/Getty)
Protest shirts on a fence near where Walter Scott was killed by officer Michael Slager. (photo: Joe Raedle/Getty)


Another Corpse, Another Excuse: Who Has a Right to Be Tired After Walter Scott's Death?

By Jeb Lund, Rolling Stone

24 April 15

 

wo weeks ago, I started writing about the latest police killing of a black man. It was supposed to run that Friday, and in that faintly narcissistic way, I hoped it said something universal about the spiritual exhaustion of another such incident. But by midday Friday, there was already video of another black man shot to death by police — this time, supposedly accidentally, as the volunteer cop arresting him "reached for his taser" and, I don't know, missed. By the beginning of the next week, there was video of one of the police responding to the man's pleas of "I'm losing my breath" with, "Fuck your breath."

By next week, it will probably be someone else. The "every 28 hours" statistic might be bunk, but waiting for the inexorable progress of the clock is not. The ugliest implication is that, if you're busy today, you don't need to spend too much time lamenting this body and getting to know the person that used to inhabit it; there will be another one soon enough.

There is no way to not be tired. You can be angry — and you should — but that only accelerates the exhaustion. Being angry is an investment, in coiling your body, balling your fists, feeling an incipient twitch at another incoming cruelty, all rushing toward the moment when you simply have no choice but to relent because you cannot maintain the energy of always being threatened and outraged. Besides, depending on your race, the act of being publicly outraged may be the excuse the forces of order require to make you feel threatened. So you are allowed a moment's or a day's or a week's breath, because you need it — because if not this catastrophe, then the next, perhaps your own.

This most recent, most profound catastrophe is plain as day. Recorded by a man in passing, we see a police officer shooting Walter Scott in the back eight times. The officer, Michael Slager, pulled Scott over for a busted taillight, even though under South Carolina law only one working taillight is required. Slager's stop was part of a larger, discriminatory phenomenon called an investigatory stop, wherein people of color are disproportionately pulled over for minor offenses on the assumption that doing so will inevitably lead to discovery of more nefarious crimes. Scott ran from Slager — he had a history of failure to pay child support — and Slager fired eight bullets into him. Slager then handcuffed the dying Scott. Afterward, he claimed that Scott reached for Slager's taser, and on video Slager can be seen tossing a black object, presumably the taser, next to Scott's prone body. When the video surfaced, contradicting almost every aspect of Slager's original defense of his killing Scott, Slager's own lawyer resigned from his case.

Here it is, that rare time in America where a cop killing an unarmed black person might be so indelibly a murder that it actually results in a conviction, and, still, it is so tiring. Not just because days later we learned about Eric Harris accidentally being shot by a taser-seeking sometime-cop, not because of "fuck your breath." You don't need those. Walter Scott and his aftermath is enough; not just for what his death is, but for what it will be perverted into being. It's a bone-tired that should be worn in and on all of us, and that won't matter, because someone will come along to describe it as an aberrancy while pardoning every other statistic, blaming you for noticing, then claiming that no one really cares.

That's the first and most craven stage of tired — when you want to believe that, maybe, just this once, this guy shot in the back did some as yet unknown shot-in-the-backable offense. That maybe, please, O, Lord, this time the system was actually working. That you find yourself, all other loathing and institutional distrust aside, wishing the universe would reveal a detail signifying that the victim induced this nightmare. Not Fox News, but the actual universe, some rapidly spinning and expanding rule of cosmic law that you want to believe eventually coalesces around order and rationality. But there isn't, and there wasn't, and Walter Scott is still murdered in all but name.

Which brings only the second stage of tired — the constant weariness at hearing some invariably well-compensated performatively victimized white person trying to hammer a circle into a square to prove that Walter Scott shot himself in the back by some nefariously black means. And you know this will happen, because these are the same people who managed to conjure a good student like Trayvon Martin into a mesmerizing monster of inscrutable black art, who could lure a person allegedly concerned about safety to exit a lockable and drivable car over a 911 dispatcher's objections and go in pursuit of "a threat." So you will hear statistics about police killings of black suspects and detainees dismissed by statistics about black-on-black crime — a savagely cynical defense of racist thinking via racist thinking. And you know that you will go blue in the face trying to explain that black-on-black crime is no more dispositive of a racial predisposition to violence than white-on-white crime, because of course white victims of crime are overwhelmingly targeted by fellow whites. In an segregated society, we prey on our neighbors.

