Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6097"><span class="small">Gabriel Sherman, New York Magazine</span></a>
Thursday, 23 July 2015 08:30
Sherman writes: "Sarah Palin disrupted the GOP nominating process and made being a potential primary contender a full-time job. Her decision to cash in by quitting the Alaska governor's office for Fox News and tea-party stardom established a new business model. As this year's ballooning GOP field shows, there are many long-shot candidates who are seeking to follow her path."
A supporter of Senator Rand Paul purchases campaign buttons in Louisville, Kentucky, April 7, 2015. (photo: Luke Sharrett/Getty)
Why the GOP Primary Is Doomed by the Free Market
By Gabriel Sherman, New York Magazine
23 July 15
n Tuesday, if all goes according to plan, Ohio governor John Kasich is scheduled to announce his presidential candidacy. In any normal year, someone with Kasich’s résumé — ex-investment banker, former Congressman, and moderate two-term governor of the swing state that has decided every presidential election since 1964 — would surely have no trouble breaking through. But this isn’t any normal year. Kasich is set to become the 16th declared candidate to enter the Republican primary, tying the all-time size record. According to the latest Public Policy Poll, Kasich will debut in second-to-last place with one percent support. If these numbers hold, he'll be barred from the opening Fox News debate scheduled for August 6 in Cleveland.
That a popular Midwest governor who was reelected with 64 percent of the vote last year finds himself at the bottom of the barrel is just the latest proof that this year's GOP primary has gone completely off the rails. The grown-ups in the party have taken to blaming Donald Trump for the chaos, but the truth is that the forces are much bigger than Trump's hair. What this year's primary shows is that — at least when it comes to presidential elections — the GOP is at risk of becoming less of a political party and more like a talent agency for the conservative media industry. Jumping into the race provides a (pseudo)candidate with a national platform to profit from becoming a political celebrity. "If you don’t run, you’re an idiot," a top GOP consultant told me.
In the old days, the path to profiting from politics led politicians into the corner offices of banks, corporations, and lobbying firms. Many still go that route. But with her 2008 breakout, Sarah Palin disrupted the GOP nominating process and made being a potential primary contender a full-time job. Her decision to cash in by quitting the Alaska governor's office for Fox News and tea-party stardom established a new business model. As this year’s ballooning GOP field shows, there are many long-shot candidates who are seeking to follow her path. Since January 2014, Ben Carson has earned as much as $27 million from delivering 141 speeches and publishing three books including You Have a Brain: A Teen’s Guide to T.H.I.N.K. B.I.G. Former Hewlett Packard CEO Carly Fiorina made nearly $1 million in speeches last year and published a memoir. Mike Huckabee’s Fox News contract was worth $350,000 a year before he left to join the race, according to sources. This year he also released a book God, Guns, Grits, and Gravy. Ted Cruz made a reported $1.5 million for his book, A Time for Truth.
These candidates have made six- and seven-figure paydays even before the first ballot is cast. With hours of free airtime on television to promote their brand, their market value is sure to increase. “Even if you lose, you exponentially increase your marketability,” the consultant told me. “Right now, let's say you’re giving speeches for $20 grand. You run and it becomes $40,000. If you do well, maybe there’s a Fox show. Then you write a book about how to save the party. Then you write another about why the next president sucks. There’s a million marketing opportunities."
After Mitt Romney’s 2012 loss, a GOP-commissioned autopsy revealed that voters saw the party as “scary’ ‘narrow-minded’ and ‘out of touch.’” This year’s reality-show primary significantly complicates Republicans’ efforts to soften the brand for a broader electorate. After all, a candidate seeking to monetize a demographic niche has zero incentive to modulate their message for wide appeal. “The conversation during the primary is driven by self-serving interests and aimed at a certain constituency,” complains another top GOP strategist. “There is no need to be responsible for those particular candidates in language, issue-focus, or anything else since it's not about the overall party.”
The size of the GOP primary fields has paralleled the growth of conservative media. In 1996, the year Fox News launched, ten candidates ran. In 2000, it was 13. This year, the total is likely to reach 17 when former Virginia governor Jim Gilmore gets in next month. “There is a cottage industry that doesn't exist for Democrats,” a GOP strategist told me.