And then there's the third stage of tired — the fear that creating a movement around one death can always backfire. If you want to describe the faults of complex systems via a single incident, the case itself must be perfect for the systemic indictment to hold. This was the secondary misfortune of Ferguson: that Mike Brown was moving toward Officer Darren Wilson, appeared threatening even to bystanders and probably wasn't surrendering — that Brown may have been more than just "menacing" within air quotes, may have been impaired by high enough levels of THC to not register the risk, and may have run straight into an old racial narrative of a cop needing to "put down" the threat. That the facts of Mike Brown's death harmed a larger, true narrative of police (and Americans in general) prejudicially perceiving black "brutes" as more threatening, monstrously strong and immune to pain leaves you with alternatives like dropping the argument, making it so nuanced and qualified that half the participants in the discussion won't listen anymore, or ignoring the facts for the sake of a bigger picture. In so doing that last part, you dangerously approach the "Noble Lie" thinking of the ghouls who brought you Iraq Version II.

When you extrude the particular into the systemic, you amplify every little flaw into an escape clause. The tired and complacent want an escape from another depressing conversation; defenders and beneficiaries of the status quo only want an excuse big enough to escape through, impeach you and avoid the subject. There’s a reason why public policy wonks still hold up Loving v. Virginia as an ideally resonant example in the public consciousness. Any mixed marriage would, on the merits of human rights and equal protection, have sufficed to bring suit against a manifestly unjust and racist law, but the merits of fighting anti-miscegenation were just as important as the people involved — a white man and a light-skinned black woman (the optics mattered), with a committed marriage, healthy children and heartless exile from their hometown. The name Loving v. Virginia exhibited a heartbreaking perfection of nomenclature that reflected the heartbreaking near-perfection the litigants needed to exemplify just to make the court of public opinion consider injustice of greater concern than their biographies. Because that's what we do: when we see injustice, we want to pardon ourselves by figuring out how the victim did it, and how anyone saying otherwise is selling something.

And that's the fourth stage of tired — knowing how much your advocacy for justice will be dismissed as political, just as it collides with both the political and the self-exculpatory impulse to pardon the status quo. Even if Walter Scott's killing is deemed an open-and-shut murder, it will be dismissed in many circles as an aberration, the exceptional crime to prove the rule of a functional system. Then, boom, on to the next one. Those still harping on it will merely evidence a particular obsession that is paradoxically "profitable" — viz. a conservative incantation of "race hustling" and Al Sharpton — and so unprofitable that it must be proof of society's greater disinterest — viz. the recent ratings failures of MSNBC.

Conservative media crowed when an anonymous MSNBC source explained a recent spate of show cancellations with, "Going left...doesn’t work anymore...The goal is to move away from left-wing TV." The joke being that, aside from a few anchors, MSNBC was never a leftist network and usually acted like the 'Republicans R Dumb' DNC Yuk-Yuk Hour. A left-wing network would actually be refreshing, and in any event, the ratings excuse doesn't pass muster with anyone who knows anything about Morning Joe, starring Joe Scarborough as both Crazy Ira and The Douche, with Mika Brzezinski co-starring as his sidekick "A Girl."

The thing MSNBC did to set them apart for schadenfreude from centrist and conservative critics — beyond acknowledging a vaguely center-left reality as legitimate — was go hard after the Ferguson story and be unafraid to let it lead many hours of its programming for months. And, inasmuch as these things can be won or lost, they lost. Mike Brown's killing really wasn’t that innocent "Hands Up, Don’t Shoot" moment, and their ratings went down anyway. It turns out that, for the seventh consecutive decade since television became broadly available, indicting white America and the status quo doesn't move a lot of units. To date, nobody has figured out how to create mainstream profitability from a general condemnation of white America's complicity in giving law enforcement a free hand to terrorize and murder minorities so long as the end result is keeping the animals from the gates.

That's the real soul-crushing middle-American epiphany about the death of someone like Walter Scott: the idea that maybe you've traded your vote for anti-crime "security" for so long that you have incentivized a permanently paranoid state that has weighed the cost-benefit of another dead black man and realized that it can perpetuate and empower itself so long as the corpses fall outside your well-zoned, under-policed, ever-buffered, ever-secured neighborhood. All police conduct is political, and all police conduct can be politicized. The moment you engage it as political is the moment you start to engage the idea that these people are being shot before they can climb the fence into your subdivision, and they're being shot with the understanding that you either won't care that they're dead or will thank the people with the guns and the post-mortem handcuffs. That, maybe, the problem you're complaining about is the solution you asked for.

So it's onto the next one. The next corpse, the next excuse. Those excuses will range from the particular to the general. Maybe the cop had a reason. Maybe the corpse belongs to a thug — just look at his personal life. Maybe nobody cares; if they did, more people would be watching. Maybe those low ratings are the market saying the problem is solved. Maybe this is the cost of doing business. There will be more.

After Walter Scott was killed, I thought about something my former colleague Cord Jefferson wrote, as he took his leave of "The Racism Beat," the unofficial permanent writing assignment you get when you're a black journalist in a country this prone to killing black people on the flimsiest of pretexts: "Imagine an editor asking a writer to passionately articulate why a drunk driver hitting and killing a boy on a bicycle is wrong and sad... When another unarmed black [person] is gunned down, there is something that hurts about having to put fingers to keyboard in an attempt to illuminate why another black life taken is a catastrophe."

Trayvon Martin, Eric Garner, Tamir Rice, Walter Scott, and all the reasons above — they're all reasons to be tired. Reasons, but not good enough. Not unless you're one of the people with a target on your back—someone who realizes, as Deadspin's Greg Howard put it, that "it’s really not up to me... whether or not I make it back home at night," when "such a big part of being a minority is waking up and REALLY hoping it's not your turn."

For someone like Jefferson or Howard, skipping another day's portion of anger or despair is not only deserved but necessary. Going outside to catch a train to work shouldn't have to feel like manning the battlements again; Jesus, just order-in from Seamless and watch Netflix until you pass out. But for most of the rest of us — certainly the palest of us — tired isn't a doctor's note, and no matter how our feet or spirits ache, we're going to have to fill out that petition and march, if only to say that the next death cannot be in our names, is not for our protection and does not engender our relief. 

For most of us, exhaustion is a metaphysical cloak, something that can be put on with as much commitment as a philosophical pose or as much transience as a style. At any moment, we can shrug it off and melt into the crowd, preserved from and unmolested by an anxiety that for us is ever optional. Justice is never more false than when being a target is a choice, and every time we choose to exempt ourselves from that process, we signal a willingness to abet its preservation. Even if our thought process is nothing more sinister than, "I'm tired."

Feeling worn out is a joke when someone like Walter Scott has no choice but to rest forever. And I keep thinking about the weariness of people like Jefferson or Howard, who have it assigned to them both professionally and as penalty for waking up in a country socially on the wrong side of at least the 20th and perhaps still the 19th century. I keep thinking, too, about something I wrote months ago on Facebook, in the luxury of the distance and safety afforded by my heritage, before the Department of Justice report on Michael Brown's killing was published: 

"On several occasions over the last seven months, I've come very close to writing something like, 'Ferguson makes my heart so exhausted.' Each time, I pull back at the last moment, chastened by the thought of what it would be like if every living member of my family had felt that way for virtually the entirety of their lives."

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FOCUS | Zombies of 2016 Print
Friday, 24 April 2015 11:48

Krugman writes: "Last week, a zombie went to New Hampshire and staked its claim to the Republican presidential nomination. Well, O.K., it was actually Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey."

Paul Krugman. (photo: unknown)
Paul Krugman. (photo: unknown)


Zombies of 2016

By Paul Krugman, The New York Times

23 April 15

 

ast week, a zombie went to New Hampshire and staked its claim to the Republican presidential nomination. Well, O.K., it was actually Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey. But it’s pretty much the same thing.

You see, Mr. Christie gave a speech in which he tried to position himself as a tough-minded fiscal realist. In fact, however, his supposedly tough-minded policy idea was a classic zombie — an idea that should have died long ago in the face of evidence that undermines its basic premise, but somehow just keeps shambling along.

But let us not be too harsh on Mr. Christie. A deep attachment to long-refuted ideas seems to be required of all prominent Republicans. Whoever finally gets the nomination for 2016 will have multiple zombies as his running mates.

READ MORE

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FOCUS | Are Republicans at War With Their Own Future? Print
Friday, 24 April 2015 10:04

Taibbi writes: "Louisiana Governor Bobby Jindal was a guest contributor to the New York Times editorial page this morning. He figured this was a good place to reassert his opposition to gay marriage."

Louisiana governor Bobby Jindal reasserted his opposition to gay marriage in a 'New York Times' editorial. (photo: Jahi Chikwendiu/The Washington Post/Getty)
Louisiana governor Bobby Jindal reasserted his opposition to gay marriage in a 'New York Times' editorial. (photo: Jahi Chikwendiu/The Washington Post/Getty)


Are Republicans at War With Their Own Future?