What this means is that, on the left, the political celebrity economy is divided along the same unequal lines as the real one. The Clintons, with Bill’s multi-million-dollar speeches and Hillary’s $14 million book advance, are the one percent. Beyond them, there’s no functioning market that would reward a bunch of candidates for contesting their monopoly. “The institutions don’t exist,” Bob Shrum, the veteran campaign strategist, says. “We don’t have a network dedicated to giving people a place to go.” Sure, there's MSNBC, but the channel reaches a much smaller audience than Fox. Liberal talk radio bombed with the demise of Air America. And liberal books, by and large, don't sell like conservative titles do. Right now Ted Cruz's book is on the Times best-seller list. Is anyone dying to read a new release from Martin O’Malley?
The disparity between the size of the two primary fields is driven by political and structural forces. The rise of billionaire donors and super-PACs enable more fringe GOP candidates to fund their campaigns. Conservatives’ palpable sense of cultural victimhood encourages them to embrace (and reward) their former candidates even if they lose badly. “The people on the right are heroes to their supporters, and that’s how their books sell,” Shrum says. And conservatives who promote free-market gospel on the lecture circuit can get easily booked by deep-pocketed corporations who benefit from their message. "A bank is never going to hire Bernie Sanders to speak, but it might hire Rick Perry," says one GOP adviser.
In at least one way, it's ironic that Republicans are now fretting that their media-driven primary is damaging the party's electoral prospects. They are, after all, the party of the free market. What is more free than a candidate earning millions from the primary process?
Trumka writes: "The Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010 was meant to protect our economy from Wall Street greed. The legislation was passed into law in response to the 2008 financial crisis, which caused home foreclosures for millions of families and long-term unemployment for tens of millions of workers."
Former Senator Chris Dodd and Representative Barney Frank. (photo: Reuters)
Happy 5th Birthday, Dodd-Frank
By Richard Trumka, Reader Supported News
22 July 15
he Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act of 2010 was meant to protect our economy from Wall Street greed. The legislation was passed into law in response to the 2008 financial crisis, which caused home foreclosures for millions of families and long-term unemployment for tens of millions of workers.
The Dodd-Frank Act led to some positive change over the last five years. For example, it created the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which has recovered billions in dollars for consumers from financial institutions that violated federal laws. But some of the biggest offenders are still operating in a "business as usual" mode.
On this fifth anniversary of the Dodd-Frank Act, I wish I was writing a congratulatory letter to all the regulatory agencies in Washington, D.C., for its successful implementation. Instead, I'm expressing the frustration of millions of working families who believe there is a lot of work still to be to done to rein in Wall Street excess.
The truth is that the Dodd-Frank Act was a compromise that largely left to the regulators the details around many structural changes. As a result, it has proven to be vulnerable to the political power of the handful of "too big to fail" banks that continue to dominate our financial system and exert disproportionate influence on our politics.
For example, financial regulators have not finalized many of the Dodd-Frank Act's executive compensation reforms. The Securities and Exchange Commission has not yet required public companies to disclose their ratio of CEO to median employee pay. And the financial regulators have failed to issue a final rule to ensure that large financial institutions stop paying their executives in ways that encourage excessive risk taking.
The time has come to finalize the Dodd-Frank Act's rules. We must also reject Congressional efforts to weaken the Dodd-Frank Act -- most of which are thinly disguised efforts to help the wealthiest people and institutions in our country. And finally, we must finish the job of financial reform by implementing a modest tax on financial speculation, breaking up too-big-to-fail banks, and passing the "21st Century Glass-Steagall Act" to ensure that commercial banks cannot play speculative games that lead to financial meltdown.
The Dodd-Frank Act improved economic stability in many ways, but the biggest banks are still allowed to gamble with taxpayer-backed funds. This means they still have the power to hold the nation's economy hostage, leaving taxpayers on the hook for another bank bailout.
Now is the time to change the rules and close loopholes that enable the big Wall Street banks to benefit themselves and increase their political power with no regard for protecting customers' or taxpayers' money. Working people should not have to suffer for the mistakes of unscrupulous financial institutions, and workers demand that this broken system be fixed.
Failure to Properly Fund VA Is a Betrayal of Veterans
Wednesday, 22 July 2015 13:43
Excerpt: "It is seldom a surprise when politicians renege on their promises. But a failure to properly fund the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) goes beyond politics. It is a betrayal."
Department of Veterans Affairs. (photo: Getty)
Failure to Properly Fund VA Is a Betrayal of Veterans
By Edward Francis Meagher and David Seres, The Hill
22 July 15
t is seldom a surprise when politicians renege on their promises. But a failure to properly fund the Department of Veterans Affairs (VA) goes beyond politics. It is a betrayal. The VA has gone to Congress, as they have year after year, and requested an adjustment to their budget. The nearly $3 billion shortfall, if not funded, will have devastating consequences to those dependent on the VA for healthcare and other services, including the closing of entire hospitals.
In the past, Congress has routinely allowed for a mid-year supplement based on actual usage numbers and has given the VA some latitude to reallocate appropriated funds for one purpose to a new, more pressing need. But that was during a time when the VA was off limits for political maneuvering. That was during a time when responsible congressional leadership realized that promises made to veterans were sacred and actually meant to be kept. That was during a time when congressional budgeteers realized that no planning had been done and no money set aside to take care of veterans when wars had been declared. But now it is apparently acceptable to make political points and qualify, after the fact, the degree of commitment and the resources to be appropriated to take care of our veterans. This is a national disgrace.
Put yourself in a veteran's boots. You have gone to war based on the certainty that we, the people, will care for you after you put yourself in harm's way to protect us and our way of life. You have risked your life and have now returned with chronic medical conditions directly attributable to taking that risk. You have reconstituted your life, career and family. Your complex healthcare, a right guaranteed under multiple declarations of human rights and by the U.S. government, is well organized and reliably delivered at the VA hospital. Now imagine having to contemplate moving or becoming unemployable in order to travel to another VA hospital, sometimes hours away and where your difficult issues are unknown, while Congress bats the VA budget request around like a political ping-pong ball.
Critics to the increase in funding blame mismanagement at the VA for the current shortfalls. There have been accusations of billions of dollars in waste and contracting violations, and a recent revelation that many of the over 800,000 veterans on the backlog of patients needing care in the system are actually deceased. They question why the VA should be given even more money when such problems exist.
The VA, however, is in a time of massive change. The nomination of Robert McDonald, the current secretary for Veterans Affairs, was approved based on his promises to create the much-needed reform. The recently appointed under secretary for Health, Dr. David Shulkin, was selected in part to bring fresh ideas and an outsider's perspective to the changes needed at the VA. Many complain that change has been too slow, while others worry that change on the scale and at the pace required to see immediate results presents risks to an organization responsible for, as an example, more than 86 million outpatient visits per year.
Other critics will point to the faulty budgeting process. How many other agencies are allowed to come to Congress mid-year for such a substantial influx in cash? But how many doctors, nurses and other medical caregivers do you need to take care of an unknown number of patients with an unknown number and severity of medical conditions who can show up anywhere and anytime during the course of a year? What is the exact size of a budget that will accommodate these multiple unknowns and also be adequate to pay for new lifesaving drugs, treatments and equipment that becomes available during the course of a year? Whose crystal ball is so clear as to be able to forecast such a budget in advance?
Rather than hamstring the VA as a way to make political hay with the noisy far right, legislators should grow backbones, roll up their sleeves and help find ways to help fix the VA, rather than punishing the veterans that we sent into harm’s way.
Legend writes: "This past Thursday, President Barack Obama became the first sitting president to visit a federal prison; just a few days earlier, he commuted the sentences of 46 low-level drug offenders."
John Legend. (photo: Getty)
Mass Incarceration Is Destroying America
By John Legend, TIME
22 July 15
President Obama's decision to commute the sentences of 46 low-level drug offenders is a positive step
his past Thursday, President Barack Obama became the first sitting president to visit a federal prison; just a few days earlier, he commuted the sentences of 46 low-level drug offenders. Both are steps forward in transforming our wrong-headed criminal justice system, but they are just that: steps. Our state and local governments must follow the president’s lead and transform our destructive “War on Drugs” into the public-health campaign it always should have been.
America, as more and more people are starting to realize, is indecently over-incarcerated. We lock up far more people per capita than any nation even close to our size: roughly 2.4 million men, women, and children. The financial toll of mass incarceration is irresponsible; the human toll is unconscionable.
We haven’t always been this way: Just 40 years ago, our incarceration rates were much lower, and on par with our peer nations. Since then, however, our prison population has ballooned by about 700%. What happened four decades ago that led to such a steep climb? We launched the so-called War on Drugs.