By Matt Taibbi, Rolling Stone

23 April 15

 

ouisiana Governor Bobby Jindal was a guest contributor to the New York Times editorial page this morning. He figured this was a good place to reassert his opposition to gay marriage. Apparently non-Louisianans urgently needed the reminder.

As has become the fashion (and this is almost certainly a strategy cooked up by some high-priced, focus-group-humping consultancy inside the Beltway), Jindal carefully avoided the word "gay" when explaining his opposition to gay marriage.

Excepting the Beavis and Butthead-worthy headline, "I'm Holding Firm Against Gay Marriage" (which by custom would likely be written by someone at the Times), Jindal only used the word "gay" once in a column entirely about. . .gay marriage. For example, there was this passage about the fate of recent antigay measures in Indiana and Arkansas:

In Indiana and Arkansas, large corporations recently joined left-wing activists to bully elected officials into backing away from strong protections for religious liberty. It was disappointing to see conservative leaders so hastily retreat on legislation that would simply allow for an individual or business to claim a right to free exercise of religion in a court of law.

The emphasis here is mine. Jindal describes the popular objection to efforts to curb same-sex marriage as coming from "left-wing activists." Apparently, this is the new term for "young Republicans," who support same-sex marriage nearly as much as Democrats as a whole.

Depending upon whose polls you believe, support for same-sex marriage among Republicans in the millennial age category hovers somewhere around 60 percent, lagging just 15-20 percent behind their counterparts in the Democratic Party. That makes for a significant schism within the Republican Party on the same-sex marriage issue, the key predictor clearly being age. Here's how it breaks down, according to Pew:

Ages 70 and older: Only 20 percent favor same-sex marriage.

Ages 56 to 69: 30 percent in favor

Ages 35-50: 42 percent in favor

Under 35: 58 percent in favor

The data on this issue is hilarious and tracks with the varying support levels among Republicans on a lot of other social issues, like marijuana legalization (support levels there are around 60 percent among young Republicans).

Reading between the lines, the children of older Republicans no longer agree with their nutbar parents on these key social issues. These young Republicans will probably change the party platform to reflect that split sometime in the near future.

In other words, what Jindal describes as "left-wing radicalism" is actually the future consensus belief system of his own Republican party. As Ambrose Bierce once put it, radicalism is just "the conservatism of tomorrow injected into the affairs of today."

The Republican Party is a paradox. It has enjoyed tremendous success at the local level in recent years, but that success has come at a time of historically low voter turnout. With the demographic picture changing so fast in this country and the party's own youth rapidly changing their minds on key social issues, the Republicans seemingly have a choice to make.

The first choice would be to embrace a different future right now, and start a long-term rebuild based around the changing consensus on these social issues.

The other plan would be to forestall the passage of time for a few more election cycles, and try to squeeze a few more White House runs out of the party's aging, Fox-devouring, ideologically anachronistic base.

Neither strategy offers too much long-term excitement politically. And the latter path, sticking with the increasingly off-putting views of its aging base, threatens to undercut the Republican party's financial standing, as corporate America shows reluctance to be tied to politically unpopular causes.

Jindal's column today cleverly proposes a third path, an elaborate "grand bargain" that could save the party from this confounding political dilemma.

First, he wipes away the whole problem of the party's unpopular bigotry against gays through that simple semantic trick of calling it a religious liberty issue.

Then he ties "religious liberty" to economic freedom, and essentially argues that the American business world should campaign against gay rights out of – get this – self-interest:

The left-wing ideologues who oppose religious freedom are the same ones who seek to tax and regulate businesses out of existence. The same people who think that profit making is vulgar believe that religiosity is folly. The fight against this misguided, government-dictating ideology is one fight, not two.

This is a classic use of Woody Allen's "All men are Socrates" syllogism. All left-wing ideologues want to tax and regulate business out of existence; all left wing ideologues also want to make gay marriage legal; therefore, legalizing gay marriage will result in the end of free enterprise.

Are you confused yet? Jindal is basically saying that corporate America should oppose gay marriage because the people who support it are the same people who favor regulation and other allegedly antibusiness policies.

Forget that gay marriage is mostly uncontroversial for anyone born after disco, and that young Republicans also support it in massive numbers: the seemingly separate issues of gay rights and financial deregulation, Jindal says, are actually "one fight" that will require the business world to enter into a "grand bargain":

Those who believe in freedom must stick together: If it's not freedom for all, it's not freedom at all. This strategy requires populist social conservatives to ally with the business community on economic matters and corporate titans to side with social conservatives on cultural matters. This is the grand bargain that makes freedom's defense possible.