The full scope of how badly we lost that “war”—and how ill-advised it was to launch it in the first place—began to dawn on me in 2012, when I served as executive producer for Eugene Jarecki’s documentaryThe House I Live In. At the time, the War on Drugs had cost $1 trillion and led to 45 million arrests. Since then, those numbers have only risen.
It’s become even clearer, as I’ve visited correctional facilities and listened to inmates’ stories, that we’ve done great harm in criminalizing drug abuse. In California I met a 17-year-old methamphetamine addict who’d fallen into drug abuse after experiencing repeated sexual and physical abuse by his uncle. While incarcerated, however, instead of getting the treatment he needed, he was abused, again, and subjected to solitary confinement. Sadly, this is not a story on the margin.
There is a better way. This past Thursday, while the president was in Oklahoma, I visited a different kind of correctional facility in Portugal. It was like stepping through a looking glass—but into a more just system.
In 2001, Portugal took the bold step of decriminalizing all drug use. The Portuguese decided, instead, to treat addiction as a medical issue, with medical professionals at the center of their response system. Their correctional conditions are the exact opposite of ours; they are humane and tranquil. The facility I visited had cows and lambs out front, as part of the farm the inmates help run. They rarely use solitary confinement.
Some might be surprised to learn that Portugal has not fallen apart after 14 years of this humane, public-health-oriented approach. Quite the opposite, in fact: Portugal has seen drug-use rates, as well as drug-induced deaths, markedly decline.
Here in America, by contrast, we pay lip-service to the idea that addiction is a disease; we certainly don’t treat it like one in our jails and prisons. That’s a terrible mistake. No one grows up wanting to be a drug addict any more than anyone grows up wanting to be a diabetic or an alcoholic. Sure, people’s choices play a role in falling prey to those sicknesses; but those choices are often constrained by the mentally and emotionally debilitating effects of poverty. And further fracturing sick people’s lives through harsh punishment is no way to help them get better.
Those of us who have seen these diseases up-close understand that what a sick person needs is treatment, not punishment. As a teenager growing up in Ohio, I watched my mother disappear into more than a decade of drugs and despair after my maternal grandmother—a person who filled our whole family with love—passed away. My mother’s addiction didn’t just tear her life apart; it tore me and the rest of our family apart, too. Drug addiction, for anyone who doubts it, is a serious problem, and our society is right to want to tackle it.
But we’ve been going about it wrong. My mother didn’t need punishment; she needed help. Criminalizing drug abuse only further shatters people and families that are already in pieces.
And what’s true of drug criminalization is, unfortunately, true of our criminal-justice system in general: It takes people whom we have failed since birth—subjecting them to substandard food, poor living conditions, failing schools, unsafe communities—and then tries to “correct” them through inhumane, over-punitive treatment. That strategy would be a joke if it weren’t so sad.
Fortunately, some change is beginning to take root. The president is showing important leadership, and some state and local governments—which are where the vast majority of criminal-justice policy is made—are undertaking reform. Last November, I phone-banked and released a PSA on behalf of California’s Proposition 47, a historic ballot initiative that reclassified felonies that should never have been felonies, to misdemeanors. Thanks to Prop 47’s passage, tens of thousands of California inmates are now eligible for release, and nearly a million Californians are eligible to be freed from the label “felon.”
Similar change is needed across the country. For four decades, we have embraced the lie that incarceration makes us safer—that it protects us from “dangerous” people. Mass incarceration, does not make us safer; it makes us more vulnerable. It destroys communities, wastes resources, separates families, ruins lives. It is the result of policies that criminalize poverty and make prisons and jails become warehouses for deeply damaged people with little or no access to mental health or substance abuse treatment. Instead, let’s invest those resources in our neighbors and family members so they don’t end up in the system to begin with, and if they do, so they can get back on their feet.
The 46 people whose sentences the president commuted last Monday are just a drop in an ocean of lives that have been torn apart by the War on Drugs and the era of mass incarceration. It’s time to stop warring and start healing.
FOCUS: The Spirit of Judy Miller Is Alive and Well at the NYT, and It Does Great Damage
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29455"><span class="small">Glenn Greenwald, The Intercept</span></a>
Wednesday, 22 July 2015 10:36
Greenwald writes: "She granted anonymity to government officials and then uncritically laundered their dubious claims in the New York Times."
Glenn Greenwald. (photo: Reuters)
The Spirit of Judy Miller Is Alive and Well at the NYT, and It Does Great Damage
By Glenn Greenwald, The Intercept
22 July 15
ne of the very few Iraq War advocates to pay any price at all was former New York Times reporter Judy Miller, the classic scapegoat. But what was her defining sin? She granted anonymity to government officials and then uncritically laundered their dubious claims in the New York Times. As the paper’s own editors put it in their 2004 mea culpa about the role they played in selling the war: “We have found a number of instances of coverage that was not as rigorous as it should have been. In some cases, information that was controversial then, and seems questionable now, was insufficiently qualified or allowed to stand unchallenged.” As a result, its own handbook adopted in the wake of that historic journalistic debacle states that “anonymity is a last resort.”
But 12 years after Miller left, you can pick up that same paper on any given day and the chances are high that you will find reporters doing exactly the same thing. In fact, its public editor, Margaret Sullivan, regularly lambasts the paper for doing so. Granting anonymity to government officials and then uncritically printing what these anonymous officials claim, treating it all as Truth, is not an aberration for the New York Times. With some exceptions among good NYT reporters, it’s an institutional staple for how the paper functions, even a decade after its editors scapegoated Judy Miller for its Iraq War propaganda and excoriated itself for these precise methods.
That the New York Times mindlessly disseminates claims from anonymous officials with great regularity is, at this point, too well-documented to require much discussion. But it is worth observing how damaging it continues to be, because, shockingly, all sorts of self-identified “journalists” — both within the paper and outside of it — continue to equate un-verified assertions from government officials as Proven Truth, even when these officials are too cowardly to attach their names to these claims, as long as papers such as the NYT launder them.
Let’s look at an illustrative example from yesterday to see how this toxic process works. The New York Times published an article about ISIS by Eric Schmitt and Ben Hubbard based entirely and exclusively on unproven claims from officials of the U.S. government and its allies, to whom they (needless to say) granted anonymity. The entire article reads exactly like an official press release: Paragraph after paragraph does nothing other than summarize the claims of anonymous officials, without an iota of questioning, skepticism, scrutiny or doubt.
Among the assertions mindlessly repeated by the Paper of Record from its beloved anonymous officials is this one:
Excerpt with data on IS and leaked documents. (photo: The Intercept)
Leave to the side the banal journalistic malpractice of uncritically parroting the self-serving claims of anonymous officials, supposedly what the paper is so horrified at Judy Miller for having done. Also leave to the side the fact that the U.S. government has been anonymously making these Helping-The-Enemy claims not just about Snowden but about all whistleblowers for decades, back to Daniel Ellsberg, if not earlier. Let’s instead focus on this: the claim itself, on the merits, is monumentally stupid on multiple levels: self-evidently so.
To begin with, The Terrorists™ had been using couriers and encryption for many, many years before anyone knew the name “Edward Snowden.” Last August, after NPR uncritically laundered claims that Snowden revelations had helped The Terrorists™, we reported on a 45-page document that the U.K. government calls “the Jihadist Handbook,” written by and distributed among extremist groups, which describes in sophisticated detail the encryption technologies, SIM card-switching tactics and other methods they use to circumvent U.S. surveillance. Even these 2002/2003 methods were so sophisticated that they actually mirror GCHQ’s own operational security methods for protecting its communications.
Data covering the “Jihadist Handbook” from 2002-2003. (photo: The Intercept)
This “Jihadist Handbook” was written in 2002 or 2003: more than a full decade before any Snowden revelations. Indisputably, terrorists have known for a very long time that the U.S. government and its allies are trying to intercept their communications, and have long used encryption and other means to prevent that.
The New York Times’ claim that ISIS learned to use couriers as a result of the Snowden revelations is almost a form of self-mockery. Few facts from Terrorism lore are more well-known than Osama bin Laden’s use of couriers to avoid U.S. surveillance. A 2011 article from the Washington Post — more than two years before the first Snowden story — was headlined: “Al-Qaeda couriers provided the trail that led to bin Laden.” It described how “Bin Laden strictly avoided phone or e-mail communications for fear that they would be intercepted.”
Terrorists have been using such surveillance-avoidance methods for almost two full decades. In May, we published a 2011 NSA document that quoted Jon Darby, NSA’s then-associate deputy director for counterterrorism, as saying that “[o]ur loss of SIGINT access to bin Laden actually occurred prior to 9/11 — it happened in 1998.”