In other words, business leaders, if you don't want to be regulated out of existence by our opponents, you must stick with us batty conservatives on social issues, and indulge our total unwillingness to grow the hell up and move into the 21st century. Instead of change, that's Bobby Jindal's solution to the problem of his party's unpopular social stances.

Every now and then, political parties fall into traps of their own devising. It happened in 2004 to the Democrats, who in fear of looking weak to undecideds purged their antiwar candidates in the primaries, and then watched as a deflated party base served up the uninspiring John Kerry to be slaughtered in the general election.

In this cycle, the Republicans are caught between their future and their past on issues like gay marriage. They've been relying on religious conservatives to get numbers for so long that they won't know how to cut the cord when the time comes, and the numbers say that time will have to come fairly soon, if the party wants to stay viable nationally with young people. Who knows, maybe they'll figure it out by 2016. But it doesn't look like it.

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What Explains the Power of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev's Middle Finger? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29455"><span class="small">Glenn Greenwald, The Intercept</span></a>   
Friday, 24 April 2015 08:47

Greenwald writes: "The penalty phase of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev's trial began Tuesday in a federal courtroom in Boston."

Photo of Tsarnaev, taken by prison authorities in July 2013, as he waited alone for hours in a holding cell. (photo: U.S. Attorney's Office/AP)
Photo of Tsarnaev, taken by prison authorities in July 2013, as he waited alone for hours in a holding cell. (photo: U.S. Attorney's Office/AP)


What Explains the Power of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev's Middle Finger?

By Glenn Greenwald, The Intercept

24 April 15

 

he penalty phase of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev’s trial began Tuesday in a federal courtroom in Boston. Already convicted of 30 felony counts relating to the 2013 bombing of the Boston Marathon, an attack that killed 3 people and maimed dozens more, the 21-year-old will now have the jury effectively decide whether he should spend the rest of his life in a maximum security prison without the possibility of parole, or be executed. Federal prosecutors are vehemently arguing for the death penalty.

Paying even casual attention to media coverage of yesterday’s proceedings was surreal. What dominated headlines and journalists’ commentary was the above still photograph of Tsarnaev, taken by prison authorities in July 2013 (roughly three months after the bombing), as he waited alone for hours in a holding cell.

The photo captured the then-teenager extending his middle finger up — flipping the proverbial bird — to the surveillance camera in his cell. The graininess of the photo, and the proximity of his face to the lens, created an image at once menacing and dehumanizing: this encaged, orange jumpsuit-clad monster was in your face, full of unbridled rage and hatred directed right at you. The photo was used to show that, even three months after committing such an atrocity, he lacked any remorse or other redemptive human emotions.

CNN’s melodramatic “news” description was typical: “He glares into the camera defiantly, his middle finger raised in a profane salute.” Glares defiantly, a profane salute. A reporter with CBS’s Boston affiliate, Jim Armstrong, described how prominently the bird-flipping photo was being used by prosecutors to argue for Tsarnaev’s execution:

The Murdochian id of American journalism, the New York Post, asked: “Could a photo of Dzhokhar Tsarnaev giving the finger ensure his death penalty?” The reporter for Fox’s Boston station, Catherine Parrotta, observed that “a collective gasp was heard in the overflow courtroom as the photo of Tsarnaev giving the camera the middle finger was shown.”

It was, explicitly, the prosecutors’ intent to provoke exactly this reaction: this one photo, standing alone, was designed to produce a visceral, bottomless contempt for Tsarnaev which even disgust at his actual crime could not achieve. The expectation was that it would irreversibly establish the jury and public’s view of him as not just evil but sub-human, deserving of state-imposed death.”This is Dzhokhar Tsarnaev: unconcerned, unrepentant and unchanged,” said the federal prosecutor as she touted the photo. “Without remorse, he remains untouched by the grief and the loss that he caused.”

It worked. All over the TV airways and the Internet, all sorts of people cited the photo to argue that he should be killed. The Washington Free Beacon’s Lachlan Markay’s reaction was common:

Like most things that happen in a U.S. criminal court, and like most dominant narratives propagated by the American media, the message created by exploiting this photograph was completely misleading. All anyone has to do in order to see that is watch the 37-second video from which the screen shot was grabbed:

Rather than some sort of calculated, sustained display of evil scorn for America and his victims — CNN’s “defiant salute” — the actual video shows a 19-year-old prisoner bored from sitting alone for hours in a jail. The middle finger was preceded by other gestures that he maintained longer. He was using the camera as some sort of mirror and appears to be occupying and mildly amusing himself. The still photo was shown by prosecutors rather than the video because the former is menacing and the latter is not. Long-time criminal attorney Jeralyn Merritt noted how banal the actual behavior was:

I don’t see any anger, just boredom. Who wouldn’t be bored sitting alone in a holding cell all day?