If one were engaged in journalism, one would include some of these facts in order to scrutinize, question and express skepticism about the claims of anonymous officials that ISIS now uses encryption and couriers because of Snowden reporting. But if one is engaged in mindless, subservient pro-government stenography, one simply grants anonymity to officials and then uncritically parrots their facially dubious claims with no doubt or questioning of any kind. Does anyone have any doubts about what these New York Times reporters are doing in this article?
There’s one more point worth noting about the New York Times’ conduct here. As has been documented many times, Edward Snowden never publicly disclosed a single document: Instead, he gave the documents to journalists and left it up to them to decide which documents should be public and which ones should not be. As I’ve noted, he has sometimes disagreed with the choices journalists made, usually on the ground that documents media outlets decided to publish should have, in his view, not been published.
One of the newspapers that published documents from the Snowden archive is called “The New York Times.” In fact, it is responsible for publication of some of the most controversial articles often cited by critics as ones that should not have been published, including ones most relevant to ISIS. When it comes to claiming credit for Snowden stories, the New York Times is very good at pointing out that it published some of these documents. But when it comes to uncritically publishing claims from anonymous officials that Snowden stories helped ISIS, the New York Times suddenly “forgets” to mention that it actually made many of these documents known to the world and, thus, to ISIS. What the New York Times is actually doing in this article is accusing itself of helping ISIS, but just lacks the honesty to tell its readers that it did this, opting instead to blame its source for it. In the NYT’s blame-its-source formulation: “The Islamic State has studied revelations from Edward J. Snowden.”
When I was first told about the Sunday Times’ now disgraced story claiming that Russia and China obtained the full Snowden archive, my initial reaction was that the story was so blatantly inane and so journalistically corrupted — based exclusively on unproven, self-serving accusations from anonymous U.K. officials — that it wasn’t even worth addressing. I changed my mind and decided to write about it only when I saw huge numbers of journalists sitting around on Twitter that night uncritically assuming that these claims must be True because, after all, government officials said them and a newspaper printed them.
I went through exactly the same process when I saw this Snowden-helps-ISIS claim laundered yesterday in the New York Times. I assumed that the “journalism” here was so glaringly shoddy that nobody needed me to write about it, and that a few mocking tweets would suffice. Everyone knows by now to treat anonymous government claims like this critically and not accept them as true without evidence — or so I reasoned.
But then I began seeing one self-described journalist after the next treat the accusation from these anonymous officials as tantamount to Proven Truth. They just started asserting that Snowden’s revelations helped ISIS without a molecule of doubt, skepticism or critical thought. That’s what makes this process so destructive: once the New York Times uncriticallypublishesa claim from a government official, even (maybe especially) if anonymous, huge numbers of “journalists” immediately treat it as Truth. It’s shocking to watch, no matter how common it is.
Here are just a few examples: first, from New York Times reporter Alex Burns, stating the Snowden-helped-ISIS claim as fact:
After I noted that the NYT “reported” no such thing but merely uncritically wrote down what anonymous officials said, here’s Harwood explicitly defending classic stenography as “reporting”:
And now the bottom-feeding British tabloid Daily Mail has a just-published screaming, hysterical story based exclusively on the anonymous assertion laundered by the New York Times:
The British tabloid Daily Mail's headline for a New York Times story. (photo: The Intercept)
Look at what the New York Times, yet again, has done. Isn’t it amazing? All anyone in government has to do is whisper something in its journalists’ ears, demand anonymity for it, and instruct them to print it. Then they obey. Then other journalists treat it as Truth. Then it becomes fact, all over the world. This is the same process that enabled the New York Times, more than any other media outlet, to sell the Iraq War to the American public, and they’re using exactly the same methods to this day. But it’s not just their shoddy journalism that drives this but the mentality of other “journalists” who instantly equate anonymous official claims as fact.
The peak of the Sunday Times’ humiliation was when its lead reporter, Tom Harper, went on CNN and expressly admitted that the paper did nothing other than mindlessly print anonymous government claims as fact without having any idea if they were true. What made Harper a laughingstock was this sentence, captured in a Vine by The Guardian’s HannahJane Parkinson (to listen, click the “unmute” button in the lower right-hand corner):
How is this not exactly what the New York Times, yet again, has done? In fact, if one replaces “British” with “American,” is that not the actual motto describing how this paper so often behaves, one might even say their core function?
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