What a big to-do about nothing. The reporter who said his face showed huge anger should cover something other than criminal trials.

Beyond that, it seems clear that to the extent this was an expression of hostility, it was directed to his captors and not to “America” or his victims: hardly evidence of some sociopathic lack of remorse but rather a predictable and very common sentiment on the part of those who are imprisoned. And then there’s the fact that someone’s emotional posture two years ago does not prove they hold the same one today.

The jury was allowed to see the full video only yesterday, a full day after having the photo paraded around in front of their faces. While the prosecutor used the photo to make all sorts of claims about Tsarnaev’s death-deserving character, “the judge did not allow [his lawyer] to characterize the fleeting gestures.” It will be left to the jury to use their rational faculties to process the potent emotions that have been purposely stoked in them with the manipulative use of the photo — something most human beings are not very good at doing.

But let’s assume that he really had stuck his middle finger up in anger and contempt. Why would such a trite and common gesture — one that not just every teenager but most adults use — be so meaningful, so powerful? Why was there an expectation on the part of the prosecutors — well-grounded, it turns out — that this image could provoke a level of contempt for Tsarnaev among the jury and the public that not even the gut-wrenching testimony of the grieving relatives of his victims could generate?

The idea seems to be: it’s one thing to commit premeditated mass murder. But flipping the bird? That is beyond the pale. Off to the electric chair! At first glance, this seems absurd to the point of being laughable, like some sort of caricature of Victorian morality. He isn’t just murderous but gauche! It’s tempting and easy to scoff at the indignation produced by the photo, to dismiss it as vapid and shallow group-think. That was certainly my initial reaction upon seeing all of this unfold yesterday.

But the more I thought about it, the more I realized that the reaction which Tsarnaev’s middle finger provokes says a great deal about our penal state, the purposes of these punishment rituals, and the primal collective impulses that shape how the American criminal justice system tries to impose the maximum degree of suffering. There’s a reason the U.S. imprisons more of its citizens than any other country on the planet by far, and does so under the most oppressive and merciless conditions at least in the Western world.

In the U.S., it isn’t enough that dangerous criminals be removed from society for protection of innocents. It isn’t enough that a criminal be imprisoned long enough to be rehabilitated. It isn’t even enough that punitive justice or vengeance be fulfilled by putting the criminal into a cage for decades or the rest of his life.

Much more is needed. At least as important is that the criminal must be debased. He must be seen to suffer not just from a deprivation of liberty, but also to be emotionally, psychologically, mentally anguished. The punishment can’t just physically restrain his body, but must inflict suffering in his mind, on the deepest level of his soul.

That’s why there is a craving to see not just debasement, but a specific species of it: self-abasement. The criminal process demands — in exchange for tiny amounts of leniency (we’ll imprison you for life instead of killing you) — that the guilty party prostrate himself before the judicial authority, before all of us. He must condemn himself at least as much as he’s condemned by the court. He must declare his internal pain, his self-contempt, his complete and utter submission.

Through that self-abasement process, we get to enjoy the satisfaction of seeing the condemned drowning in pain in the deepest part of his mind. But it also affords the benefit of self-vindication: even those who have this extreme suffering imposed on them agree that this is just, right and deserved.

The overwhelming majority of criminal cases in the U.S. conclude this way: by the accused publicly confessing his own guilt and declaring his “remorse,” which must translate as convincing mental anguish if it is to be accepted and rewarded with small amounts of humane treatment. As long-time federal judge Jed Rakoff wrote last November, “while 8 percent of all federal criminal charges were dismissed . . . more than 97 percent of the remainder were resolved through plea bargains, and fewer than 3 percent went to trial. The plea bargains largely determined the sentences imposed.”

As Judge Rakoff details, the U.S. criminal justice system is desperately dependent upon the accused’s willingness to declare his own guilt. The system would collapse without that. So all the rules have now been shaped to coerce — one could say compel — criminal defendants to be their own confessors. The system is so pro-prosecution, and punishment is so severe for those who refuse to cooperate — for those who insist on their constitutional right to a jury trial and then lose — that every rational person, by definition, would strongly consider declaring their own guilt even when they aren’t. As Judge Rakoff put it:

The prosecutor-dictated plea bargain system, by creating such inordinate pressures to enter into plea bargains, appears to have led a significant number of defendants to plead guilty to crimes they never actually committed.

The reason? “Though there are many variations on this theme, they all prove the same basic point: the prosecutor has all the power.”

What the U.S. criminal justice system demands most from those who plead guilty is a showing of remorse: a willingness to stand up and condemn oneself, to declare that one is already suffering internally from the crime. There is ample legal scholarship demonstrating that “judges tend to use their discretion to impose lighter sentences on remorseful defendants” and “even capital juries seem to factor in the remorsefulness of the defendant in deciding between a life sentence or the death penalty.” Clearly, “empirical studies have shown that remorse plays an important role in observers’ judgments of defendants.”

It’s far from obvious that a willingness to publicly condemn oneself this way should be relevant at all to punishment, let alone predominant. The view that remorse is largely irrelevant to guilt and punishment was once pervasive in the U.S. and still dominant in other western nations’ justice systems. But now, in America, a form of extreme self-flagellation is demanded if any minimal degree of mercy is to be shown.

As a byproduct of the most primal aspects of human nature, none of this, of course, is new. The 20th century French philosopher Michel Foucault devoted years to demonstrating the central importance of mental suffering and gruesome debasement in the history of the West’s penal schemes. In Discipline and Punish, he emphasized the vital role self-condemnation plays in this ritual:

[T]hough the law strictly speaking did not require it, this procedure was to tend necessarily to the confession. And for two reasons: first, because the confession constituted so strong a proof that there was scarcely any need to add others, or to enter the difficult and dubious combinatory of clues; the confession, provided it was obtained in the correct manner, almost discharged the prosecution of the obligation to provide further evidence (in any case, the most difficult evidence). Secondly, the only way that this procedure might use all its unequivocal authority, and become a real victory over the accused, the only way in which the truth might exert all its power, was for the criminal to accept responsibility for his own crime and himself sign what had been skilfully and obscurely constructed by the preliminary investigation. ‘It is not enough’, as Ayrault, who did not care for these secret procedures, remarked, ‘that wrong-doers be justly punished. They must if possible judge and condemn themselves’ (Ayrault, r. I, chapter r4) …

Through the confession, the accused himself took part in the ritual of producing penal truth. As medieval law put it, the confession ‘renders the thing notorious and manifest’. . . .  [T]he confession was therefore highly valued; every possible coercion would be used to obtain it.

While the “Civilized West” now largely hides its penal brutality behind clinical processes and the pretense of humane treatment (using our elevated scientific mind and capacity for great mercy, we privately inject people’s veins with fatal poison instead of publicly drawing-and-quartering or beheading them like those primitive fanatics Over There), the primal desire to impose suffering is at least as thriving.

If you doubt that, just read James Ridgeway’s harrowing account yesterday at the Intercept about the very pervasive American scheme of putting people in cages for life without the possibility of ever being released until death, or descriptions of the even-worse widespread use of the insanity-inducing torture called “solitary confinement.”

There are reasons the U.S. is the world’s largest penal state, and among its most oppressive, and those reasons reside in the political and cultural character of the country, and specifically in its desire to impose maximum amounts of pain and suffering under the guise of justice. That’s why even opponents of the death penalty frequently argue that life in prison is worse: it’s always a contest as to how the most suffering can be inflicted.

Tsarnaev’s middle finger provoked seemingly as much disgust as the murders for which he has been convicted because it represented his refusal to submissively play the role assigned to those who are to be punished. The gesture is depicted as a challenge to — a “defiance” of, as CNN put it — proper authority, a crime worse than any murders. As the media tale tells it: rather than prostrating himself before us all and the mighty judicial system we’ve created to justify our imposition of suffering, he’s expressing anger over it, a contempt for it. He’s thus depriving us of the satisfaction and self-validation we crave, and for that he must be punished even further: with death.

There are all sorts of other dynamics at play here. To begin with, the criminal justice system excels at reducing the condemned to their single worst act so that limitless punishment feels warranted. The Intercept’s criminal justice senior editor, Liliana Segura, who has observed countless trials, put it this way to me:

Having the media seize on this single gesture to fan outrage and vengeance is the perfect microcosm of the way in which we reduce prisoners to one bad act, their worst act, no matter what else they achieve later or went through before, thereby completely dehumanizing them. And it is by dehumanizing them, obviously, that we are able to condemn them to the worst cruelty and punishment.

Then there is the powerful cultural marker this is designed to signal, much the way the media loves to circulate pictures of African-American or Latino teenagers who are killed by the police, showing them in “rebellious” poses which are innocuous and common for teenagers but designed to tell us to think that they probably were doing bad things and thus deserved what they got. Conservative sites used pictures of Trayvon Martin with his middle finger extended and smoking pot to suggest that he deserved to be killed by George Zimmerman.

Jingoism — an incomparably powerful tribal drive — also takes center stage here. “A middle finger to America,” declared the British tabloid Daily Mail. The NY Post caption underneath the video proclaimed: “The unrepentant bastard has pure contempt for America.”

That Tsarnaev is a Muslim accused of politically-motivated terrorism makes the image even more outrage-producing. Instead of bowing his head in repentance and submission to a more-powerful America, he’s using what CNN called a “salute”: a demonstration of military-like strength and defiant power that cuts deep at the core of the American psyche in profound and visceral ways, much the way that the collapse of the Twin Towers did.

None of this is about the crime itself (which I’ve written about before), nor about whether there are mitigating factors for it. One can think Tsarnaev committed an atrocity quite independent of his fleeting bird-flipping gesture. It’s about why the image of Tsarnaev’s middle finger produced such potent reactions and dominated media coverage, at the expense (as usual) of compelling substantive questions that have been almost completely ignored. And the explanation says a great deal about the primitive, brutal, and quite definitively American views of the purpose of the criminal justice system and how and why punishment is administered.

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Feeding Senators for Little Fun and No Profit Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Thursday, 23 April 2015 13:30

Pierce writes: "Invisible People always have existed within the toxic fairy tale about the American Dream that we tell each other when electing someone every four years."

Former senator Jeff Bingaman sits down to eat with Senator Bob Corker in the Senate cafeteria. (photo: unknown)
Former senator Jeff Bingaman sits down to eat with Senator Bob Corker in the Senate cafeteria. (photo: unknown)


Feeding Senators for Little Fun and No Profit

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

23 April 15

 

he Guardian has an interesting piece by one of the people tasked with making sure the members of the United States Senate do not go hungry. No, not lobbyists with fat expense accounts. This guy cooks in the Senate cafeteria and cooking for the Senate apparently is cooking on -- and for -- the cheap. He's decided to embark on a wildcat job action.

I'm a single father and I only make $12 an hour; I had to take a second job at a grocery store to make ends meet. But even though I work seven days a week – putting in 70 hours between my two jobs – I can't manage to pay the rent, buy school supplies for my kids or even put food on the table. I hate to admit it, but I have to use food stamps so that my kids don't go to bed hungry. I've done everything that politicians say you need to do to get ahead and stay ahead: I work hard and play by the rules; I even graduated from college and worked as a substitute teacher for five years. But I got laid-off and I now I'm stuck trying to make ends meet with dead-end service jobs. American voters should ask themselves: if presidential candidates won't help the workers who serve them every day, will they really help the millions of low-wage American workers who they don't know or see?

"Or see" is the heart of it. Invisible People always have existed within the toxic fairy tale about the American Dream that we tell each other when electing someone every four years. Different groups of people have been invisible from time to time throughout our history but, except for some very brief and rare exceptions, poor people have been the permanently Invisible People because poor people give the lie to the fantasy, and we can't or won't have that. We treat poor people the way that the Soviet authorities treated Andrei Chikatilo, the Railway Killer. The Soviet system was too perfect to allow someone to become a serial murderer, let alone one of the most atrocious in history. In the same way, the American Dream, this country's primary narcotic, cannot admit that poor people exist through no fault of their own, or through neglect and cruelty hardwired into the system. Better not to see them.

The only periods in which they become visible for a prolonged length of time is when the economy generally goes to pieces, and the people who are not poor, and who never have been poor, suddenly find themselves looking poverty in the face. This makes the reaction to the 2008 Great Recession something of a historical anomaly. Even facing their own personal economic crises, a great number of Americans allied themselves, not with their fellow citizens in trouble, but with politicians and opinion leaders who were running the ball for the people who wrecked the joint. If I had to guess, and I do, I'd say this was because the most recent catastophe occurred after a very successful 30-year campaign against the very notion that we as a self-governing commonwealth could use the institutions of that government as a counterweight to the money power, and to help those of our fellow citizens who were severely victimized by its crimes. You cannot emphasize with the invisible, even if it's handing you your ham-on-rye.

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